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Abstract

The study is an examination of the conversion challenges confronting Akan Christian Royals in Ghana. The Western missionaries and missionary established churches demand that as part of their conversion requirements, Akan Royals must reject and disassociate themselves from the Black Stool, ancestors and all ancestral related activities. The Royals who claim that their families have become Christian royal families insist that authority symbols like the Black Stools and ancestral ceremonies like the Adae do not take the place of the sovereignty of God and the Lordship of Christ in their belief system. Moreover, participation in Palace services prepares them for traditional leadership and does not take them away from their faith in Christ. The traditional leadership institutions and the Royals that welcomed the Western missionaries, provided them with hospitality, security and resources for the missionary work have come to be considered as unchristian and an anathema to the Christian faith. The position of the church has created tensions within Akan Christian Royal and put the genuineness of their conversion in doubt. The study which is qualitative in nature uses both primary and secondary methods in its information gathering. Its findings provide responses to some contemporary tensions in gospel and culture studies in African Christianity.
E-Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences (EHASS)
ISSN 2720-7722 | Volume 2 Issue 11 – November 2021 pp 179-190
Available online at: https://noyam.org/journals/ehass/
DOI: https://doi.org/10.38159/ehass.20212112
© 2021 The Author(s). Published and Maintained by Noyam Publishers.
This is an open access article under the CCBY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
Conversion Experience of Akan Christian Royals in Ghana
ABSTRACT
The study is an examination of the conversion challenges confronting Akan
Christian Royals in Ghana. The Western missionaries and missionary established
churches demand that as part of their conversion requirements, Akan Royals must
reject and disassociate themselves from the Black Stool, ancestors and all ancestral
related activities. The Royals who claim that their families have become Christian
royal families insist that authority symbols like the Black Stools and ancestral
ceremonies like the Adae do not take the place of the sovereignty of God and
the Lordship of Christ in their belief system. Moreover, participation in Palace
services prepares them for traditional leadership and does not take them away
from their faith in Christ. The traditional leadership institutions and the Royals that
welcomed the Western missionaries, provided them with hospitality, security and
resources for the missionary work have come to be considered as unchristian and
an anathema to the Christian faith. The position of the church has created tensions
within Akan Christian Royal and put the genuineness of their conversion in doubt.
The study which is qualitative in nature uses both primary and secondary methods
in its information gathering. Its ndings provide responses to some contemporary
tensions in gospel and culture studies in African Christianity.
Keywords: Akan Royals, Christian Conversion, Cultural Identity, Black Stool,
Authority Symbols
INTRODUCTION
The Western missionaries used Salem and Schools as Christian formation patterns for the nurturing of converts
in Akan communities.1 The schools for instance that attracted people of all ages and backgrounds also attracted
students from the Palace and Royals. The mission schools pursued comprehensive education that targets the
head, the hand and the heart.2 Many of the students who achieved academic laurels in mission schools also
ended up becoming converted into the Christian faith.
Akan Royals who have accepted the Christian faith like the others in schools and Salem do not have
any doubt about the genuineness of their conversion and belief in the saving grace of God and Lordship of
Christ.3 The genuineness of the conversion of Akan Royals has however, received consistent resistance from
Western missionaries and missionary instituted churches due to their association with some traditional beliefs
and practices. While the church expects the royals to completely abandon and disassociate themselves from
the traditional leadership institution, the royals keep insisting that the concerns of the church do not actually
take anything away from the genuineness of their Christian conversion.
1 Hans W. A Debrunner, History of Christianity in Ghana (Accra: Waterville Publishing House 1967).
2 Noel Smith, The Presbyterian Church of Ghana 1835-1960. (Accra: Ghana University Press, 1966).
3 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum on June 1, 2004 at Asante Mampong in the Ashanti Region of Ghana.
Correspondence
Kwadwo Opuni-Frimpong
Email: opuni@hotmail.com
Publication History
Received 21st October, 2021
Accepted 18th November, 2021
Published online 26th November,
2021
Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong1 & Michael Kwadwo Ntiamoah1
1 Department of Religious Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi-Ghana
© 2021 The Author(s). Published and Maintained by Noyam Publishers.
This is an open access article under the CCBY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
180
Opuni-Frimpong K. & Ntiamoah M.K. / E-Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences Vol.2 No.11 (2021) pp. 179-190
E-Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences (EHASS)
The claim of genuine conversion of the Akan Royals which the church considers to be in doubt, has
however, been acknowledged and accepted by the traditional community and the Palace. The Royals and
traditional leaders have come to be recognized as Christian Royals and chiefs. The families of Akan Royals
who have accepted the Christian faith have subsequently been considered and recognized as Christian Royal
families. According to the Omanhene of Asante Mampong Nana Osei Bonsu, ‘the missionaries introduced
Christianity in Asante and built schools to educate people, especially the members of the Royal family. People
became Christians while in school and in the course of time most Royals were converted to the English Church
Mission. We nd that our families were Christians at birth; in other words, we were born into Christianized
royal families.’4
Some missionary churches have sustained the doubt of the genuineness of the conversion of the
Christian Royals even in the post-missionary Akan churches. The Presbyterian Church of Ghana for instance
insists that traditional functionaries can not become Christians. According to the Constitution of the church,
‘no Christian is expected to be a stool/skin functionary, for almost every stool functionary has to participate in
some ceremony connected with ancestral spirits and it is evident that no categorical declaration on the purely
civil signicance of the various stool emblems and ceremonies can be made.’5
The study seeks to ascertain whether Akan Palace functions hinder the Akan Royals from the
Sovereignty of God and the Lordship of Christ. Moreover, the study intends to appreciate the signicance of
the Black Stool and its related functions in the Palace and identify the dimensions that have been considered
as conversion challenges to the conversion of the Akan Christian Royals.
METHODOLOGY
The study, been qualitative in nature adopted both primary and secondary sources in its information gathering.
Available relevant materials on Akan Christian Royals in Asante, Akuapem and Akyem were examined to
appreciate the conversion challenges of the Akan Royals. Selected individuals with insights into Akan Royals
and the Christian faith were interviewed to appreciate the conversion challenges of Akan Christian Royals.
The observation and interviews were done with the intention to appreciate the interface between the Akan
traditional leadership institution and the Christian faith in order to establish the challenges that have existed
between the Christian faith and the conversion of Akan Christian Royals.
The Challenge of being a Christian and an Akan Royal
The integration of the Christian faith and Akan traditional belief systems has remained a challenge in
Christianity in Akan communities.6 The challenge has aected the spirituality and conversion of Akan
Christian Royals. While the Akan Royals want to maintain their faith in Christ, they are equally aware of their
royal responsibilities and are willing to make themselves available for traditional service to the communities.
The Akan indigenous belief systems and values shaped the spirituality and cultural identity of Akan
Royals.7 The Royals and Palace functionaries provided leadership to the communities even before the arrival
of the Western missionaries. The indigenous belief values encouraged the Akan traditional leaders and the
Palace functionaries to welcome the missionaries as they introduced the Christian faith to the Akan people.8
However, rejection and disassociation from the traditional belief systems and Palace functions were considered
as requirements for Christian conversion. As part of the conversion requirements of Akan Royals, Williamson
has observed that, ‘the convert learned to avoid all kinds of traditional practices, and all too often to despise
the old pattern of life.’9
4 Irene Odotei, and George Hagan, The King Returns: Enstoolment of Asantehene Osei Tutu II. (Accra: Institute of African Studies,
2002), 133.
5 Presbyterian Church of Ghana, Constitution 2016 Edition (Accra: Waterville Publishing House).
6 Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong, “Jesus Shall Reign? An Examination of Christian Mission to the Akan Palace,” Pentecostalism,
Charismaticism and Neo-Prophetic Movements Journal 2, no.4 (2021): 29-41. https://doi.org/10.38159/pecanep.2021241
7 Kwadwo Ntiamoah, Religious and Social relevance of Nsuae (oath swearing) in Akan indigenous formation E- journal of
Religious and Theological Studies, 1, no. 2. (September, 2015): 122- 139.
8 Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong, “Akan Indigenous Knowledge Systems and the Christian Faith in Ghana: A Review of the Major
Works of Robert Rattray” E-Journal of Religious and Theological Studies, 7 no.8 (2021): 107-119
https://doi.org/10.38159/erats.2021781
9 Sidney G. Williamson. Akan Religion and the Christian Faith –A Comparative Study of the Impact of Two Religions. (Accra:
Ghana University Press, 1965.), 57.
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The Christian conversion requirements of Akan Royals indicated that they must disassociate from the
traditional leadership institution before their conversion to the Christian faith could be considered genuine and
authenticated. The conversion requirements have been considered as an imposition of the cultural worldview
of European value setting on the Akan cultural belief system.10 In his estimation, Williamson has pointed out
that, ‘the missionary attitude to indigenous beliefs and practices and to traditional institutions has left at least
the impression that in the eyes of Western missionaries everything African is to be condemned.’11
The concern of Akan Royals in their conversion process was how to maintain their newfound faith in
Christianity and also maintain their cultural identity as Akan Royals as indicated by Kwame Bediako.12 For
Busia, ‘the new convert is poised between two worlds: the old traditions and customs he is striving to leave
behind, the new beliefs and practices to which he is still a stranger. The church would help him better, if she
understood the former while she spoke with authority about the latter.’13
The conversion challenges subsequently led to some level of lack of condence in the conversion
of Akan Christian Royals. In responding to the conversion challenges of Akan Christian Royals Busia has
argued that, ‘for conversion to the Christian faith to be more than supercial, the Christian church must come
to grips with traditional beliefs and practices, and with the worldview that these beliefs and practices imply.’14
Conversion was pursued through disassociation without engagements on the pre-conversion belief
systems. The conversion requirements prescribed for the Akan Christian Royals have therefore been observed
as inadequate to meet the spiritual needs of the Akan Christians.15 Williamson has opined that ‘the issue
of importance is, not whether the church has been established, but what kind of church and whether it is
integrated with Akan society and able to meet in a real and vital fashion Akan spiritual need.’16 Conversion
challenges and questions of the royals remained unanswered as the issues involved are not accommodated in
the Christian education and nurturing programmes of the church.
The acceptance of the Christian faith by the Akan Royals does not mean the rejection of Akan
indigenous belief values. The insistence of the church for the Royals to reject and disassociate from the
indigenous belief values has however led to identity crisis and tension within Akan Royal converts. According
to Noel Smith, ‘the advent of Christianity and the adoption of the Christian faith by many Africans have not
changed the traditional worldview, and it is this fact that has given rise to many of the problems which beset
the Christian church today.’17 The Royals in the church are struggling with an identity crisis as the church is
not responding to their conversion challenges beyond the demand for disassociation and rejection.
The Black Stool, ancestors and ancestral related practices have remained the issues in the conversion
challenges of Akan Christian Royals. On his reection on the conversion challenges of the Akan Christianity
Busia has observed that, ‘for the Akan, the stool is the symbol par excellence of his future. This is why I threw
the challenge, which I throw again that the question of the place of chieftaincy in the Christian church of the
Gold Coast is important and urgent, if Christianity is to touch the whole of our group life.’18 For Christianity to
aect the entirety of Akan life the challenges of cultural integration must be adequately addressed. The gospel
must engage cultural beliefs in the Black Stool that serve as the major authority symbol of the traditional
leadership.
Williamson does not refute the immense contributions of the Basel Mission to Christian expansion in
Ghana.19 His worry however, was the failure of missionaries to integrate the Christian faith into the cultural
milieu of the Akan. His concern is that the church should be able to meet the real spiritual needs of the people
10 Robert S. Rattray, Religion and Art in Ashanti. (London: Oxford University Press, 1927).
11 Ko A. Busia. ‘Ancestor worship, libation, stools, festivals in S.G. Williamson (ed) Christianity and African Culture (Accra:
Christian Council of Gold Coast, 1955), 158.
12 Kwame Bediako, Theology and Identity: The Impact of Culture Upon Christian Thought in the Second Century and Modern
Africa, (Oxford: Regnum Books 1992).
13 Sidney G. Williamson (ed) Christianity and African Culture (Accra: Christian Council of Gold Coast, 1955), iii.
14 Williamson (ed). Christianity and African Culture, iii.
15 Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong, K. “The Akan Traditional Leadership Formation: Some Lessons for Christian Leadership Formation”
E-Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences 2, no.7 (2021): 75-91 https://doi.org/10.38159/ehass.2021272
16 Williamson. Akan Religion and the Christian Faith, 173.
17 Smith. The Presbyterian Church of Ghana 1835-1960, 65.
18 Busia. ‘Ancestor worship, libation, stools, festivals in S.G. Williamson (ed) Christianity and African Culture, 22.
19 Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong “Christian Faith and Akan Culture in Ghana: A Review of Major Works of Sidney George Williamson”
Journal of Mother-Tongue Biblical Hermeneutics and Theology 3, no.1(2021): 21-31. https://doi.org/10.38159/motbit.2021321
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and thus it must not present itself as an alien institution to the people. He therefore states that, ‘the church is
an alien institution, not yet rooted in Akan traditional life and failing to meet Akan spiritual need.’20
Akan Royals and Traditional Authority Symbols
Akan indigenous leadership institution has served the leadership needs of both the Akan people as well as
others who have associated with the Akan people.21 The indigenous leadership is closely knit to the Royal
families. The Royal families are responsible for the identication, formation and maintenance of traditional
leadership. The traditional authority symbols that serve as the symbols of oce for traditional leaders are the
preserve of the Royal families.22
The symbols of authority have been considered as marks of identity and ownership. They identify
the families and the people who have the recognition to provide leadership to the communities. The Royals
can claim access to leadership only when they are able to connect themselves to the authority symbols. The
authority symbols are the recognition of the role of the ancestors who initiated the establishment of the
communities.23
Due to the fact that only the Royal families have the mandate to provide leadership in Akan communities,
they are expected to make themselves available at all times for service. Rejection and disassociation from the
traditional leadership and the authority symbols are considered as irresponsible behavior and betrayal by the
Royals. They own the land that their ancestors have toiled for and therefore are expected to provide leadership
for continuity.24
The beginnings of Akan communities were initiated by hunters and farmers who moved into
communities to practice their trade. The hunters for instance after pilling up their game would go back to
their original communities to solicit help from families and friends to assist in conveying the meat to the
settlements. The people who accept to assist are provided with portions of land to build interim settlements
while getting ready to travel. Such interim facilities are kept and later developed into bigger communities.
The family of the original settler and their descendants remain the royals and providers of leadership to the
communities. The word Odehyeε which is explained to mean the owners of the boundaries is an indication
that the original settler is the one who assigned the lands to the people and therefore is able to determine the
specic areas that were allocated to the people.25
The descendants of the original settler who have access to leadership are traced from the female side
of the family. The sons and daughters of the female royals are the Royals who have access to the throne.26 The
Akan inheritance system is largely matrilineal. The assumption behind the matrilineal system, which prevails
in the communities in which this study concentrated, is that mothers possess and therefore transmit royal
blood. Men are considered to transmit not mogya (blood) but their sunsum (soul) and therefore do not share
their blood with their children as women do. Identication and association with a person’s maternal family
therefore determine access to inheritance in the matrilineal communities. Such Royals inherit the properties
of their uncles, mothers, brothers and that of their great-grandmothers and uncles.27
Akan royals are expected to maintain their Royal identity and cultural belief systems. They participate
in Palace functions, traditional festivals, recognition of ancestors, Black Stools, libation prayers, traditional
drumming and dancing. The participation in such traditional beliefs and activities has created tensions between
Akan Christian Royals and the church.28 Some Royals have in the process distanced themselves from Palace
beliefs and activities in order to maintain their Christian faith and positions. The church in some instances has
also disciplined some Royals who have accepted traditional Royal functions by withdrawing them from the
Holy Communion and denying them a full Christian burial.29
20 Williamson. Akan Religion and the Christian Faith, 172-173.
21 Opuni-Frimpong,. “Akan Indigenous Knowledge Systems and the Christian Faith in Ghana.
22 Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong, “The Signicance of the Black Stool as an Educational Resource in Akan Traditional Patterns of
Learning,” E-Journal of Religious and Theological Studies, 7 no.10 (2021): 153-165. https://doi.org/10.38159/erats.20217101
23 Nana Addo Dankwa III, The Institution of Chieftaincy in Ghana – The Future. (Accra: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 2004).
24 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa III November 22, 2004 Akropong Akuapem.
25 Opuni-Frimpong,. “Jesus Shall Reign?
26 Interview with Addo-Fening June 6, 2004 Legon Accra.
27 Interview with Mercy Amba Oduyoye May14, 2004 Legon Accra.
28 Interview with Sam Prempeh September 1, 2004 Osu Accra.
29 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
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The Akan Christian royals insist that they do not deny nor replace the Lordship of Christ and the
sovereignty of God with their ancestors.30 The Akan Royal Christians live in tension with the Christian faith
in their conversion armation as some churches established by Western missionaries like the Presbyterian
Church of Ghana reject their conversion without disassociation from the ancestors and traditional authority
symbols like the Black Stool.31
The Salem and Christian Conversion
The creation of Salem communities remained a major formation and conversion pattern of the Basel Mission.
Lands were acquired at the outskirt of the towns for Christian settlements. The assumption was that the
new converts would not be able to maintain their newfound faith living in the traditional communities. The
fear of being contaminated with ‘heathen’ cultural practices demanded that the Christians move out to new
environments that were built with Christian values and belief practices. The Basel Mission used Biblical
passages in support of their eort of separation. Williamson has noted that, ‘the Basel Mission went farther,
separating its converts geographically, grouping them in a segment of the town, called ‘Salem’, and using
such scriptural injunctions as (2 Cor 6: 17).’32
The Salem communities created another pattern of leadership in Akan communities. The traditional
leaders and Palace functionaries were the sole community leaders before the arrival of the missionaries. The
introduction of the Salem communities created another layer of community leadership in Akan communities
as the Mission House and the church premises performed activities that previously were performed in the
Palace and family houses.33 Church leaders assumed leadership in the communities in matters of dispute
settlements, the performance of rites of passage like naming, marriage and funeral ceremonies. Conrmation
of young people in the church and schools replaced the adolescent rites like dipo and bragoro as Christians
were debarred from participation in such rites.
The Salems developed their own regulations, procedures and practices. Church members were
required to live according to the Christian values and standards to qualify to attend the holy communion and
Christian burial. Church members were further required to disassociate themself from traditional and cultural
practices to guarantee their continuous stay in the Christian communities. Christians who accepted traditional
face marks, Palace functions and sent their disputes to the Palace or family heads were subjected to Christian
discipline including ex-communication and vacation from the Salem. Church members were prepared to stand
against their traditional leaders on matters that the church leaders considered as unchristian and uncivilized.34
Akan Royals who accepted the Christian faith were equally asked to settle in the Salem. They were
compelled like all church members to disassociate themselves from the traditional practices in order to
maintain their continuous stay in the Salem. Several prominent traditional leaders objected to the creation of
parallel leadership in the Akan communities but the Basel Mission did very little to respond to the accusation.
Some of the converted royals that accepted to settle in the Salem were prepared to identify with the church
and rejected their own family members.35
The gospel adopts the cultural categories of its cultural milieu for its interpretation and expression.36
The apostles and missionaries of the New Testament period seem to have approached their listeners on the
basis of what they did believe, at least to the extent that they proclaimed Christ as the Saviour of men within a
cultural milieu.37 The missionaries however, introduced European cultural worldview in their encounter with
Akan people. According to Williamson ‘the missionary enterprise among the Akan did not take this line, but
being western in outlook and emphasis felt bound to deny the Akan worldview, not only on the basis of what
was essentially Christian belief but on the ground of what was, in eect, a European worldview.’38
30 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
31 Presbyterian Church of Ghana Constitution 2016 Edition (Accra: Waterville Publishing House), 152.
32 Williamson. Akan Religion and the Christian Faith, 56.
33 Smith. The Presbyterian Church of Ghana 1835-1960.
34 Opuni-Frimpong. Christian Faith and Akan Culture in Ghana.
35 Opuni-Frimpong. Jesus Shall Reign?
36 Andrew Walls. The Missionary Movement in Christian History. (New York: Orbis Books, 1996).
37 Robert J. Schreiter. Constructing Local Theologies. (New York: Orbis Books, 1985).
38 Williamson. Akan Religion and the Christian Faith, 168.
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The Salem as a pattern of Christian formation and conversion is not very paramount in the post-
missionary church in Akan communities. The conversion requirements of Akan Royal to disassociate
themselves from ancestors and ancestral-related cultural practices have however, remained. There are instances
where royals have declined Palace functions as a result of their Christian faith. Others have also come under
church discipline for their decisions to accept Palace functions by the missionary instituted churches.
The conversion challenges of Akan Royals are related mainly to the Black Stool, ancestors and ancestral
related activities.39 The missionary instituted churches insist that Christian conversion cannot be genuine unless
the Royals and others reject and disassociate with the indigenous leadership/authority symbols. The Royals
however, claim that the demands of the church on their conversion are a denial of service to the community
that is a preserve of the Royals an action that makes them irresponsible to their various communities. The post
missionary churches in Akan communities need to provide critical responses and answers to the conversion
challenges confronting Akan Christian Royals. The responses must further pay attention to other functions of
the Black Stool and ancestral related activities that Western missionaries used to determine the genuineness
of the conversion experience of Akan Christian Royals.
Akan Black Stool: Source of Oral Literature or Object for Propitiation?
Responses to the tension between the Christian faith and Akan culture have remained an ongoing dialogue.
The Christian Council of Ghana has made several eorts to provide responses to the conversion challenges
of the Akan Christians. The 1955 meeting of the Christian Council of Ghana, for example, attempted to
provide a response to the Christian Faith and the African culture tension. K. A. Busia who was one of the
key presenters at the meeting pointed out that attention must be paid to the indigenous authority symbols like
the Black Stools. According to him, Christianity can touch the whole of Akan life through the chieftaincy
institution.40 The Black Stool subsequently has been considered as the major symbol that must be explored for
its signicant roles in the whole indigenous leadership system.41
Nana Addo Dankwa42 and Kwame Gyekye43 have pointed out that the Black Stool facilitates learning
processes in Akan leadership formation. The signicance of the authority symbol must therefore be appreciated
according to its educational roles. Gyekye insists that the Black Stools are indigenous learning materials
that facilitate education in theology, religion, history, governance and ethics. Akan traditional symbols are
educational resources. Nana Addo Dankwa has further noted that, ‘our forefathers, who at their time had
not developed the art of writing and recording events, gave special signicance to their culture and rituals by
using such sculptural items as stools, dolls, etc. as symbols which were made to represent various important
historical events. In eect, these special sculptural items became their books in which were embedded their
early history, practices and experiences for posterity.’44
The Black Stool is a learning material. According to Nana Addo Dankwa, the Black Stool ‘is the
literature that we have.’45 In his attempt to trace the early beginnings of the creation of the Black Stool, he
pointed out that the Black Stool was created to serve as material for documentation. He pointed out that,
‘there was a time that we did not have a means of recording history and our ancestors used all sorts of things
to represent historical events, the stools, the dolls and special stones. The long and short of the whole thing
is that the basic means of educating our people are the symbols that we use and the major one is the Black
Stool.’46
The Akan Black Stool is considered by Busia47 and Nana Addo Dankwa48 as the most signicant
authority symbol for the Akan indigenous authority symbol. Addo Dankwa insists that, ‘the Black Stool is the
most important object in the Palace.’49 The importance of the Black Stool is more of its educational functions
39 Opuni-Frimpong “The Signicance of the Black Stool as an Educational Resource in Akan Traditional Patterns of Learning”.
40 Ko A. Busia. The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1951), 28.
41 Opuni-Frimpong “The Signicance of the Black Stool as an Educational Resource in Akan Traditional Patterns of Learning,”.
42 Nana Addo Dankwa. The Institution of Chieftaincy in Ghana – The Future.
43 Kwame Gyekye, African Cultural Values (Accra: Sankofa Publishing Company 1996).
44 Nana Addo Dankwa. The Institution of Chieftaincy in Ghana – The Future, 72.
45 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa Nov 22, 2004 Akuapem Akropong.
46 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa Nov 22, 2004 Akuapim Akropong.
47 Busia Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti, 28.
48 Nana Addo Dankwa. The Institution of Chieftaincy in Ghana – The Future.
49 Nana Addo Dankwa. The Institution of Chieftaincy in Ghana – The Future, 67.
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than its sacred and religious roles. The church has considered the religious functions of the Black Stool and
subsequently condemned and rejected all other signicant roles. 50
The Black Stool has been considered as an object for propitiation and favours. Akan traditional
leaders therefore seek divine favours in the ceremonies that involve the Black Stool. Busia admits that during
the Adae celebrations the people hope to receive favours and prosperity from their ancestors through their
engagement with the Black Stool. He has noted that, ‘Adae refers to those ceremonies at which the spirits of
departed rulers of the clan are propitiated, their names and deeds recalled, and favours and mercy solicited.’51
He further argues that the Adae festival provides an opportunity for the people to receive prosperity and
protection from their ancestors. Busia noted that, ‘every twenty-one days an Ashanti ruler oers libations to
his royal ancestors on behalf of his subjects, praying that the soil may be fruitful and the tribe of its increase.’52
While Nana Addo Dankwa does not argue against the role of the Black Stool as an object for
propitiation, he insists that the original and primary purpose is not prayer but education. Nana Addo Dankwa’s
belief system people do not become who they were not when they die. If you were not a chief death will not
make you one. Moreover, if a person was not worshipped while alive Akan people do not worship them when
such people die. Ancestors who were not worshiped while they were alive do not assume beings of worship
when they die. The Black Stools that represent their memories cannot be objects of worship and replace the
sovereignty of God. The Black Stool is indigenous learning material that facilitates teaching and learning
during the Adae ceremony of traditional leaders and royals rather than being rejected due to its propitiation
assumptions.
There are varied perspectives on the Black Stool. It is considered as both an object of propitiation as
well as educational. An absolute condemnation creates an impression that the Black Stool does not have any
Christian signicance. An exploration into the Black Stool will present the helpful side of the traditional object
and in the process, corrections done on the negative sides without total disassociation and condemnation.
Even if the Black Stool plays propitiation roles in the Akan cultural belief system, the encounter with the
Black Stool does not take the place of the sovereignty of God in the Akan religious thought.
Ancestors and Adae Festival: A Learning Moment for Akan Royals or Worship Moment of the Ancestors?
The Adae celebration has remained one of the major traditional celebrations on the Akan traditional calendar.
The celebration brings together traditional leaders, Palace functionaries, Royal members of the communities
and visitors. The celebration of the Adae has maintained both private and public activities. While the public
activities are open to the larger society, the private activities are the preserve of the traditional leaders and the
Royals. The Adae rituals which have remained in secrecy have remained under the rejection and condemnation
of the church. An exploration into the Adae must be pursued to assist the conversation of the conversion
challenges of Akan Royals.
The Adae is primarily educational in its nature and operations.53 The Akan associate wisdom and
maturity with old age. Accumulated knowledge is related with elderly people. The ancestors are considered
to be of maturity, wisdom and the desired knowledge that is needed by the society. The ancestors who are
considered to be resting are part of the community. Akan society is made up of the dead, the living and the
unborn. The accumulated wisdom of the ancestors can be sought after when their descendants get closer to them
in their ‘sleeping place’ for engagement. The name Adae in the Akan language literally means sleeping place.
The Adae celebration is built around the interest of the living communities to benet from the accumulated
wisdom of the elders.54
The primary intention of visiting the Black Stool room is educational and not spiritual. The Adae
festival oers the opportunity to the traditional leaders to learn from the past, in the process they do oer
prayers but the visitation of the Black Stool rooms is not primarily for the prayers.55 The Adae festival rituals
involve oering drinks and food to the ancestors. The elements of the rituals remain symbolic. Nana Addo
Dankwa has explained that, ‘it is not true that the ancestors eat. It is not biologically correct. They are dead
50 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa Nov 22, 2004 Akuapim Akropong.
51 Busia. The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti, 271.
52 Busia The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti, 28.
53 Opuni-Frimpong, “Akan Indigenous Knowledge Systems and the Christian Faith in Ghana:
54 Interview with Kwabena Nketia May 19, 2004 Madina Accra.
55 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa, Nov 22, 2004 Akuapim Akropong.
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and gone but their memories should be preserved so that we would be able to learn about them when we go
to the Black Stool room during the Adae period.’56
Information about individual chiefs is represented by the Black Stools. The knowledge and memories
that are embedded in the indigenous documentation symbols are retrieved when the royals and traditional
leaders visit the sleeping place of the departed elders. There are Stool historians who share the memories
behind each Black Stool during the Adae celebration. The consistency and frequency in sharing the stories
protect the system from adulteration and distortion. Whenever you want to know about the secrets behind
their success you go to them. Okyeame Ampratwum who has done the Black Stool room history education for
35 years said he always tries to avoid possible mistakes because if he does so, he will be reprimanded.57 The
continuous celebrations of the Adae have contributed towards the preservation of Akan cherished memories
and leadership values. The memories of the ancestors are preserved and celebrated so that those who want to
emulate their examples will have access to the information and knowledge.58
Akan traditional leadership formation involves the acquisition of knowledge in history, governance,
diplomacy, legal system and spirituality.59 Education in such areas does require materials that will ensure
the desired learning outcomes. By its nature, the indigenous symbol represents Akan identity, unity and
continuity.60 It is also the symbol of Akan traditional authority and power. The education of Akan traditional
authority and power, unity, identity and continuity of the society is pursued through the constant interaction
with the indigenous learning material by the Palace functionaries during the Adae ceremonies.
Participation in Palace Functions: Leadership Formation Process or Exposure to Other Gods?
Palace services have remained a major pattern in Akan leadership formation for the royals.61 The perception
from outside may suggest that the royals are exempted from services in the Palace. Service in the Palace is
considered as a means of nurturing the Royals in the various functions in the Palace. The Royals perform
the exact functions that other servants in the Palace are assigned to do. Some royals are deliberately sent to
reside with certain knowledgeable traditional leaders to acquire the leadership trade. Such Royals perform the
services that ordinary servants are tasked to perform without reference to their royalty. The Asantehene is on
record of residing with the Omanhene of Sefwi Wiawso in his youthful period. The intention was to assist him
to learn from the accumulated knowledge of the then Sefwi Omanhene.
The nurturing pattern expected that through participation, observation and engagements the royals
will acquire the desired skills in the tasks and responsibilities of the Palace. Royals who distance themselves
from the Palace functions are considered lazy and not t for leadership. According to Okyeame Ampratwum,
‘as the royals get involved in the various services in the Palace, they learn the desirable practices and values
that are associated with Palace life. Service at the Palace is one of the major learning patterns in the traditional
leadership formation.’62
According to Okyeame Ampratwum, ‘some of these servants have accumulated knowledge due to their
continuous service in the Palace. They acquire knowledge and experiences which have not been documented
in books. Such knowledge can be exposed through observation and interaction during the moments of service.
They further learn the value of humility and equality with all people. Their call to leadership is a call to higher
service by leading the society in achieving the goals and values of the society.’63
Leadership is considered as service and it is demonstrated in the Palace. The Royals who aspire
for traditional leadership are assessed by their participation in the Palace service. According to Okyeame
Ampratwum, neglect of services in the Palace, ‘is an indication that such Royals, if nominated for traditional
leadership will not enjoy the cooperation of the ordinary servants who make a vital contribution to traditional
governance in the Palace.’64 Christian Royals participate in the Palace functions as part of their Royal formation
responsibilities. Disassociation of the Royals from Palace services as insisted by the churches established by
56 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa, Nov 22, 2004 Akuapim Akropong.
57 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum. June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
58 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa Nov 22, 2004 Akuapim Akropong.
59 Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa Nov 22, 2004 Akuapim Akropong.
60 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum. June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
61 Opuni-Frimpong, The Akan Traditional Leadership Formation.
62 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum. June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
63 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum. June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
64 Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum. June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
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the Western missionaries, means neglect of leadership formation supposed to equip the Christian Royals for
leadership.
Some Lessons
The examination of the conversion challenges confronting Akan Christian royals points out to lessons in
ancestors and the Lordship of Christ, the Adae and the search for knowledge, Akan traditional leadership as
service, Ohene Yesu in Akan Christian understanding and Akan Royals and Christian missions.
Ancestors and the Lordship of Christ
Akan religious thought system does not place ancestors in the positions of the sovereignty of God and
the Lordship of Christ. In the Akan language, God is Onyankopon (the Almighty/Omnipotent One). He is
considered as the Obכade Nyame (the Creator God). He is Onyame (the one who satised One). The Akan
do not ascribe any of the attributes of God to their ancestors. Akan people who are not even Christians do not
consider their ancestors as occupying the same positions as the Supreme Being /God who must be worshiped.
Akan Royal Christians do not have much diculty in accepting the sovereignty of God and believing in the
Lordship of Christ for their salvation and conversion.
Ancestors play very crucial roles in Akan community life. It must be noted however, that the Akan
people do not assume positions that they were not while alive when they die. A person who was not a chief
does not become a chief when they die. People who were not worshiped when they were alive do not become
objects of worship when they die. Akan people do not worship their traditional leaders while alive and therefore
do not worship them when they become their ancestors. Akan Royals provide service to their traditional
leaders without worshiping them in any condition. The pattern does not change when the traditional leaders
die. They are served without receiving the worship of the people when they die.
Some traditional leaders may direct their wishes to their ancestors but they remain ancestors without
assuming the place of God. It must be noted that those who have not believed in the sovereignty of God and
the Lordship of Christ may consider their ancestors as their objects of worship but that is the extreme position
for such individuals. Akan people are even free to search for other deities for spiritual powers and prosperity.
Such spiritual search can be done by both Christians and non-Christians without any serious connection with
their identity as Royals. The Akan royals who have considered their suciency in the God that the Bible
presents can equally hold on to their faith without any semblance of idolatry.
Akan Christians who have come to believe in the sovereignty of God ascribe worship and their prayers
to the God who saves them through Jesus Christ. While Akan people who have not accepted Jesus Christ as
their saviour may want to worship their ancestors and other deities, Akan royals who have come to the saving
knowledge of God through Christ consider their ancestors ‘a great cloud of witnesses’ as Paul terms it ‘we
are surrounded by so great a crowd of witnesses’ (Heb 12:1-2). Akan ancestors are only revered, they are not
worshipped.
Joseph in the Book of Genesis instructed the Israelites to carry his bones with them as they journey
back to the promised land (Gen 50:25). The maintenance of Joseph’s bones was not intended to replace
Joseph with Yahweh in the religious thought system of the people of God. The bones of Joseph were to keep
reminding the people of God about the faithfulness of God and to keep them in faith with God. Akan people in
their Christian formation must be helped to consider their ancestors as mentors and patterns of morality. They
should not be denied conversion due to the recognition that they give to their ancestors.
The insistence of rejection and disassociation of ancestors before the conversion of Akan Royals can
be considered as genuine in a theology done from the outside to the inside,65 the Western missionaries’ value
setting for non-Europeans66 and must be reconsidered. Theology of Akan ancestors must be done from the
inside to the outside. Denying Akan Christians Royals genuine conversion is forcing the European already
prepared all-size-ts-all garments for Akan Royal converts.
The Adae and the Search for Knowledge
The Akan is a learning community. The traditional patterns of learning prescribe specic learning patterns for
specic age levels and professions. The Adae festival is primarily a unique leadership formation pattern for
65 Opuni-Frimpong. Christian Faith and Akan Culture in Ghana.
66 Kwame Bediako.Theology and Identity.
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the royals and traditional leaders. The Akan mentoring may allow royals to be sent to some knowledgeable
individuals outside their jurisdictions to acquire desirable knowledge. The Akan nevertheless, pay much
attention to their own accumulated knowledge that is built around their ancestors. Paul acknowledged Timothy
for possessing the genuine faith that existed in his grandmother Lois, his mother Eunice and in himself (2
Tim 1:5). The Adae ceremony insists that while the Akan Royals may learn from other people, they must pay
attention to the unique life experiences and information of their ancestors. Denying Akan Royals participation
in the Adae ceremony is to build Akan society that is ignorant about their own history and stories, an action
that Akan people can not simply accommodate.
Akan Traditional Leadership as Service
Leadership in Akan traditional leadership institution is service. The Akan adage is ‘s Odehyeε anko a, akoa
dwane’ (if the royal decides not to ght/serve then the slaves are free to run away). The royals and the
traditional leaders are expected to provide leadership of service. The royals however, learn servant leadership
as they participate in the Palace functions. Participation in Palace functions is the leadership formation pattern
of indigenous people. Christian leadership equally is a call to service. Jesus told his disciples that he was
among them as one who serves (Lk. 22:27).
Akan traditional leadership is the preserve of the royals. They are expected to lead their societies
through service. Akan Royals who distance themselves from service in the community are considered
irresponsible, lazy and not t for leadership. The conversion condition to Akan royals to distance themselves
from the Palace functions is to create a leadership vacuum in Akan societies, a very serious societal challenge
that Western missionaries did not attach much importance to. Some Royal gates have lost the opportunity to
provide leadership to their people because the church insisted that they move to the Salem and disassociate
themselves from their traditional leadership roles.
Ohene Yesu in Akan Christian Understanding
The Akan Royals are a unique group that provides traditional leadership to the Akan communities. The demand for
rejection and disassociation if accepted by the royal families, is a move towards total extinction and destruction of the
indigenous leadership system. The Palace and the identity of the chief have however made signicant contributions to
Christian understanding, expression and interpretation. Titles that are ascribed to traditional leaders have contributed to
the Akan understanding of Christ.
The one in whom all the unique titles to the chief can be associated with is Jesus. The appellation for Ohene
like Otumfuo (the Mighty One), Osahene (the Commander of the Army), Oseadeayo (the Faithful One) Okogyeaman
(Deliverer of Nations), Osagyefoכ (Liberator) are appellations that Akan Christians understand, that must be used to
praise the name of Ohene Yesu. Akan Christian understanding of Christ will be stronger if Akan Christology is deeply
rooted in the traditional leadership and the royals instead of rejecting and condemning the traditional institution and the
royals who are expected to provide traditional leadership.’67
Akan Royal Homes and Christian Missions
Akan royals and traditional leadership institutions have made a signicant contribution to Akan Christian
growth despite the condemnation and rejection of the indigenous leadership institution by Western
missionaries and missionary instituted churches. The traditional leadership according to Nana Addo Dankwa,
actually ‘accommodated and created an environment for the survival of the new entries of merchants and
missionaries.’68
The very indigenous leadership institution that welcomed, sustained and provided resources for
Christian mission at its early stages is considered to be an anathema of Christian conversion. If God is truly
against the Akan royals and traditional leadership institution, he might have led the Western missionaries
to other homes for survival and not the Palace. The very homes that welcomed the gospel cannot be denied
the saving grace of God. The task of the post-missionary churches in Akan communities must consider the
indigenous leadership institution that God used to welcome the missionaries and the gospel into Akan homes
67 Pashington Obeng. Catholicism: Religious and Cultural Reproduction Among the Akan of Ghana. (New York: E.J. Brill 1996),
190.
68 Nana Addo Dankwa III, The Institution of Chieftaincy in Ghana – The Future.
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and societies and provide Christian missions and ministry to the Palace. The Akan Christian royal families
must be supported to evangelize to members of the royal families to bring them into the knowledge of the
saving grace of Christi rather than rejecting them and demanding that they disassociate themselves from their
unique leadership opportunities.
CONCLUSION
As part of their conversion requirements, Akan Christian Royals have been demanded by the Western
missionaries and missionary instituted churches to reject and disassociate themselves from the traditional
leadership institutions. The church over the years has considered ancestors and ancestral related activities
as being in tension with the Christian faith. The understanding of the traditional leadership practices was
considered not as a result of engagement with the indigenous worldview of the cultural milieu but the European
value setting for the Akan people. Even though the Royals have claimed on several occasions that ancestors
and ancestral related activities do not take the place of the sovereignty of God and the Lordship of Christ, the
genuineness of the conversion of the Royals has remained in doubt. The study has pointed out that a critical
reection on other dimensions of the Black Stools, Adae ceremonies, ancestors and Palace functions will
respond to the conversion challenges of the Akan Christian Royals.
ABOUT AUTHORS
Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong (PhD), Lecturer in African Christianity, Department of Religious Studies, Kwame
Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi – Ghana.
Michael Kwadwo Ntiamoah, (MPhil). (PhD. Cand.). Lecturer at the Department of Religious Studies, Faculty
of Social Sciences, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi. Ghana. He has research
interests in Religious diversity in Ghana, Chieftaincy and African culture, Akan Indigenous Religion and
Environment, Akan Indigenous Religion and Social Order.
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Nana Addo Dankwa III, The Institution of Chieftaincy in Ghana – The Future. Accra: Konrad Adenauer
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Ntiamoah, Kwadwo. Religious and Social relevance of Nsuae (oath swearing) in Akan indigenous formation
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of African Studies, 2002.
Obeng, Pashington. Catholicism: Religious and Cultural Reproduction Among the Akan of Ghana. New York:
E.J. Brill 1996.
Opuni-Frimpong, K. “Jesus Shall Reign? An Examination of Christian Mission to the Akan Palace,”
Pentecostalism, Charismaticism and Neo-Prophetic Movements Journal 2, no.4 (2021): 29-41.
https://doi.org/10.38159/pecanep.2021241.
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APPENDIX
Interview with Mercy Amba Oduyoye May14, 2004 Legon Accra.
Interview with Emily Akuo May 14, 2004 Akropong Akuapem.
Interview with Kwabena Nketia May 19, 2004 Madina Accra.
Interview with Okyeame Ampratwum June 1, 2004 Asante Mampong.
Interview with Nana Owusu Afriyie June 2, 2004 Asante Mampong.
Interview with Sam Prempeh September 1, 2004 Osu Accra.
Interview with Addo-Fening June 6, 2004 Legon Accra.
Interview with Nana Addo Dankwa III November 22, 2004 Akropong Akuapem.
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