Van Hoek, M. 2021. Accessing the Inaccessible. Rock Art of Quilcapampa, southern Peru. Oisterwijk, the Netherlands.
Abstract
This book was written by me to serve as a supplement to a most extensive survey of the Wari Settlement at Quilcapampa in the Sihuas Valley of Southern Peru, the results of which were published in 2021 after many years of meticulous excavation and research, which started in 2013 by the Proyecto de Investigación Arqueológica Quilcapampa La Antigua (PIAQ). Their surveys resulted in the publication of a most informative book called: Jennings, J., W. Yépez Álvarez and S. L. Bautista (eds.). 2021. Quilcapampa. A Wari Enclave in Southern Peru. University Press of Florida (https://upf.com/book.asp?id=9780813066783).
However, my study only deals with the rock art at Quilcapampa, which was discussed in their Chapter 3: “Making Quilcapampa: Trails, Petroglyphs, and the Creation of a Moving Place”, written by Stephen Berquist, Felipe Gonzalez-Macqueen and Justin Jennings.
Besides more general remarks about Quilcapampa rock art, I also focus on specific types of Quilcapampa petroglyphs in my book, like the “Carcancha”, the Quilcapampa Abstract Anthropomorph and in particular on the “Trophy” Head, for which I propose a purpose that differs from the generally accepted theory. The findings of the PIAQ regarding the Plaza at Quilcapampa Settlement (discussed in their Chapter 4) seem confirm my theories that Quilcapampa rock art is firmly related with Apu Ampato.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Throughout much of the pre-Hispanic Andes, bioarchaeological and iconographic evidence shows that the decapitation, dismemberment, and display of human heads were important aspects of ritual practices. Researchers have debated about the social identities of these decapitated heads—were they revered local ancestors, non-local enemies captured in raids or war, or locals injured in distant combat partially repatriated for home burial—answers which have distinct implications for understanding the motivations and social contexts of this practice. We describe trophy-taking and trophy-making from the Uraca cemetery in pre-Hispanic Arequipa, Peru. To determine whether these trophies were locals, we employ radiogenic isotope analyses (87Sr/86Sr, 206Pb/204Pb, 207Pb/204Pb, 208Pb/204Pb) of tooth enamel from 37 individuals (25 non-trophies and 12 adult male trophies). To understand the degree of childhood mobility that occurred and whether that differed between individuals who became trophies and those who did not, we also examine 87Sr/86Sr, 206Pb/204Pb, 207Pb/204Pb, 208Pb/204Pb in paired teeth from infancy/early childhood and middle childhood of 18 individuals (8 non-trophies and 10 trophies). Results show that 20% of the non-trophies and 75% of the trophies were non-local relative to modeled local 87Sr/86Sr and mean (± 2 SD) of lead isotope values. Intra-childhood differences show that the individuals who became trophies experienced more childhood mobility than non-trophy individuals. This suggests Uraca’s external interactions and mobility were structured by violent intergroup raids and warfare throughout the region. Ongoing analyses will extend Uraca’s residential isobiographies to adolescence and late-life, refine the expected range of isotope ratios in the region, and clarify the extent of Majes Valley mobility during the mid-first millennium CE.
En términos arqueológicos, los valles del departamento de Arequipa son pobremente conocidos en comparación con otras regiones del Perú y es de esperar que este artículo ayude a despertar interés por el tema. Se describirán dos nuevas culturas locales recientemente identificadas en Arequipa, sobre la base de artefactos recolectados en los valles de Sihuas y Vitor, así como la temprana presencia de Nasca en el valle de Sihuas. En el análisis y la discusión también se han utilizado artefactos de colecciones e ilustraciones publicadas. Siguas 1 florece durante el Horizonte Temprano y Siguas 3 durante el Periodo Intermedio Temprano. El énfasis de ambas culturas se sitúa más en la textilería que en la cerámica, posible razón de la omisión que han sufrido por parte de los investigadores, ya que las cronologías y seriaciones de los Andes Centrales se basan en la cerámica. Ciertos ceramios y textiles de estilo Nasca Temprano, provenientes de Arequipa, muestran diferencias características frente a piezas de la costa sur, lo cual es interpretado como manifestaciones de manufactura local. Este hecho supone alguna forma de interacción entre Arequipa y la costa sur. Resultados preliminares basados en el análisis tecnológico de los textiles indican que la costa del extremo sur del Perú habría influenciado a la costa sur durante el Horizonte Temprano. La tradición textil de Siguas 2 combina elementos de Nasca y de Siguas. Por otra parte, se describirán textiles relacionados con Pukara del Periodo Intermedio Temprano, sobre los cuales se afirma algunos provendrían de Arequipa. Estos textiles permiten seguir la huella del Tema de la Deidad Central a través del estilo Pukara Provincial hasta los ejemplares de Siguas 1. El análisis de la cabeza de la Deidad Central y su corona con apéndices sobre la base del material de diferentes tradiciones, sugiere que los temas de Tiwanaku y de Wari Época 1A en Conchopata derivan de diferentes tradiciones del estilo Pukara.
This chapter describes how Quilcapampa was organized based on our study of its architecture. We look in particular at the sequence of construction, the internal divisions of the site, and the orientation of the plaza. Several components are divided, with a core area of more monumental architecture divided from an outlying area of scattered, less well-built buildings. Our analysis suggests the core’s architecture correlates with that found in Wari sites, in terms of building techniques and spatial organization. The outlying areas, in contrast, reflect the ways that people lived on the southern coast of Peru. Of particular importance is the evidence suggesting that the core was organized around extended family units in contrast to the nuclear family–centered households of the outlying area.
A description of the excavations in light of the architectural divisions discussed in the previous chapter, this chapter places emphasis on the short duration of occupation and the ways in which the site was abandoned. We see in differences in the ways that people lived in the core and outlying area, differences that will be more fully explored in the material-based chapters that follow. A Bayesian analysis of the radiocarbon dates confirms our assessment from the limited occupation levels and sparse material remains: Quilcapampa was only occupied for a few decades. The chapter also details the site’s orderly abandonment that involved the filling in of doorways, the smashing of artifacts, the laying of fills, and, perhaps, the unearthing of ancestral mummies that were taken with the occupants as they left the region.
This discussion introduces Quilcapampa as a location along a pampa-spanning trail that was part of the trail networks discussed in the previous chapter. We zoom into the region around Quilcapampa in this chapter, discussing the environment and history of the Sihuas mid-valley. Although connected to other valleys in the Pacific Piedmont, Sihuas was largely isolated from the rest of Peru until the ninth century when Quilcapampa was founded. The site would be reoccupied by the end of the twelfth century and would grow to become a major habitation site by the fourteenth century. We focus on the trails running into Quilcapampa in this chapter, their associated geoglyphs, and the petroglyphs located on the cliffs below Quilcapampa. These features significantly influenced the placement of the site.
This study investigates the possibility whether rock art images in the Majes Valley of southern Peru indeed depict weapons or conflicts between humans. The bio-archaeological excavations and research at Uraca (Majes Valley) by Beth Scaffidi and Tiffiny Tung suggest that the rock art of especially neighbouring Toro Muerto conveys a preoccupation with violence (Scaffidi and Tung 2020). However, the current study demonstrates that there is not any proof or any convincing graphical context confirming “violent events in nearby petroglyphs”.
My book ‘The Chavín Controversy’, published in 2011 is now available as PDF at ResearchGate. It exclusively deals with Andean Rock Art from the Formative Period (roughly between 2000 B.C. to A.D. 0) and focuses on imagery that has been labelled ‘Chavín-style’ in the past. Yet, rock art constitutes the main body of the book.
The book begins with an extensive introduction to the subject (Chapter 1). Then follows an ‘inventory’ of more than a hundred ‘Chavín-style’ rock art images (Chapter 2 - after 2011 [up to 2020] several more images have been recorded ), while Chapter 3 offers a comprehensive analysis of the ‘Chavín Controversy’, in which I challenge the Chavín supremacy in the Andean world. I also challenge the idea that - generally speaking - ‘Chavín-style’ rock art images are of Chavín manufacture. I propose that they are much older. In order to demonstrate my points not only many rock art panels, but also architectural art (especially Sechín), textiles from the Ica Region and ceramic art support my hypotheses. For instance, I propose that one specific piece of pottery establishes a link between Chavín de Huántar and Cerro Sechín.
The book explores rock art sites from the very north of Peru to the Atacama Desert in Chile and several sites and/or rock art panels have not been published until 2011. Important sites like Cerro Mulato, Alto de la Guitarra, Palamenco and Tolón are described in detail. But also rather ‘unknown’ sites like Tomabal, Río Salinas, Río Seco de Santa Ana, Santa Rita and Bogotalla are most important when discussing the ‘Chavín Controversy’. But it proved that especially the rock art site of Chillihuay is most important when discussing the ‘Chavín Controversy’. Chillihuay is notably located many hundreds of kilometres south of Chavín de Huántar and yet features several interesting rock art images. Moreover, very specific rock art images - mainly from Jequetepeque but also from Chillihuay- demonstrate that an enigmatic process of ‘disintegration’ has taken place in ‘Chavín-style’ rock art imagery.
The book (10 x 8 inches / 25 x 20 cm - soft cover only) has been written in the English language. It has 222 pages. The text has been printed in Times New Roman - 10 points. The book has more than 86.000 words; more than 78.000 words, when not counting the Contents, the Appendices, the extensive List of Figures (captions and sources) section and the Bibliography and the like. The book has been lavishly decorated with 174 illustrations (mainly black-and-white drawings, but also including 23 colour plates), plus two Time Charts.
In 2011 I published the printed version of my book commenting on the 1986-book by Núñez Jiménez about rock art in Peru. This book is called: Petroglyphs of Peru - Following the Footsteps of Antonio Núñez Jiménez. Later I created a er PDF e-version on the BLURB website. But a few years ago I deleted my BLURB account and my five printed books are no longer for sale. I now have the opportunity to give you access to my 2011-book about the 1986-work by Núñez Jiménez. It must be stressed (and I do so in my book as well) that I only comment on the 1986-work by Núñez Jiménez, not the person, nor the researcher. When I wrote the subtitle, I indeed clarified that I followed the footsteps that Núñez Jiménez made to admirably explore the petroglyphs of Peru, as I literally surveyed most of those sites myself.
Objectives:
This study examines violence-related cranial trauma frequencies and wound characteristics in the pre-Hispanic cemetery of Uraca in the lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru, dating to the pre- and early-Wari periods (200-750 CE). Cranial wounds are compared between status and sex-based subgroups to understand how violence shaped, and was shaped by, these aspects of identity, and to reconstruct the social contexts of violence carried out by and against Uracans.
Materials and methods:
Presence, location, and characteristics (lethality, penetration, and post-traumatic sequelae) of antemortem and perimortem cranial fractures are documented for 145 crania and compared between subgroups. Cranial wounds are mapped in ArcGIS and the locational distribution of injuries is compared between male and female crania.
Results:
Middle adult males were disproportionately interred at Uraca, particularly in the elite Sector I. The Uraca mortuary population presents the highest rate of cranial trauma reported for pre-Hispanic Peru: 67% of adults present trauma, and among those, 61.1% present more than one cranial injury. Males exhibit significantly more cranial trauma than females and present a higher mean number of injuries per person. Elite males show the highest mean number of injuries per person, more antemortem injuries, and are the only ones with perimortem cranial trauma, bladed injuries, penetrating injuries, and post-traumatic sequelae. Both sexes were most frequently injured on the anterior of the cranium, while the proportion of posterior injuries was higher for females.
Discussion:
The rate, intensity, and locational patterns of cranial trauma suggests the community was engaged in raids and/or war with enemy groups, some of which may have increased physical violence between community members. Engaging in violence was likely a prerequisite for burial in the elite sector and was bound up with the generation and maintenance of social status differences linked to male social life.
The book exclusively describes and discusses rock art images from the Desert Andes (the deserts of western Peru and northern Chile) which are associated with life and death (sex and gender related imagery). The book has been lavishly decorated with 326 illustrations (many colour photos and numerous drawings)……. El libro exclusivamente trata las imagenes en el Arte Rupestre Andino (Desert Andes = el Perú desértico y el norte de Chile) que expresan figuras y escenas relacionado con la vida y la muerte. El libro ha sido espléndidamente decorado con 326 ilustraciones (muchas fotos en color y numerosos dibujos).
In 1936, Leonidas Bernedo Málaga reported the discovery of a large collection of petroglyphs near the village of Illomas. We present the results of a recent study of the site, describing both the rock art and the organization of its surrounding ceremonial complex in light of our broader understanding of the prehistory of what is now the Department of Arequipa. Used for almost three thousand years, Illomas changed in function as population significantly increased in the region by the end of the Middle Horizon. Illomas, as well as other petroglyph sites in this rock art-rich region, was an important locus of worship and aggregation that has been underexplored by the broader archaeological community.
This book deals with a group of valleys in the Department of Arequipa: from Caravelí to Vítor. The book (156 pages in English with 105 numbered illustrations [and many more]) - called Formative Period Rock Art in Arequipa, Peru. An up-dated analysis of the rock art from Caravelí to Vítor - offers many, previously unpublished illustrations of rock art panels that prove beyond any doubt that there certainly is a much larger amount of Formative Period rock art imagery in this area than previously accepted, including more MSC-Style petroglyphs. The book also discusses and rejects the authority of the purported Siguas Culture, as I argue that this specific, individual culture never existed. An important but still modest role in the creation of the many rock art layers in the Study Area is by the Paracas Culture, while the Wari Culture has had only very, very little impact. Finally, the study offers a tentative, up-dated Time Scale for especially the rock art of the Majes Valley. I hope that this up-date will be useful to a large number of rock art researchers in Peru and outside Peru.
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Este libro trata de un grupo de valles en el Departamento de Arequipa: de Caravelí a Vítor. El libro (156 páginas en inglés con 105 ilustraciones numeradas [y muchas más]) - llamado Formative Period Rock Art in Arequipa, Peru. An up-dated analysis of the rock art from Caravelí to Vítor - ofrece muchas ilustraciones inéditas de paneles de arte rupestre que demuestran más allá de toda duda que ciertamente hay una cantidad mucho mayor de imágenes rupestres de Período Formativo en esta área que antes se aceptan, incluyendo más petroglifos al Estilo-MSC. El libro también discute y rechaza la autoridad de la supuesta Cultura Siguas, ya que sostengo que esta cultura individual específica nunca existió. Un papel importante pero aún modesto en la creación de las muchas manifestiones de arte rupestre en el área de estudio es por la Cultura Paracas, mientras que la Cultura Wari sólo ha tenido muy, muy poco impacto. Finalmente, el estudio ofrece una escala temporal tentativa y actualizada para especialmente el arte rupestre del Valle de Majes. Espero que esta actualización sea útil para un gran número de investigadores del arte rupestre en Perú y fuera del Perú.
My interest in the valleys of Arequipa began in 1994. A curious set of textiles labeled Nasca was attributed to the "Sihuas" Valley, Nazca region, Peru, south coast." The iconography of these textiles was not Nasca but belonged to unidentified traditions. They most likely came from the Sihuas Valley in the department of Arequipa. In 1997 and 2000 I went to Arequipa to establish if their provenance indeed was the Sihuas Valley and other valleys in the department of Arequipa. This was confirmed in the field for the valleys of Sihuas and Vitor at four heavily looted cemeteries. In addition, early Nasca textile fragments and a fragmented Nasca 3 bowl were collected. Figure 1 shows the valleys of the department of Arequipa in relation to the cities of Lima and Arequipa, and the south coast that includes the Rio Grande the Nazca drainage, the Nasca heartland. Approximately 300 miles separate it from the valley of Sihuas.
Over several years 1 acquired a small archive of illustrations and photographs of the textiles in question in addition to those collected at the four cemeteries. I divided these textiles into seven groups based on a comparative analysis using differences in iconography, style, sequencing of colors and weaving techniques, where possible, as well as 34 Accelerator Mass Spectrometry radiocarbon dates. The temporal ranges of the identified traditions will be shown below in parenthesis. It will be followed by the number of dates available for each tradition. All dates presented in this article are corrected and at the 68% or 1 sigma confidence interval. Three of the groups are local traditions, named Siguas 1 (543 BC-AD 121; 10), Siguas 2 (AD 127-333; 2) and Siguas 3 (AD 144-775; 8). Early Nasca textiles from Arequipa (AD 55-428; 4) and provincial Pukara (AD 138-406; 3) form the fourth and fifth groups. The remaining two groups are proliferous early Nasca (AD 168-425; 2) allegedly from Arequipa and Siguas -3 Nasca (AD 405-541; 1). Siguas 1 has its beginnings in the Early Horizon (EH) and ends about AD 100, during the early Early Intermediate Period (EIP), with the almost simultaneous appearance of early Nasca, Siguas 2, Siguas 3, provincial Pukara and surprisingly proliferous early Nasca. Siguas 1 and 3 are local cultures and Siguas 2 may be a local reaction to early Nasca influence. Between AD 630-669 a Middle Horizon (MH) Wan tunic found its way to the site of Cornejo in the Sihuas Valley.
I was informed Siguas 1 textiles were found in the valleys of Sihuas, Quilca, Majes and Ocona. At the heavily looted cemetery 1 of La Chimba in the Sihuas Valley the author together with the archaeologists Romulo Pari Flores and Marko Lopez collected only fragments of Siguas 1 artifacts while cemetery 2 had Siguas 1, early Nasca and Siguas 3 remains. In the Majes Valley Siguas 1 is documented at Toro Muerto through illustrations of petroglyphs. In addition to the fragments collected at La Chimba, there is a significant body of Siguas 1 textiles in collections. In the absence of decorated pottery, the Siguas 1 culture is defined through textiles, engraved canes, pyroengraved gourds, copper pins in the shape of undulating snakes and petroglyphs.
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