Political Journalism in Digital Native Media

Abstract

This chapter reflects on the conceptualisation and practice of political journalism in digital native media and its contemporary dimensions. The way news is produced and consumed in the digital era breaks down the boundaries that once divided professionals, citizens and activists. This chapter identifies the emergence of a series of trends in digital native media, which show a coexistence of traditional and new principles. Beyond the technological impact, the new media responds to the needs of society by incorporating other actors and the citizen as a reason for being and as a collaborator in production processes. New players and an updated role for journalists come into play with innovative proposals designed for the current multiplatform and mobile scenario.

Full text

59© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2022
B. García-Orosa (ed.), Digital Political Communication Strategies,
The Palgrave Macmillan Series in International Political
Communication, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81568-4_4
CHAPTER 4
Political Journalism inDigital Native Media
XoséLópez-García, JoãoCanavilhas,
María- CruzNegreira-Rey, andJorgeVázquez-Herrero
1 I
NTRODUCTION
At the beginning of the third decade of the millennium, the transforma-
tion of the communicative ecosystem in the digital era has created a sce-
nario for technologically mediated communication where media and
digital platforms have positioned themselves as indispensable intermediar-
ies of a growing number of human practices (Casero-Ripollés, 2020a),
generating a platformisation of society (van Dijck etal., 2018). Platforms
occupy a central place due to their distributed nature and being inter-
twined with institutions, markets and technologies (de Reuver et al.,
2018), while the media struggles to maintain its relevant role by offering
information of public interest through both those that have migrated to
X. López-García (
*
) • M.-C. Negreira-Rey • J. Vázquez-Herrero
University of Santiago de Compostela, Santiago de Compostela, Spain
e-mail: xose.lopez.garcia@usc.es; cruz.negreira@usc.es; Jorge.vazquez@usc.es
J. Canavilhas
Universidade da Beira Interior, Covilhã, Portugal

60
the new digital scenario (Boczkowski, 2004) and the new media, which
was conceived and designed for the network society (Nossek &
Adoni, 2017).
Contemporary societies are characterised by a very intense mediatisa-
tion in which all performances in our social world are closely related to
digital media and the underlying structures (Couldry & Hepp, 2017). In
a scenario of ubiquitous mediations (Aguado, 2020), media have become
omnipresent, shaping the entire scope of social domains and playing a
fundamental role in the transformation of culture and society (Casero-
Ripollés, 2020a). In recent years, algorithms and automation have also
become ubiquitous (Thurman et al., 2019), creating new complexities
and challenges for technologically mediated communication and
journalism.
Digital journalism—in this context of communicative ubiquity and the
rise of misinformation (Tandoc etal., 2019)—seeks to settle its role after
more than 27years, after being constituted as a scientic discipline and
shaping a eld in constant growth (Salaverría, 2019). Journalism and
media are undergoing a radical change due to the disruptive processes of
technology and global uncertainty—caused by the 2008 nancial crisis
(Pavlik, 2013) and, later, by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic with
an ambivalent impact (Casero-Ripollés, 2020b)—and both play an impor-
tant role for democracy and the existence of an informed citizenry (Olsen
etal., 2020).
2 D
IGITAL
N
ATIVE
M
EDIA
AND
P
OLITICAL
J
OURNALISM
The emergence of new actors on the periphery of journalism (Tandoc,
2019), who are already in the journalistic eld with their own voice
(Hermida & Young, 2019), and of new journalistic actors who exist hand-
in- hand with digital native media and explore renewed territories (García-
Orosa et al., 2020), has expanded the journalistic offer in the digital
scenario in recent years. Over the years, digital native media have not only
become a ourishing phenomenon worldwide (Salaverría, 2020), but a
good number of the journalistic projects that are contemplated for the
immediate future are framed in this category of new media, understood as
an alternative media ecosystem to the traditional one, which innovates,
uses new narrative formats, and has a new relationship with the audience
(Cabrera-Méndez etal., 2019).
X. LÓPEZ-GARCÍA ET AL.

61
This diversity of digital media models, which many citizens use as a
platform to coordinate and mobilise (Gil de Zúñiga & Chen, 2019), has
become a referent of political life for many citizens who access content to
inform themselves through different devices and channels in a mobile
society scenario (Westlund & Färdigh, 2015). Although digital communi-
cation transformations have affected the relationship between society,
journalism and politics in different contexts in various ways and intensities
(Jebril etal., 2020), the fact remains that journalists continue to exercise
important roles in everyday and political life (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2018).
Hence, the importance gained not only by legacy media, which continue
to have an important inuence, but also by digital natives doing political
reporting.
The incorporation of current technologies into journalistic practices in
digital media has opened new dimensions for political information
(Humprecht & Esser, 2018). At the same time that traditional media has
adapted to the new environment, new digital native media initiatives have
emerged that bet on regeneration through models of political-economic
self-sufciency and citizen patronage (Osuna-Fernández, 2017). The
transformations, in both journalism and politics, and their mutual links
have motivated new research questions (Waisbord, 2012) and have placed
the new media, which face renewed challenges in the eld of information,
in a new social, political and economic context. The abundance of infor-
mation has shown that it also generates instabilities, conicts and contra-
dictions in the political scenario and that a greater quantity is not necessarily
equal to a greater quality (Casero-Ripollés, 2018).
In this scenario, new political media has evolved rapidly over the last
three decades and continues to provide novel forms (Owen, 2018). New
native headers of political information have also appeared. The consolida-
tion of Mediapart (France) or Politico (United States) demonstrated the
viability of a new avenue for political information from digital native media
in the context of new initiatives (Nielsen, 2016). But these were not the
only cases as—in times of real-time journalism—analytical and slow jour-
nalism dened its space (Le Masurier, 2015) and enriched the eld of
quality and political journalism in the network society. In fact, there are
currently a large number of digital native media that renew narratives and
intervene in the political eld, some with state and/or global vocation and
others from the hyperlocal eld—attached to proximity to intervene in the
social and political eld—which is now a trend in the digital society.
4 POLITICAL JOURNALISM IN DIGITAL NATIVE MEDIA

62
From the political eld, research is redened as the keys to rethink the
public sphere altered by digital changes (Bennett & Pfetsch, 2018).
Meanwhile, in a necessary challenge to better understand the network
society, digital native media intervene in the public space with narrative
proposals developed with current technologies, some more disruptive
than others. Journalism from digital native media is expanding despite the
crisis (Negredo etal., 2020), and from them come proposals for political
and social journalism, as well as dynamics of communicative intervention
in proximity spaces. In addition, they do so through multimedia and inter-
active narratives, with the participation of the audiences (Peters &
Witschge, 2015), which results in constant renewal and innovative pro-
posals. These emerging forms show that there are renewed ways for the
work of journalists to remain relevant to people’s lives (Deuze, 2019).
3 M
OBILE
D
EVICES
AS

A
D
ISRUPTIVE
E
LEMENT
News media plays a fundamental role because it informs citizens, provid-
ing them with the necessary knowledge to evaluate political proposals and
make decisions that are of common interest (Strömbäck, 2005). The
higher the penetration rate of the media, the greater is the impact of its
messages on the community.
In this context, mobile phones have gained a central place in contem-
porary society by becoming the public’s preferred medium for receiving
news (Walker, 2019). Therefore, journalism for this type of device is the
one that has grown the fastest (Perreault & Staneld, 2019), with authors
arguing that digital journalism is becoming mobile (Bui & Moran, 2020).
This success is justied not only by the characteristics of the mobile
medium itself, such as portability, ubiquity and permanent connection to
the Internet (Aguado & Martínez, 2006), among others, but also because
the media bet on ‘push news’ to keep their consumers linked (Wheatley &
Ferrer-Conill, 2020), something valued in the fast-paced society in which
we live today.
Through news apps or web browsing, news consumption on mobile
devices facilitates new ways for citizens to engage in politics (Martin,
2015) by enabling newsgathering and discussion on issues of public inter-
est (Lee etal., 2014), which reinforces the importance of smartphones in
the relationship of citizens with political journalism.
Moreover, these devices also allow users to become actively involved in
their mission of reporting to authorities or providing information to
X. LÓPEZ-GARCÍA ET AL.

63
journalists, reinforcing their role as watchdogs (Hellmueller etal., 2016).
As devices that always accompany their user (Gant & Kiesler, 2001) and
have powerful multimedia capabilities, smartphones have empowered citi-
zens by allowing them to take geolocated photos and videos and send
them directly to the authorities or to the news media. As the rst case, the
BOS:311 app in Boston is one of the many examples of the potential of
these devices as an instrument of citizenship by allowing citizens to report
anomalies to the mayor’s ofce. The second case is TIMBY, a platform
that brings together activists, journalists and other professionals in a joint
mission to give visibility to issues that were not reaching public opinion.
In this platform, the reporter app is fundamental in the collection of infor-
mation coming from various unofcial sources, including citizens. Both
cases are examples of how mobile phones have changed the journalistic
ecosystem.
4 D
EMOCRACY
AND
S
OCIAL
I
NVOLVEMENT
FROM

THE
H
YPERLOCAL
S
PACE
Proximity spaces remain fundamental in linking citizens with local author-
ities, and they are also the place where community actors connect for
social action. Although the conception and dimension of the local have
evolved with lifestyles and the functioning of the economy or politics
(Nielsen, 2015), media of proximity maintains its role in satisfying the
right to information of small social groups, contributing to preserving and
developing the identity of their communities or favouring social cohesion
(Camponez, 2002; Leupold etal., 2018).
Since the rst decade of the 2000s, hyperlocal media has proliferated in
various countries and media contexts (Harte etal., 2018; Gulyas & Baines,
2020) and has renewed local media ecosystems. Such media is character-
ised by covering the smallest geographic and social areas (Radcliffe, 2012),
their community orientation, and their informative purpose of occupying
spaces forgotten by the mainstream media (Metzgar et al., 2011).
Moreover, hyperlocal media includes news projects that have discovered
the possibility in the network of developing their activity at a lower cost,
which has favoured many of them becoming digital natives (Metzgar
etal., 2011).
The growth of hyperlocal media at the international level occurs as a
reaction to the crisis of the traditional media model and the closure of
4 POLITICAL JOURNALISM IN DIGITAL NATIVE MEDIA

64
numerous local newspapers (Franklin, 2006). The crisis of local journalism
raises concerns about its possible consequences on the democratic devel-
opment of local communities, which suffer in the absence of quality local
information (Wahl-Jorgensen, 2019). Even if the rise of hyperlocal media
helps to reverse the expansion of media deserts (Bucay et al., 2017),
Nygren etal. (2018) assert that it is difcult to assess whether such growth
compensates—in terms of its democratic role—the crisis of traditional
local media. Although hyperlocal media gives voice to the community and
acts as a platform for social cohesion and action, its limited human and
economic resources may hinder its role as a watchdog for power.
Local media combines its informative mission with a series of functions
at the social level. Firmstone (2016) points out that local media must pro-
vide citizens with attractive and sufcient information to motivate them to
become involved in the issues affecting their city. In fullling their demo-
cratic role, the author also indicates that they should take an active role in
social campaigns, represent all the points of view of those involved in the
information, monitor power and publish content produced by citizens.
On the other hand, Barnett and Townend (2015) indicate that hyperlocal
media also represents citizens and promotes public interest campaigns to
call for political intervention. However, the studies conducted to date on
the coverage and promotion of these social campaigns reect a disparate
degree of involvement among the media (Barnett & Townend, 2015;
Williams et al., 2015), conditioned in turn by their funding models
(Harlow & Chadha, 2018).
In the development of their daily activity, hyperlocal media profession-
als interact with other ‘superior’ actors in the community, such as other
local and regional media or the local government. The political power
often sees hyperlocal media as unreliable, critical and negative for the com-
munity (Radcliffe, 2012). Despite this, such media is seen by governors as
an information service that lls a social need (Carson etal., 2016) and
helps to move their discourse (Chen etal., 2017).
The news agendas of the hyperlocal media tend to be dominated by
social issues and topics of interest for the community’s day-to-day life.
Nevertheless, local political information continues to occupy a more or
less relevant space. Kerkhoven and Bakker (2014) reveal that the most
frequently recurring topic in hyperlocal digital media in the Netherlands is
politics, followed by events, human and social stories, economy, culture
and sport. Leckner etal. (2019) identify news about local activities, cul-
ture, entertainment and municipal politics as the most common across
X. LÓPEZ-GARCÍA ET AL.

65
Swedish hyperlocals. D’Heer and Paulussen (2013) point out that news
about events, social and cultural activities, sports and education are the
most frequently occurring based on a case study of a Belgian hyperlocal,
highlighting that political and economic information barely represents 2%
of the total.
Research on Spanish local and hyperlocal digital media (Negreira-Rey,
2020) shows that the priority topics on their agendas are social, cultural,
sports, political and town planning issues. The promoters of these media
outlets explain that political issues lose weight in the face of human stories,
but they provide assurances that politics still retains an important place
when it relates to the local level and directly affects the community. This
informative position is also reected in the sources that are most frequently
cited in the news. Among the hyperlocal digital media, sources belonging
to associations or social entities predominate, as well as those referring to
individual citizens. However, in local digital media outlets—which are
more attached to institutions and municipal governments—ofcial
sources—mostly belonging to the local government—tend to
predominate.
5 M
ULTIMEDIA
S
TORYTELLING
, P
OLITICS
AND
S
OCIAL
C
HANGE
Narrative through new media responds to people’s need to expand knowl-
edge about themselves and to collectively reimagine who they can become
(Murray, 2017). The role of storytelling in society plays a signicant role
in deepening our understanding and representation of the world. With the
acquisition of characteristics specic to the digital medium, narrative for-
mats have evolved towards hyper-textuality, multi-mediality and interac-
tivity, consolidating as current forms of storytelling (George-Palilonis,
2012; Jacobson et al., 2016). Several dimensions of digital journalism
have been favoured, such as long-form journalism (Lassila-Merisalo,
2014), transmedia journalism (Moloney, 2011), immersive journalism
(Uskali etal., 2020), as well as complex formats such as interactive docu-
mentary (Aston etal., 2017) and newsgames (Bogost etal., 2012).
These projects require up-to-date and specialised professional skills, as
well as a strong commitment to innovation. Several digital native media
have experimented with interactive multimedia formats as part of a strate-
gic line of innovation. In El Condencial (Spain), they have a media
4 POLITICAL JOURNALISM IN DIGITAL NATIVE MEDIA

66
lab—ElCondencial.LAB—where one of the objectives is the exploration
of new products, formats and services, transferring the innovative spirit
through processes that affect all areas of the organisation. One of the most
outstanding works in recent years, dealing with a topic closely related to
politics, is El bueno, el malo y el tesorero [The Good, the Bad and the
Treasurer]. This newsgame deals with corruption by placing the user in
the role of a treasurer of a city council. Through decision-making, affected
by various parameters and contextualised with information, the user expe-
riences different corruption practices deeply instilled in the political sys-
tem and increasingly known. From the United States, Politico stands out
for the publication of interactives—generally data visualisations—on top-
ics such as elections or political journalism investigations. Digital native
media such as Observador (Portugal) and Mediapart (France) have a tradi-
tion in the development of special coverage and visual formats. Also
elDiario.es (Spain) has several examples of long-form reportages and web-
docs, such as Detrás del paraíso [Beyond the Paradise], which analyses the
social reality behind major tourist destinations, or the journalistic investi-
gation Las muertes de Ceuta [The Deaths of Ceuta].
The development of multimedia, interactive and immersive projects has
an important experimental and innovative component that occasionally
moves away from traditional models, driving a very signicant creative
climate in actors outside the conventional media system. Production from
the periphery means abandoning centrality in terms of funding and mov-
ing away from the stigmas of the mainstream media (Irigaray, 2015).
Diverse entities such as universities, NGOs and independent production
companies—which in many cases promote joint collaborations—take part
in the production. This independence offers a space for conversation and
participation where users can intervene in matters of a public nature which,
together with the characteristics of the digital media, allows collaborative
and interactive construction.
The strategies for public involvement are diverse and, in some cases,
even seek a connection with physical events and narrative expansion to the
territory. Some outstanding cases are Quipu, 0 responsables [0 Accountable],
Mujeres en venta [Women for Sale] or El feriante [The Stallholder]. In
these examples, the purpose was to open a debate and elicit a social and
political change, involving the audience in the process. Social issues as a
focus of attention and local scope converge to tell stories of proximity that
transfer realities, needs, injustices and conicts through the interactive
documentary (Vázquez-Herrero & Moreno, 2017)—one of the formats
X. LÓPEZ-GARCÍA ET AL.

67
with the greatest multimedia and interactive deployment in the media. Its
characteristics—such as decision-making—drive the degree of audience
involvement (Vázquez-Herrero etal., 2017): in denunciation, in uniting
citizenship and in the construction of memory. Its impact has been studied
not only from the perspective of citizen political participation (Cortés-
Selva & Pérez-Escolar, 2016) but also from transmedia activism, as ‘forms
of action that interweave physical, mental or social participatory processes’
(Ortuño & Villaplana, 2017, p.140).
Interactive narratives are revealed as promoting forms of social change
(Miller & Allor, 2016; Peralta & Ouariachi, 2015; Rose, 2017) and politi-
cal involvement (Watson, 2017). Nash (2017) considers co-creation of a
resource for citizens to exercise their political role, which is present in col-
laborative projects. Other authors highlight the potential of bringing
together multiple voices (Dovey & Rose, 2012; Green et al., 2017).
Patricio Irisarri, director of El feriante, states that the effects of the project
were tangible in its social, cultural and political impact, and he adds that
these narratives enable processes of political intervention (Vázquez
Herrero, 2019). However, the steps taken by journalism in this eld are
still developing.
6 C
ONCLUSION
In the contemporary communication ecosystem, where the media strug-
gles to maintain its role in society, new media and new ways of connecting
journalism and politics have emerged. Both spheres, unquestionably
linked by the role of journalism in democracy, are continuously subject to
change and inuenced by factors such as misinformation, self-
communication and platformisation.
Technological development and crises create a situation conducive to
the emergence of digital native media and peripheral actors. In the new
models of digital journalism, political information retains a leading role,
with outstanding examples in the international arena that focus on it as an
activity that affects society.
Particularly relevant is the role played by local and hyperlocal media in
bringing political life closer to citizens. The sense of community in small
areas forgotten by the mainstream media turns the hyperlocal media into
custodians of the democratic role and promoters of political intervention
at the closest level to the citizen.
4 POLITICAL JOURNALISM IN DIGITAL NATIVE MEDIA

68
Political journalism is not left out of the trends, such as the popularisa-
tion of the smartphone as the main device for information consumption.
This forces the media to make strategic decisions to direct its production
towards the mobile, through websites, apps, notications and social
networks.
With regard to narratives, digital native media explores new ways to
convey political issues to the audience, favouring their involvement
through interactive, immersive and gamied formats. However, produc-
tions of great interest are identied, due to their collaborative and trans-
media nature, which are born from other organisations.
Political journalism is developed in digital native media and through
current forms of journalism in order to build bridges between citizens and
government institutions. In a context marked by the rise of new platforms,
the mobile scenario and misinformation, journalistic actors cannot remain
on the side lines of the debates but exercise their role with the greatest
effort and adaptation to the current communicative context.
Acknowledgements This research has been developed within the research project
‘Digital Native Media in Spain: Storytelling Formats and Mobile Strategy’
(RTI2018–093346-B-C33), funded by the Ministry of Science, Innovation and
Universities (Government of Spain) and the ERDF structural fund.
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