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Abstract

I’ll begin by addressing the elephant in the room. Isn’t the Great Reset simply a “conspiracy theory” concocted and circulated by “rightwing extremists?” The so-called conspiracy theories run something like this: the Great Reset is a plot hatched by a technocratic global elite to establish a socialist-communist New World Order. The Great Reset will abolish the property rights of the majority, as well as individual and national sovereignty, and wipe out the last vestiges of personal freedom. It uses covid-19 and climate change as pretexts to enslave what will remain of humanity, using never-ending lockdowns, experimental vaccines, and pervasive and inescapable surveillance. According to the New York Times[1] and the Anti-Defamation League,[2] the Great Reset has no basis in fact. Or, as the BBC claims,[3] the Great Reset is a benign effort on the part of “leading thinkers”[4] to bring about “a fairer, greener future,”[5] based on a reset of capitalism. Meanwhile, Time devoted an issue to the Great Reset, effectively hailing it as the solution to all our problems post-covid.[6] Klaus Schwab, the Founder and Executive Chairman of the World Economic Forum (WEF), suggests that the Great Reset is merely an attempt to address the weaknesses of capitalism exposed by the covid crisis, as well as the looming catastrophes posed by unmitigated climate change and environmental degradation. This is what Klaus Schwab and Thierry Malleret suggest in their book, Covid-19: The Great Reset. It’s what numerous documents on the WEF website claim. Why, then, has the Great Reset been construed as a vast leftwing conspiracy to create a totalitarian one-world government?
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NOVEMBER 7, 2021 · COMMENTS
I’ll begin by addressing the elephant in the room. Isn’t the Great Reset simply a “conspiracy theory” concocted and circulated by “rightwing extremists?” The so-
called conspiracy theories run something like this: the Great Reset is a plot hatched by a technocratic global elite to establish a socialist-communist New World
Order. The Great Reset will abolish the property rights of the majority, as well as individual and national sovereignty, and wipe out the last vestiges of personal
freedom. It uses covid-19 and climate change as pretexts to enslave what will remain of humanity, using never-ending lockdowns, experimental vaccines, and
pervasive and inescapable surveillance.
According to the New York Times[1] and the Anti-Defamation League,[2] the Great Reset has no basis in fact. Or, as the BBC claims,[3] the Great Reset is a
benign effort on the part of “leading thinkers”[4] to bring about “a fairer, greener future,”[5] based on a reset of capitalism. Meanwhile, Time devoted an issue to
the Great Reset, effectively hailing it as the solution to all our problems post-covid.[6]
Klaus Schwab, the Founder and Executive Chairman of the World Economic Forum (WEF), suggests that the Great Reset is merely an attempt to address the
weaknesses of capitalism exposed by the covid crisis, as well as the looming catastrophes posed by unmitigated climate change and environmental degradation.
This is what Klaus Schwab and Thierry Malleret suggest in their book, Covid-19: The Great Reset. It’s what numerous documents on the WEF website claim. Why,
then, has the Great Reset been construed as a vast leftwing conspiracy to create a totalitarian one-world government?
I don’t mean to suggest that the truth lies somewhere between denial and conspiracy. Rather, I want to make clear just what the Great Reset entails, according
to its architects and subscribers. I rely on the claims of Klaus Schwab and his WEF contributors, the WEF’s partnerships, developments in the U.S. and around
the world, and on the implications that can be reasonably drawn from proposals and their implementation. In the process, I also mean to show how the Great
Reset idea generates “conspiracy theories,” as if spontaneously.
Before grappling with the main components of the Great Reset, a history of the idea and its development is in order. Although its philosophical roots may go
much deeper, the Great Reset can be traced to the inception of the World Economic Forum, founded as the European Management Forum in 1971. In the same
year, Klaus Schwab, an engineer and economist by training, published his first book, Modern Enterprise Management in Mechanical Engineering, written in his native
German.[7] Here, Schwab first introduced what he would later call “stakeholder capitalism,” arguing, as the WEF website notes, “that the management of a
modern enterprise must serve not only shareholders but all stakeholders to achieve long-term growth and prosperity.”[8] Schwab and the WEF have promoted
the multistakeholder concept ever since. The WEF is the source for the stakeholder and public-private partnership rhetoric and policies embraced by
governments, corporations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), civil society organizations, and international governance bodies worldwide. Public-private
partnerships have played a key role in the response to the covid crisis and are instrumental in the response to the supposed climate change crisis.
The exact phrase, “the Great Reset,” came into circulation in 2010 with the publication of the book, The Great Reset, by the American Urban Studies theorist
Richard Florida[9]—although others claim that they used the phrase before him. Florida’s Great Reset was a response to the 2008 financial crisis and argues that
the 2008 crash was the latest in a series of Great Resets, including the Long Depression of the 1870s and the Great Depression of the 1930s. Far from being the
fallow years typically depicted, Great Resets are periods of paradigm-shifting innovation and geographical reconfiguration. Schwab apparently appropriated the
phrase and adapted it to represent his stakeholder vision for a new kind of capitalism and world system.
At the WEF annual meeting in 2014, Schwab declared: “What we want to do in Davos this year … is to push the reset button.[10] By this he referred to an
imaginary reset button on the world economic system of “neoliberal” capitalism. A graphic depiction of a reset button would later appear on the WEF’s website.
In 2017, the WEF published a paper entitled, “We need to reset the global operating system to achieve the SDGs [Sustainable Development Goals]” of the United
Nations (UN).[11]
Next, the WEF organized two events that eerily anticipated covid-19, which became the primary inspiration for the Great Reset project. In May 2018, the WEF
collaborated with the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security to conduct the CLADE X Exercise, a “tabletop” simulation of a national response to a
pandemic.[12] The exercise simulated the outbreak of CLADE X, a novel strain of a human parainfluenza virus with genetic elements of the Nipah virus.
According to Homeland Preparedness News, the CLADE X simulation demonstrated that “[t]he lack of both a protective vaccine and a proactive worldwide plan
for tackling the spread of a catastrophic global pandemic resulted in the death of 150 million people across the Earth.”[13]Clearly, preparation for a global
pandemic was in order.
A little over a year later, in October 2019, the WEF’s uncanny prescience was again on display, only this time with greater precision. Along with the Bill and
Melinda Gates Foundation, the WEF teamed up with Johns Hopkins University to stage another pandemic exercise, called Event 201. Event 201 simulated the
international response to the outbreak of a novel coronavirus—two months before the covid-19 outbreak became international news and five months before the
World Health Organization (WHO) declared it a pandemic. The Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security’s summary of the exercise closely resembles the
actual covid-19 scenario, including apparent foreknowledge of so-called asymptomatic spread:
Event 201 simulates an outbreak of a novel zoonotic coronavirus transmitted from bats to pigs to people that eventually becomes efficiently transmissible
from person to person, leading to a severe pandemic. The pathogen and the disease it causes are modeled largely on SARS, but it is more transmissible in
the community setting by people with mild symptoms.[14]
The CLADE X and Event 201 simulations anticipated practically every eventuality of the covid crisis, notably the responses by governments, health agencies,
conventional media, social media, and elements of the public. The responses and their effects included worldwide lockdowns, the collapse of businesses and
industries, the adoption of biometric surveillance technologies, an emphasis on social media censorship to combat “misinformation” and “disinformation,” the
flooding of social and legacy media with “authoritative sources,” widespread riots, and mass unemployment.[15]
These premonitory exercises and other covid curiosities have contributed to the “plandemic” narrative—speculation that the covid-19 crisis may have been
staged by global elites centered around the WEF as an alibi for initiating the Great Reset. In addition to the pandemic exercise just referenced, Swiss Policy
Research points to the WEF’s role in promoting digital biometric identity systems, thrusting its Young Global Leaders into major roles in the management of
the covid crisis, and advocating the vaccination of children as “an entry point for digital identification.[16]
On June 13, 2019, the WEF signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the UN to form a partnership centered on advancing the UN “2030 Agenda for
Sustainable Development.”[17] The WEF published the “United Nations-World Economic Forum Strategic Partnership Framework for the 2030 Agenda” shortly
thereafter.[18] The WEF promised to help “finance” the UN’s climate change agenda. The framework also commits the WEF to helping the UN “meet the needs
of the Fourth Industrial Revolution,” including providing assets and expertise for “digital governance.” Agenda 2030 appears to have been tailor-made to
accommodate the UN-WEF partnership. It adopts the stakeholder concept introduced by Schwab decades before. The word “stakeholders” is used no less than
thirteen times in the 2030 resolution. The Great Reset, then, may be understood, in part, as the WEF’s contribution to Agenda 2030.
In June 2020, the WEF held its Great Reset summit as the fiftieth annual meeting of the World Economic Forum—delayed and refocused due to the covid crisis
—and announced the Great Reset’s official launch.
Just months into the covid crisis, on July 19, 2020, and a mere month after the annual meeting, Klaus Schwab and Thierry Malleret published Covid 19: the Great
Reset. Steve Umbrello, the Managing Director at the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies at the University of Turin, wrote in his academic review of
the manifesto:
Although not impossible, the speed at which a book on this particular topic, proposing these theses, was produced[,] does play into the conspiratorial
aesthetic that the book has since induced. Even though the authors are transparent about writing and publishing the book within a month’s time, this
neither confirms the veracity of such claims nor dispels suspicion from those who question its expediency.[19]
The short interval between the WHO’s declaration of a pandemic and the book’s publication is not the only factor that has fed “the conspiratorial aesthetic”
surrounding the Great Reset. Schwab’s writing with Malleret and other WEF statements have stoked the speculations. The co-authors declare, without apparent
regret or shame, that covid-19 represents an “opportunity [that] can be seized,”[20] and “we should take advantage of this unprecedented opportunity to
reimagine our world,[21] and “the moment must be seized to take advantage of this unique window of opportunity,”[22] and “[f]or these companies the pandemic
is a unique opportunity to rethink their organization and enact positive, sustainable and lasting change,[23] and “[f]or those fortunate enough to find themselves
in industries ‘naturally’ resilient to the pandemic [like Big Digital Tech], the crisis was not only more bearable, but even a source of profitable opportunities at a
time of distress for the majority.”[24] This last sentence may be suggestive of the Great Reset’s overall plan.
The Great Reset combines resets in all conceivable domains of human life: economic, environmental, geopolitical, governmental, industrial, technological,
social, and individual.
The Great Reset ushers in a bewildering economic amalgam, what I’ve called “corporate socialism”[25] and “capitalism with Chinese characteristics,”[26] or what
Giorgio Agamben later called “communist capitalism.”[27] Schwab and company euphemistically call this system “stakeholder capitalism.”
Stakeholder capitalism involves the behavioral modification of corporations to benefit “stakeholders.” A stakeholder is anyone or any group that stands to
benefit or lose from corporate behavior—other than competitors.
Stakeholder capitalism includes not only corporate responses to ecological issues such as climate change, “but also rethinking their [corporations’] commitments
to already-vulnerable communities within their ecosystems.[28] This is the “social justice” aspect of stakeholder capitalism and the Great Reset. Governments,
banks, and asset managers use the Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) index to squeeze non-woke players out of the market. The ESG index is
essentially a social credit score for rating corporations. The collectivist planners drive ownership and control of production away from the non-compliant.
One of the WEF’s many “strategic partners,[29] BlackRock, Inc., the world's largest asset manager, is solidly behind the stakeholder model of the Great Reset
program. In a 2021 letter to CEOs, BlackRock’s CEO Larry Fink declared that “climate risk is investment risk,” and “the creation of sustainable index
investments has enabled a massive acceleration of capital towards companies better prepared to address climate risk.[30] Fink states that the pandemic
accelerated the flow of funds toward sustainable investments:
We have long believed that our clients, as shareholders in your company, will benefit if you can create enduring, sustainable value for all of your
stakeholders…As more and more investors choose to tilt their investments towards sustainability-focused companies, the tectonic shift we are seeing will
accelerate further. And because this will have such a dramatic impact on how capital is allocated, every management team and board will need to consider
how this will impact their company’s stock.
Fink’s letter is more than a report to CEOs. It is an implicit threat. Meanwhile, investment according to the ESG index and other financial tools is gaining the
force of law in the U.S., with the Biden administration’s recent “U.S. Climate-Related Financial Risk: Executive Order 14030.[31]
Schwab and Malleret pit “stakeholder capitalism” against “neoliberalism,” “a corpus of ideas and policies … favouring competition over solidarity, creative
destruction over government intervention and economic growth over social welfare.[32] That is, “neoliberalism” refers to what is otherwise known as the free
market. Stakeholder capitalism is thus opposed to the free enterprise system. It means not only corporate cooperation with the state and NGOs but also vastly
increased government intervention in the economy. Schwab and Malleret promote “the return of ‘big’ government,”[33] as if it ever retreated: If “the past five
centuries in Europe and America” have taught us anything, they assert, it is that “acute crises contribute to boosting the power of the state. It’s always been the
case and there is no reason why it should be different with the COVID-19 pandemic.
Schwab and company erect the strawman of neoliberalism as the source of our economic woes. But the governmental favoring of industries and players within
industries—or corporatism, otherwise known as economic fascism,[34] and not fair and free competition—has been the real source of what Schwab and his ilk
apparently decry. The Great Reset vastly increases corporatism or economic fascism.
While approved corporate stakeholders are not necessarily monopolies, the tendency of the Great Reset is toward monopolization—vesting as much control over
production and distribution in these favored corporations as possible, while eliminating industries and producers deemed either unnecessary or inimical. To
bring this reset about, “[e]very country, from the United States to China, must participate, and every industry, from oil and gas to tech, must be transformed,”
writes the authoritarian Schwab.[35]
Unsurprisingly, stakeholder capitalism has been seen as a new approach to achieving socialism, even by socialists.[36] As I’ve suggested, stakeholder capitalism
tends toward “corporate socialism,” or “capitalism with Chinese characteristics,” two ways of understanding the overall economics of the Great Reset.
Anthony C. Sutton, the late historian and Hoover Institute scholar, described corporate socialism as follows:
Old John D. Rockefeller and his 19th century fellow capitalists were convinced of one absolute truth: that no great monetary wealth could be accumulated
under the impartial rules of a competitive laissez faire society. The only sure road to the acquisition of massive wealth was monopoly: drive out your
competitors, reduce competition, eliminate laissez-faire, and above all get state protection for your industry through compliant politicians and government
regulation. This last avenue yields a legal monopoly, and a legal monopoly always leads to wealth.
This robber baron schema is also … the socialist plan. The difference between a corporate state monopoly and a socialist state monopoly is essentially only
the identity of the group controlling the power structure...We call this phenomenon of corporate legal monopoly—market control acquired by using
political influence—by the name of corporate socialism.[37]
The corporate-socialist tendency is toward a two-tiered economy, with monopolies and the state on top, and “actually existing socialism” for the majority below.
Actually existing socialism” is socialism as it really is, as opposed to how Marx and his epigones claimed it would be.[38]
“Capitalism with Chinese characteristics” is a play on the Chinese Communist Party's description of its economic system. Several decades ago, as China's growing
reliance on the for-profit sectors of its economy could no longer be credibly denied by the CCP, its leadership approved the slogan “socialism with Chinese
characteristics” to describe its economic system. Formulated by Deng Xiaoping, the phrase became an essential component of the CCP's attempt to rationalize
Chinese for-profit development under a socialist political system.
According to the party, the growing privatization of the Chinese economy was to be a temporary phase—lasting a hundred years if necessary(!)—on the way to a
classless society of full socialism-communism. The party leaders claimed, and still maintain, that socialism with Chinese characteristics is necessary in China’s
case because China was a “backward” agrarian country when socialism was introduced—too early, it was suggested. China needed a capitalist booster shot.
With the slogan, the party was able to suggest that China had been an exception to the orthodox Marxist position that socialism arrives only after the
development of capitalism—although Marx himself deviated from his own formula late in life. At the same time, the slogan allowed the CCP to confirm the
orthodox Marxist position. China’s socialist revolution had come before developed industrial capitalism—an exception to orthodox Marxism. Capitalism was
thus introduced into China’s economic system later—a confirmation of orthodox Marxism.
Stripped of its socialist ideological pretensions, socialism with Chinese characteristics, or the Chinese system itself, amounts to a socialist or communist state
increasingly funded by “capitalist” economic development. The difference between the former Soviet Union and contemporary China is that when it became
obvious that a socialist economy had failed, the former gave up its socialist economic pretenses, while the latter has not.
The Great Reset represents the development of the Chinese system in the West, only in reverse. Whereas the Chinese political class began with a socialist
political system and introduced privately held for-profit production later, the West began with a degree of capitalism and is implementing a socialist political
system now. It’s as if the Western oligarchy looked to the “socialism” on display in China, and said, “yes, we want it.” This Chinese-style system includes vastly
increased state intervention in the economy on the one hand, and the kind of authoritarian measures that the Chinese government uses to control the
population, on the other.
Now, let’s look at contemporary developments and how they have been moving in this direction.
The draconian lockdown measures employed by governments just so happen to have accomplished what corporate socialists like the WEF and their
collaborators apparently wanted done. They have destroyed small businesses, thus eliminating competitors for corporate monopolists. As the Foundation for
Economic Education reported, in the U.S. alone, millions of small businesses closed their doors due to lockdowns.[39]Yelp data indicates that 60% of business
closures are now permanent.[40] Meanwhile, the Big Digital giants—including Amazon, Apple, and Facebook—appreciated massive gains. During the three
months ending in June 2020, for example, Amazon’s “quarterly profit of $5.2bn (£4bn) was the biggest since the company's start in 1994 and came despite heavy
spending on protective gear and other measures due to the virus.[41] A data analysis from Harvard University, Brown University, and the Bill and Melinda
Gates Foundation found that government-mandated lockdowns devastated lower-income-earning workers and benefitted those at the top.[42] Meanwhile,
studies have shown that lockdowns did nothing to mitigate the spread of covid-19.[43]
Developments advancing the Great Reset agenda include unfettered immigration, travel restrictions for otherwise legal border crossing, the Federal Reserve’s
unrestrained printing of money, the subsequent inflation, increasing taxation, the increased dependence on the state, the supply-chain crisis, the restrictions and
job losses due to vaccine mandates, and the prospect of personal carbon allowances.[44] Altogether, these and other such policies constitute a coordinated attack
on the majority. Ironically, they also represent the “fairness” aspect of the Great Reset—if we properly understand fairness to mean leveling the economic status
of the "average American" with those in less “privileged” regions. And this is one of the functions of woke ideology—to make the majority in developed countries
feel unworthy of their “privileged” lifestyles and consumption patterns, which the elite are in the process of resetting to a reduced and static new normal, but
not for themselves.[45]
The corporate stakeholder model of the Great Reset spills into its governance and geopolitical model: states and favored corporations in “public-private
partnerships” in control of governance. The configuration yields a corporate-state hybrid largely unaccountable to the constituents of national governments.
The cozy relationship between multinational corporations and governments has even aroused the scorn of a few academics.[46] Some note that the UN-WEF
partnership and the governance model of the WEF represent at least the partial privatization of the UN’s Agenda 2030, with the WEF bringing corporate
partners, money, and supposed expertise on the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4-IR) to the table. And the WEF’s governance model extends well beyond the UN,
affecting the constitution and behavior of governments worldwide. This usurpation has led political scientist Ivan Wecke to call the WEF’s governmental
redesign of the world system “a corporate takeover of global governance.[47]
This is true, but the WEF model also represents the governmentalization of private industry. Under Schwab’s stakeholder capitalism and the multistakeholder
governance model, governance is not only increasingly privatized, but also and more importantly, corporations are deputized as major additions to governments
and intergovernmental bodies. The state is thereby extended, enhanced, and augmented by the addition of enormous corporate assets. These include funding
directed at “sustainable development” to the exclusion of the non-compliant, as well as the use of Big Data, AI, and 5G to monitor and control citizens. In the
case of the covid vaccine regime, the state grants Big Pharma monopoly protection and indemnity from liability in exchange for a vehicle to expand its powers
of coercion. As such, corporate stakeholders become what I have called “governmentalities[48]—otherwise “private” organizations wielded as state apparatuses,
with no obligation to answer to pesky constituents. Since these corporations are multinational, the state essentially becomes global, whether or not a “one-world
government” is ever formalized.
As if the economic and governmental resets were not dramatic enough, the technological reset reads like a dystopic sci-fi novel. It is based on the Fourth
Industrial Revolution (4-IR). The 4-IR, we are told, follows the first, second, and third industrial revolutions—the mechanical, electrical, and digital,
respectively.[49] The 4-IR builds on the digital revolution, but Schwab sees the 4-IR as an exponential take-off and convergence of existing and emerging fields,
including Big Data; artificial intelligence (AI); machine learning; quantum computing; and genetics, nanotechnology, and robotics (GNR). The consequence is
the merging of the physical, digital, and biological worlds. The blurring of these categories ultimately challenges the very ontologies by which we understand
ourselves and the world, including “what it means to be human.”[50]
The specific applications include a ubiquitous Internet, the Internet of Things (IoT), the Internet of Bodies (IoB), autonomous vehicles, smart cities, 3-D
printing, robots, nanotechnology, biotechnology, materials science, energy storage, and more.
While Schwab promotes a particular vision for the 4-IR, there is nothing original about his formulations. Transhumanists and Singularitarians (or prophets of
the technological singularity), such as Ray Kurzweil and many others, forecasted these and more revolutionary developments, long before Schwab heralded
them.[51] The significance of Schwab’s and the WEF’s take on the new technological revolution is the attempt to harness it to a particular end, presumably “a
fairer, greener future.”
But if existing 4-IR developments are any indication of the future, then Schwab’s apparent optimism is misplaced, and the 4-IR is grossly misrepresented. These
developments already include Internet algorithms that feed users prescribed news and advertisements and downrank or exclude banned content; algorithms that
censor social media content, and consign “dangerous” individuals and organizations to digital gulags; keyword warrants based on search engine inputs; apps that
track and trace covid suspects and report violators to the police; robot police with QR code scanners to identify and round up the unvaccinated and other
dissidents; and smart cities where everyone is a digital entity to be monitored, surveilled, and recorded, while data on their every move is collected, collated,
stored, and attached to a digital identity and social credit score—to name a few of the panoptic manifestations of the 4-IR.
In short, 4-IR technologies subject human beings to a technological management that makes surveillance by the NSA look like child’s play. And Schwab lauds
developments that connect brains directly to the cloud and enable the “data mining” of thought and memory, a technological mastery over decision-making that
threatens autonomy and undermines any semblance of free will. The 4-IR accelerates the merging of humans and machines, resulting in a world in which all
information, including genetic information, is shared, and every action, thought, and unconscious motivation is known, predicted, and possibly even precluded.
Naturally, Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World comes to mind. Yet Schwab touts brain-cloud interfaces as enhancements, as vast improvements over standard
human intelligence.
Unless taken out of the hands of corporate-socialist technocrats, the 4-IR will constitute a virtual, inescapable prison of body and mind.
In terms of the social order, the Great Reset promises “inclusion” in a “shared destiny.”[52] But the subordination of “netizens” implies economic and political
disenfranchisement, a hyper-vigilance over self and others, and social isolation—or what Hannah Arendt called “organized loneliness”[53]—on a global scale. In
the age of covid, this organized loneliness is already manifest in lockdowns, masking, social distancing, and the exclusion of the “unvaccinated.” The “Alone
Together” public service announcement produced and circulated by the Ad Council in March of 2020 represented organized loneliness succinctly.[54]
In Google Archipelago, I argued that leftist authoritarianism is the political ideology and modus operandi of what I call Big Digital, and that Big Digital is the
leading edge of a nascent world system. Big Digital is the communications, ideological, and technological arm of an emerging corporate-socialist totalitarianism.
The Great Reset is the name that has since been given to the project of establishing this world system.
Just as Klaus Schwab and the WEF hoped, the covid crisis has accelerated the Great Reset. The response to the covid-19 scourge has consolidated the grip on the
economy of monopolistic corporations above, while advancing “actually-existing socialism” below. In partnership with Big Tech, Big Pharma, the legacy media,
national and international health agencies, and compliant populations, hitherto “democratic” Western states are being transformed into totalitarian regimes
modeled after China, seemingly overnight. I need not provide a litany of the tyranny and abuses. You can read about them on alternative news sites—until you
can no longer read about them.[55]
The Great Reset, then, is not a conspiracy theory; it is an open, avowed, and planned project, and it is well underway. But because capitalism with Chinese
characteristics or corporate-socialist statism lacks free markets and depends on the absence of free will and individual liberty, it is, ironically, “unsustainable.”
The vast majority will not accept the Great Reset’s attempts to lock them away in an economic, governmental, and technological prison. Like earlier attempts at
totalitarianism, the Great Reset is doomed to fail.
The author would like to thank Lori R. Price for her excellent editorial suggestions on this paper.
[1] Davey Alba, “The Baseless ‘Great Reset’ Conspiracy Theory Rises Again,New York Times, Nov. 17,
2020, https://www.nytimes.com/live/2020/11/17/world/covid-19-coronavirus#the-baseless-great-reset-conspiracy-theory-rises-again.
[2]The Great Reset’ Conspiracy Flourishes Amid Continued Pandemic,” Anti-Defamation League, December 29, 2020, https://www.adl.org/blog/the-great-
reset-conspiracy-flourishes-amid-continued-pandemic.
[3] BBC Monitoring and BBC Reality Check, “What Is the Great Reset - and How Did It Get Hijacked by Conspiracy Theories?” BBC News, BBC, June 23,
2021, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-trending-57532368.
[4] “Leading Thinkers to Meet in Dubai for Great Narrative Meeting,” World Economic Forum, September 28,
2021, https://www.weforum.org/press/2021/09/leading-thinkers-to-meet-in-dubai-for-great-narrative-meeting/.
[5] Klaus Schwab and Thierry Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset (Geneva: Forum Publishing, 2020), p. 57.
[6]The Great Reset: How to Build a Better World Post-Covid-19,Time. Time, October 21, 2020, https://time.com/collection/great-reset/.
[7] “Klaus Schwab,” World Economic Forum, Accessed October 27, 2021, https://www.weforum.org/about/klaus-schwab.
[8] “Klaus Schwab,” World Economic Forum, Accessed October 27, 2021, https://www.weforum.org/about/klaus-schwab.
[9] Richard L. Florida, The Great Reset: How New Ways of Living and Working Drive Post-Crash Prosperity, New York, NY: HarperCollins, 2010.
[10] “WEF Chairman Hopes Forum Will Help Push ‘Reset’ Button on World Economy,” YouTube. YouTube, July 31, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?
v=RAjYAXYGPuI.
[11] Homi Kharas, “We Need to Reset the Global Operating System to Achieve the SDG. Here's How,” World Economic Forum, January 13,
2017, https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/01/we-need-to-upgrade-the-sustainable-development-goals-here-s-how/.
[12] Julia Cizek, “Clade X, a Tabletop Exercise Hosted by the Center for Health Security.” Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security, January 7,
2019. https://www.centerforhealthsecurity.org/our-work/events/2018_clade_x_exercise/.
[13] Kim Riley, “Mock Clade X Pandemic Decimates Human Population; Denotes Global Pre-Planning Needs,Homeland Preparedness News, May 21,
2018, https://homelandprepnews.com/countermeasures/28548-mock-clade-x-pandemic-decimates-human-population-denotes-global-pre-planning-needs/.
[14] JHCHS website, “The Event 201 Scenario: A Pandemic Tabletop Exercise,” Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security, October 18,
2019, https://www.centerforhealthsecurity.org/event201/scenario.html.
[15] Tim Hinchliffe, “A Timeline of the Great Reset Agenda: From Foundation to Event 201 & the Pandemic of 2020.” The Sociable, July 20,
2021. https://sociable.co/government-and-policy/timeline-great-reset-agenda-event-201-pandemic-2020/.
[16]The WEF and the Pandemic.” Swiss Policy Research, October 27, 2021, https://swprs.org/the-wef-and-the-pandemic/.
[17] “World Economic Forum and UN Sign Strategic Partnership Framework,” World Economic Forum, Accessed October 27,
2021, https://www.weforum.org/press/2019/06/world-economic-forum-and-un-sign-strategic-partnership-framework/;“Transforming Our World: The 2030
Agenda for Sustainable Development | Department of Economic and Social Affairs,” United Nations. United Nations, Accessed October 27,
2021, https://sdgs.un.org/2030agenda.
[18]The United Nations-World Economic Forum Strategic Partnership Framework for the 2030 Agenda,” World Economic
Forum, https://weforum.ent.box.com/s/rdlgipawkjxi2vdaidw8npbtyach2qbt.
[19] Steven Umbrello, “Should We Reset? A Review of Klaus Schwab and Thierry Malleret’s ‘Covid-19: The Great Reset,’The Journal of Value Inquiry, February 17,
2021, 1–8, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10790-021-09794-1, p. 7.
[20] Schwab and Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset, p. 57.
[21] Schwab and Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset, pp. 18-19.
[22] Schwab and Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset, p. 143.
[23] Schwab and Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset, p. 173.
[24] Schwab and Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset, p. 204.
[25] Michael Rectenwald, Google Archipelago: The Digital Gulag and the Simulation of Freedom, Nashville, TN: New English Review Press, 2019, pp. 54-65 and 123-
24; Michael Rectenwald, “The Great Reset, Part II: Corporate Socialism,” Mises Wire, December 31, 2020, https://mises.org/library/great-reset-part-ii-corporate-
socialism.
[26] Michael Rectenwald, “The Great Reset, Part III: “Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics,” Mises Wire, December 28, 2020, https://mises.org/wire/great-
reset-part-iii-capitalism-chinese-characteristics.
[27] Giorgio Agamben, “Communist Capitalism,Ill Will, December 15, 2020. https://illwill.com/communist-capitalism.
[28] Forum, World Economic. “The Bold Steps Business Leaders Must Take On Social Justice,” Forbes Magazine, January 26,
2021, https://www.forbes.com/sites/worldeconomicforum/2021/01/25/the-bold-steps-business-leaders-must-take-on-social-justice/?sh=113639621e61.
[29] “Strategic Partners,” World Economic Forum, Accessed November 1, 2021, https://www.weforum.org/communities/strategic-partnership-b5337725-fac7-4f8a-
9a4f-c89072b96a0d.
[30] Larry Fink, “Larry Fink CEO Letter.” BlackRock. Blackrock, Inc. Accessed March 9, 2021, https://www.blackrock.com/corporate/investor-relations/larry-
fink-ceo-letter#.
[31]A Roadmap to Build a Climate-Resilient Economy,” whitehouse.gov, Accessed October 27, 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-
content/uploads/2021/10/Climate-Finance-Report.pdf.
[32] Schwab and Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset, p. 78.
[33] Schwab and Malleret, COVID-19: The Great Reset, p. 89.
[34] Thomas J. DiLorenzo, “The Rise of Economic Fascism in America,” Mises Wire, August 27, 2021, https://mises.org/wire/rise-economic-fascism-america.
[35] Klaus Schwab, “Now Is the Time for a ‘Great Reset,’” World Economic Forum, June 3, 2020, https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/06/now-is-the-time-for-
a-great-reset/.
[36] David Campbell, “Towards a Less Irrelevant Socialism: Stakeholding as a ‘Reform’ of the Capitalist Economy,Journal of Law and Society 24, no. 1 (1997): 65–
84.
[37] Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and FDR: the True Story of How Franklin D. Roosevelt Colluded with Corporate America. Forest Row: Clairview Books, 2013,
Chapter 5.
[38] Roger Scruton, Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Political Thought, 3d ed. (New York: Macmillan Publishers, 2007), s.v. “Actually existing socialism.” Credo
Reference.
[39] Jon Miltimore, “America's Small Business Owners Have Been Horribly Abused during These Riots and Lockdowns. That Will Have Consequences.” FEE
Freeman Article. Foundation for Economic Education, June 5, 2020, https://fee.org/articles/america-s-small-business-owners-have-been-horribly-abused-during-
these-riots-and-lockdowns-that-will-have-consequences/.
[40] Anjali Sundaram, “Yelp Data Shows 60% of Business Closures Due to the Coronavirus Pandemic Are Now Permanent,” CNBC. December 11,
2020, https://www.cnbc.com/2020/09/16/yelp-data-shows-60percent-of-business-closures-due-to-the-coronavirus-pandemic-are-now-permanent.html.
[41] Jon Miltimore, “America's Small Business Owners Have Been Horribly Abused during These Riots and Lockdowns.”
[42] Brad Polumbo, “New Harvard Data (Accidentally) Reveal How Lockdowns Crushed the Working Class While Leaving Elites Unscathed,” FEE Freeman
Article, Foundation for Economic Education, June 17, 2021, https://fee.org/articles/new-harvard-data-accidentally-reveal-how-lockdowns-crushed-the-working-
class-while-leaving-elites-unscathed/.
[43] The Editorial Board, “Opinion | Lockdowns Didn't Stop Covid,” The Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company, May 9,
2021, https://www.wsj.com/articles/lockdowns-didnt-stop-covid-11620596906; Casey B. Mulligan, “Working Paper: The Backward Art of Slowing the Spread,”
https://bfi.uchicago.edu, April 2021. https://bfi.uchicago.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/BFI_WP_2021-51-1.pdf.
[44] Francesco Fuso Nerini, Tina Fawcett, Yael Parag, and Paul Ekins,“Personal Carbon Allowances Revisited,Nature
Sustainability (2021), https://doi.org/10.1038/s41893-021-00756-w.
[45] Michael Rectenwald, “The Great Reset, Part V: Woke Ideology,” Mises Wire, February 23, 2021.https://mises.org/wire/great-reset-part-v-woke-ideology.
[46] Steven Umbrello, “Should We Reset?”; Steffen Roth, “The Great Reset. Restratification for Lives, Livelihoods, and the Planet,Technological Forecasting and
Social Change 166 (February 3, 2021): 1–8, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techfore.2021.120636; Alexander Trauth-Goik, “Repudiating the Fourth Industrial Revolution
Discourse: A New Episteme of Technological Progress.World Futures 77, no. 1 (2020): 55–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/02604027.2020.1788357; Kasper Schiølin,
“Revolutionary Dreams: Future Essentialism and the Sociotechnical Imaginary of the Fourth Industrial Revolution in Denmark,Social Studies of Science 50, no. 4
(2019): 542–66. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306312719867768.
[47] Ivan Wecke, “Conspiracy Theories Aside, There Is Something Fishy About The Great Reset,” openDemocracy, August 16,
2021, https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/oureconomy/conspiracy-theories-aside-there-something-fishy-about-great-reset/.
[48] Michael Rectenwald, “The Google Election,” Mises Wire, November 10, 2020. https://mises.org/wire/google-election.
[49] Klaus Schwab, The Fourth Industrial Revolution (New York: Crown Business, 2016), pp. 6-8.
[50] Schwab, The Fourth Industrial Revolution, p. vii.
[51] Ray Kurzweil, The Singularity Is Near: When Humans Transcend Biology (London: Duckworth, 2006).
[52] “Stakeholder Capitalism: A Manifesto for a Cohesive and Sustainable World,” World Economic Forum Blog, Jan. 14,
2020, https://www.weforum.org/press/2020/01/stakeholder-capitalism-a-manifesto-for-a-cohesive-and-sustainable-world/.
[53] Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism. New Ed. with Added Prefaces, New York, NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973, p. 478.
[54] “Covid-19 PSA - Alone Together - Youtube,” May 24, 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JjVUzY6lSRA.
[55] Lori R. Price contributed the second half of this statement in conversation.
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Chapter
The structure of the paper is the following. In the first section, I present a conservative critique of the market which rests on a vision of capitalism as a manifestation of limitless greed. Paradoxically, the same vision, but with a different foretoken, is shared by many libertarians, notably – objectivists. In the second part, I present the argument from naturalness, where I focus on the key anthropological insights of the Austrian school of economics. In the third, the argument for preservation is presented and additionally strengthened with the reference to the role of intellectuals and the welfare state in the deterioration of individual freedom. The fourth section presents the argument of ethical supremacy based on Richard Weaver’s explanation of the relationship between property and freedom as a cornerstone for the moral defense of capitalism. I conclude with several remarks on the significance of the argument presented here, and with the thesis that, if the argument stands, conservatives face a very important dilemma.
Chapter
Full-text available
A compelling approach in the defense of free market should be based on both utilitarian and ethical grounds. I will try to sketch here such a defense based on three lines of argument: the naturalness of capitalism, its preservation capacity, and, most importantly, its ethical supremacy. The argument from naturalness is based on Misesian praxeology, where the market is seen as a consequence of the fundamental axioms of human action. The argument from preservation states that the market generates – and not only destroys – social bonds. The third argument is centered around the strictly speaking ethical (deontological) dimension, that can be traced back to Locke’s idea of individual rights and the Kantian categorical imperative.
Article
This article examines the continuity of incidents linking Greta Thunberg to an ongoing stream of political shifts. It first takes us back to 1992 to her preteen predecessor, Severn Suzuki, and then forward to the COVID‐19 period and its consequences. The connecting thread that runs from 1992 to the present is the use of rhetoric to inspire terror in the population. Terror is used to promote acceptance of censorship and authoritarian restrictions that ironically interfere with the capacity of democracies to solve the problems confronting the world, such as climate change and pandemics. Elite actors create anxiety and terror to retain legitimacy in their control of narratives that preserve their power. This article shows how the World Economic Forum is transforming the acerbic language of Greta Thunberg into the basis for what is called the Great Reset, a set of policies that will enable the state and select businesses and NGOs to monitor and track the population and eliminate dissent. In short, when children are put in the world spotlight with a message, those who shine the light are the ones preventing real progress in solving problems.
Article
Full-text available
In previous articles, I've discussed the Great Reset and introduced several ways of understanding the economics of it. The Great Reset can be thought of as neofeudalism [6], as "corporate socialism [7]," as "capitalism with Chinese characteristics [8]," and in terms of "stakeholder capitalism" versus "neoliberalism [9]." In future installments, I intend to treat the technological (transhumanist) and monetary (centralized banking and digital currency) aspects that Klaus Schwab and others anticipate and prescribe. But in this essay, I wish to consider the ideological aspect of the Great Reset. Just how do the planners mean to establish the reset ideologically? That is, how would a reset of the mass mind come to pass that would allow for the many elements of the Great Reset to be put into place-without mass rebellion, that is? After all, if the Great Reset is to take hold, some degree of conformity on the part of the population will be necessary-despite the enhanced, extended, and more precise control over the population that transhumanist technology and a centralized digital currency would afford.
Article
Full-text available
Any discussion of "stakeholder capitalism" must begin by noting a paradox: like "neoliberalism," its nemesis, "stakeholder capitalism" does not exist as such. There is no such economic system as "stakeholder capitalism," just as there is no such economic system as "neoliberalism." The two antipathetic twins are imaginary ghosts forever pitted against each other in a seemingly endless and frenzied tussle.
Article
Full-text available
The Great Reset is on everyone's mind, whether everyone knows it or not. It is presaged by the measures undertaken by states across the world in response to the covid-19 crisis. (I mean by "crisis" not the so-called pandemic itself, but the responses to a novel virus called SARS-2 and the impact of the responses on social and economic conditions.) In his book, COVID-19: The Great Reset, World Economic Forum (WEF) founder and executive chairman Klaus Schwab writes that the covid-19 crisis should be regarded as an "opportunity [that can be] seized to make the kind of institutional changes and policy choices that will put economies on the path toward a fairer, greener future." Although Schwab has been promoting the Great Reset for years, the covid crisis has provided a pretext for finally enacting it. According to Schwab, we should not expect the postcovid world system to return to its previous modes of operation. Rather, alternating between description and prescription, Schwab suggests that changes will be, or should be, enacted across interlocking, interdependent domains to produce a new normal. So, just what is the Great Reset and what is the new normal it would establish?
Article
Full-text available
In reviewing the Great Reset, an initiative launched by the World Economic Forum (WEF) in response to the global coronavirus crisis, this perspective article considers the scenario of an epochal transition from capitalism to “restorism”. To facilitate the observation of underlying trends and assumptions, a systems-theoretical framework is developed for the observation of both this Great Reset scenario and those scenarios that are by implication excluded by the WEF vision. It is thus shown that the “shared goals” advocated by the WEF would converge to a transition from a modern pluralist to a “new-normative” order stratified to the primacy of individual, institutional, and planetary health. In discussing sociological implications of this transition, a vision emerges of a new digitally enhanced medieval era where health plays the role once played by religion. In this restorist scenario of a neo-medieval world health society, the emergence of new social strata corresponding to different levels of purity, infection, or pollution would be a probable consequence. The paper concludes that ideas of deliberately caused great resets and other control illusions nurtured by the WEF initiative are barely smarter than and spur what the UN Secretary-General refers to as “wild conspiracy theories”.
Article
Full-text available
A new book by Klaus Schwab and Thierry Malleret, "COVID-19: The Great Reset", is reviewed. COVID-19 not only exacerbates social, economic, environmental, cultural and technological trends that already existed pre-pandemic, but also come with emergent and novel ones that may need to be pushed in certain directions to ensure that the fragilities of the pre-pandemic world do not manifest themselves in the future. This book is intended to provide a map of the various arguments and trends of how COVID-19 has ‘reset’ most, if not all, sectors. Building robust and resilient systems of governance and living while avoiding the pitfalls of returning to how things were requires imagining how to direct these resets to more sustainable and green futures. The authors suggest radical, yet ambiguous ways to achieve these goals that may ultimately undermine them.
Article
The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4th IR) is a techno-infused discourse around which high-level discussions of the future have come to revolve. The vision depicted by the 4th IR is one of exponential technological change and convergence, a scene in which disruptive discoveries and their implementation occur simultaneously across the physical, digital and biological spheres. This article examines the development of the 4th IR and assesses the neoliberal logic behind it. Through a discourse analysis of high-level national and intergovernmental strategies, it exposes the business-orientated lean of the 4th IR and draws attention to the inherent focus on the adaptability of business over society in coping with technological change. An ontology of interdepend-ency and an ethics of care is advanced to reimagine technological progress and counter the supremacy of business interest within discussions concerning the future of the human species.
Article
In 2015, the World Economic Forum announced that the world was on the threshold of a ‘fourth industrial revolution’ driven by a fusion of cutting-edge technologies with unprecedented disruptive power. The next year, in 2016, the fourth industrial revolution appeared as the theme of the Forum’s annual meeting, and as the topic of a book by its founder and executive chairman, Klaus Schwab. Ever since, the Forum has made this impending revolution its top priority, maintaining that it will inevitably change everything we once know about the world and how to live in it, thus creating what I conceptualize as ‘future essentialism’. Within a short space of time, the vision of the fourth industrial revolution was institutionalized and publicly performed in various national settings around the world as a sociotechnical imaginary of a promising and desirable future soon to come. Through readings of original material published by the Forum, and through a case study of the reception of the fourth industrial revolution in Denmark, this article highlights and analyses three discursive strategies – ‘dialectics of pessimism and optimism’, ‘epochalism’ and ‘inevitability’ – in the transformation of a corporate, highly elitist vision of the future into policymaking and public reason on a national level.
Book
Google Archipelago: The Digital Gulag and the Fate of Free Speech explores the reach, penetration, power, and impact of “Big Digital”—or the mega-information managers, social media platforms, Artificial Intelligence developers, providers of other web applications and functionalities, and the architects and proponents of the promised Internet of Things. Alphabet (Google, YouTube, etc.) Facebook and Instagram, Twitter, Yelp, and Linkedin, as well as their many subsidiaries and competitors, comprise a digital collective—Big Digital—whose domain is global and whose ideological and functional power represents a force unlike any other in history. Big Digital, a non-governmental constellation of digital technology corporations, now presides over public and private life to such an extent that it rivals, if not surpassing, the governmental reach and penetration of many national governments, combined. Big Digital represents a new private form of government, or a governmentality, the means by which populations are governed, and the technologies that enable that governance. The primary means behind Big Digital’s governmental functions is ideology. And the ideology of Big Digital is decidedly leftist. I call Big Digital’s ideology “corporate leftism”—or, to borrow from and redefine a phrase coined by George Gilder, “Google Marxism.” Corporate leftism or Google Marxism comprise the set of values and beliefs now lodged within a growing number of U.S. and other corporations. Corporate leftism informs the policies, politics, and procedures of Big Digital. But corporate leftism is also disseminated well beyond the work cultures of Big Digital’s corporate headquarters. Corporate leftism is not a subsidiary feature or incidental aspect of Big Digital. Leftism is coded into the very DNA of Big Digital technology and replicated with every organizational offshoot and new technology. Big Digital’s leftist ideology circulates through the deep neural networks of cyberspace and other digital spheres. Corporate leftism is intrinsic to the structure of the Internet, “the cloud,” algorithms, apps, AI bots, social media services, web navigation tracking software systems, virtual assistants, and more. Google Archipelago tells the story of how Silicon Valley’s digital technology corporations became bastions of leftism—how, why, and to what ends corporate leftism constituted and informed Big Digital, while still promoting the commercial objectives of its digital global conglomerates and extending their reach as a private governmentality. Big Digital’s corporate leftism is authoritarian to the core—and the leading governmentality in today’s world is the corporate leftist authoritarian constellation that I call the Google Archipelago.
Book
The Fourth Industrial Revolution is changing everything - from the way we relate to each other, to the work we do, the way our economies work, and what it means to be human. We cannot let the brave new world that technology is currently creating simply emerge. All of us need to help shape the future we want to live in. But what do we need to know and do to achieve this? In Shaping the Fourth Industrial Revolution, Klaus Schwab and Nicholas Davis explore how people from all backgrounds and sectors can influence the way that technology transforms our world. Drawing on contributions by more than 200 of the world's leading technology, economic and sociological experts to present a practical guide for citizens, business leaders, social influencers and policy-makers this book outlines the most important dynamics of the technology revolution, highlights important stakeholders that are often overlooked in our discussion of the latest scientific breakthroughs, and explores 12 different technology areas central to the future of humanity. Emerging technologies are not predetermined forces out of our control, nor are they simple tools with known impacts and consequences. The exciting capabilities provided by artificial intelligence, distributed ledger systems and cryptocurrencies, advanced materials and biotechnologies are already transforming society. The actions we take today - and those we don't - will quickly become embedded in ever-more powerful technologies that surround us and will, very soon, become an integral part of us. By connecting the dots across a range of often-misunderstood technologies, and by exploring the practical steps that individuals, businesses and governments can take, Shaping the Fourth Industrial Revolution helps equip readers to shape a truly desirable future at a time of great uncertainty and change.