Introduction to the Routledge Handbook of Anthropology and Reproduction

Abstract

This book makes the case for the anthropology of reproduction and the importance and necessity of anthropologically informed thought and action in our current moment of global emergencies. We are writing this introduction amid multiple intersecting crises of a pandemic, climate change, and racial injustice. This volume has taken shape during the COVID-19 global pandemic, which has killed nearly four million people worldwide as of June 2021 and caused disease, disability, and suffering for millions more. It has upended what were formerly our daily routines and exposed the precarity and vulnerabilities in the supports and structures that undergird all of our lives. While we see glimmers of hope in vaccinations, we are very much still in the midst of the pandemic. At the same time, compounding the pandemic, we continue to witness alarming developments in the global climate crisis caused by human activity. Severe weather events have become more frequent and intense, and climate-related disasters threaten homes, livelihoods, and lives and throw vulnerable communities into further crisis. In the United States, “once in a century” winter storms resulted in the failure of one of the country's largest power grids in Texas, leaving millions of people without power and potable water—with far-reaching effects particularly in poor neighborhoods of color. Still, there continues to be only limited global action on climate change, which is also a key agent in the spread of new infectious agents, magnifying the potential for more pandemics in the coming decades.

Full text

The Routledge Handbook of Anthropology and Reproduction is a comprehensive overview of the
topics, approaches, and trajectories in the anthropological study of human reproduction. The
book brings together work from across the discipline of anthropology, with contributions by
established and emerging scholars in archaeological, biological, linguistic, and sociocultural
anthropology. Across these areas of research, consideration is given to the contexts, conditions,
and contingencies that mark and shape the experiences of reproduction as always gendered,
classed, and racialized. In 39 chapters, a diverse range of international scholars cover topics
including:
•Reproductive governance, stratification, justice, and freedom.
•Fertility and infertility.
•Technologies and imaginations.
•Queering reproduction.
•Pregnancy, childbirth, and reproductive loss.
•Postpartum and infant care.
•Care, kinship, and alloparenting.
This is a valuable reference for scholars and upper-level students in anthropology and related
disciplines associated with reproduction, including sociology, gender studies, science and
technology studies, human development and family studies, global health, public health,
medicine, medical humanities, and midwifery and nursing.
Sallie Han is Professor of Anthropology at SUNY Oneonta, USA. She is the author of
Pregnancy in Practice: Expectation and Experience in the Contemporary US (2013) and co-editor of
The Anthropology of the Fetus: Biology, Culture, and Society (2018).
Cecília Tomori is Associate Professor and Director of Global Public Health and Community
Health at Johns Hopkins School University of Nursing, USA. She is the author of Nighttime
Breastfeeding: An American Cultural Dilemma (2014) and co-editor of Breastfeeding: New
Anthropological Approaches (2018).
THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF
ANTHROPOLOGY AND REPRODUCTION

ROUTLEDGE ANTHROPOLOGY HANDBOOKS
The Routledge Handbook of Anthropology and Reproduction
Edited by Sallie Han, Cecília Tomori
The Routledge Companion to Contemporary Anthropology
Edited by Simon Coleman, Susan B. Hyatt, Ann Kingsolver
The Routledge Handbook of Anthropology and the City
Edited by Setha Low
The Routledge Handbook of Medical Anthropology
Edited by Lenore Manderson, Elizabeth Cartwright, Anita Hardon
https://www.routledge.com/Routledge-Anthropology-Handbooks/book-series/RANTHBK

THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK
OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND
REPRODUCTION
Edited by Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori

First published 2022
by Routledge
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© 2022 selection and editorial matter, Sallie Han and Cecília Tomor i;
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Title: The Routledge handbook of anthropology and reproduction/edited
by Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2022. |
Series: Routledge anthropology handbooks | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2021019621 | ISBN 9780367278366 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781032106663 (paperback) | ISBN 9781003216452 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Physical anthropology–Handbooks, manuals, etc. |
Reproduction–Handbooks, manuals, etc.
Classification: LCC GN60 .R69 2021 | DDC 599.9–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021019621
ISBN: 978-0-367-27836-6 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-10666-3 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-21645-2 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003216452
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by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India

To the memory of Leith Mullings. Rest in power.

vii
List of illustrations xii
List of contributors xv
Acknowledgements xxiii
Introduction to The Routledge Handbook of Anthropology and Reproduction 1
Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
PART I
Opening conversations in reproduction 17
1 Conceiving reproduction in biological anthropology 19
Karen L. Kramer, Amanda Veile, and Paula Ivey Henry
2 Developmental origins of health and disease: Evidence, proposed
mechanisms, and ideas for future applications 36
Zaneta Thayer and Theresa Gildner
3 Men and reproduction: Perspectives from biological anthropology 52
Peter B. Gray, Alex Straftis, and Kermyt G. Anderson
4 Conceiving of reproduction in archaeology 68
April Nowell, Lisa M. Mitchell, and Helen Kurki
PART II
Governance, stratification, justice, and freedom 85
5 Reproduction and the state 87
Carole H. Browner and Carolyn F. Sargent
CONTENTS

Contents
viii
6 The necropolitics of reproduction: Racism, resistance, and the Sojourner
Syndrome in the age of the Movement for Black Lives 106
Leith Mullings
7 Reproductive governance in practice: A comparison of state-provided
reproductive healthcare in Cuba and the United States 123
Elise Andaya
8 Reproduction through revolution: Maoist women’s struggle for equity in
post-development Nepal 137
Jan Brunson
9 Policy, governance, practice: Global perspectives on abortion 150
Joanna Mishtal and Silvia De Zordo
10 Sterile choices: Racialized women, reproductive freedom, and social
justice 165
Iris López
PART III
Making fertility 181
Menstruation
11 Menstruation: Causes, consequences, and context 183
Mary P. Rogers-LaVanne and Kathryn B.H. Clancy
12 Menstruation: Sociocultural perspectives 200
Elisha P. Renne
Technologies
13 Infertility, in vitro fertilization, and fertility preservation: Global
perspectives 217
Marcia C. Inhorn
14 Global IVF and local practices: The case of Ghana 233
Trudie Gerrits
15 Eggs 257
Daisy Deomampo
16 Surrogacy 271
Andrea Whittaker

Contents
ix
PART IV
Queering reproduction 287
17 The racial contours of queer reproduction 289
France Winddance Twine and Marcin Smietana
18 Invisible hands: The reproductivities of queer(ing) and race(ing) gynecology 305
Nessette Falu
PART V
Made and unmade: Personhood and reproduction 321
19 “Personhood” in the anthropology of reproduction 323
Linda Layne
20 Prenatal screening and diagnosis 339
Nete Schwennesen and Tine M. Gammeltoft
21 Navigating reproductive losses 351
Erica van der Sijpt
22 Reproduction in the past: A bioarchaeological exploration of the fetus
and its significance 365
Amy B. Scott and Tracy K. Betsinger
PART VI
Pregnancy 381
23 Pregnancy and the anthropology of reproduction 383
Elly Teman and Tsipy Ivry
24 Bringing language into the anthropology of reproduction: The text and
talk of pregnancy 396
Sallie Han
25 From couvade to “men’s involvement”: Sociocultural perspectives of
expectant fatherhood 410
Richard Powis
PART VII
Birth 423
26 The obstetrical dilemma revisited—revisited 425
Karen R. Rosenberg and Wenda R. Trevathan

Contents
x
27 There is no evolutionary “obstetrical dilemma” 441
Holly Dunsworth
28 Midwifery in cross-cultural perspectives 454
Mounia El Kotni
29 Doulas: Negotiating boundaries in birth 468
Julie Johnson Searcy and Angela N. Castañeda
30 Rituals and rites of childbirth across cultures 480
Melissa Cheyney and Robbie Davis-Floyd
31 Making dignified care the norm: Examining obstetric violence and
reproductive justice in Kenya 494
Jackline Oluoch-Aridi, Vania Smith-Oka, Jessica Dailey, and Ellyn Milan
32 Maternal mortality 510
Adrienne Strong
PART VIII
Postpartum and infant care 525
33 Making space for lactation in the anthropology of reproduction 527
Cecília Tomori, E.A. Quinn, and Aunchalee E.L. Palmquist
34 The bioarchaeology of infant feeding 541
Siân E. Halcrow and Melanie J. Miller, Kate Pechenkina, Yu Dong, and
Wenquan Fan
35 Biocultural perspectives on infant sleep 559
Alanna E.F. Rudzik, Cecília Tomori, James J. McKenna, and Helen L. Ball
PART IX
Care as reproducing kinship 573
36 Menopause 575
Lynnette Leidy Sievert and Subho Roy
37 The shifting role of grandmothers in global reproduction strategies 590
Ellen Block

Contents
xi
38 Alloparenting: Evolutionary origins and contemporary significance of
cooperative childrearing as a key feature of human reproduction 604
Kristen N. Herlosky and Alyssa N. Crittenden
39 Adoption and fostering 618
Jessaca Leinaweaver and Diana Marre
Glossary 631
Index 634

xii
Figures
3.1 Male reproduction conceptual model 54
4.1 Developmental stages of each pubertal indicator in the system
proposed by Shapland and Lewis (2013, 2014) with the pubertal
growth spurt 70
4.2 Late Bronze Age clay infant feeding bottles from Austria. Source: ©
Wien Museum/Photo: Enver Hirsch 78
7.1 Dr. Janet Torres (far left), with clinic nurses, a visiting psychologist, and
a medical student (far right) 124
7.2 A consultation room in the family doctor clinic 127
7.3 The front page of one of the daily newspapers, Granma, publicizing
the record-low infant mortality rate of the previous year 127
8.1 A People’s Liberation Army of Nepal ex-combatant, carrying her baby,
attends an integration program in the Chitwan cantonment in 2011.
Photo credit: Niranjan Shrestha 138
11.1 Illustration of patterns in follicular maturation, hormonal
concentrations, and endometrial lining across each phase of an
ovulatory, non-conceptive menstrual cycle 188
11.2 Averaged data showcase little of the normal variation seen in
reproductive hormones across days, individuals, between each cycle,
and over the reproductive lifespan 191
12.1 Early advertisements for Kotex pads emphasized their hygienic
use and inexpensive availability. Source: Courtesy of the Wisconsin
Historical Society, WHS-7001 207
12.2 “Menstruation isn’t spooky” pre-Halloween poster pasted on stalls in
the women’s restroom in the University of Michigan Hatcher Library,
Ann Arbor, September 26, 2019. Source: Photograph by E. Renne 212
ILLUSTRATIONS

Illustrations
xiii
15.1 Tank containing frozen sperm to be used to fertilize donor eggs,
Mumbai, India, 2010. Source: Daisy Deomampo 265
18.1 Hands of Black lesbian partners in Brazil portraying erotic pleasure
and sexual health. Source: Photo by Nessette Falu 315
18.2 Hands of Black lesbian partners in Brazil portraying erotic pleasure
and sexual health. Source: Photo by Nessette Falu 315
19.1 Ernst Haeckel, The Evolution of Man: A Popular Exposition of the
Principal Points of Human Ontogeny and Phylogeny, 2 vols., London:
Kegan Paul, 1879, vol. 1, plates VI–VII. Source: Courtesy of Nick
Hopwood 326
22.1 An example of a fetal burial (~38 weeks) from the post-medieval
Polish site, Drawsko 1 371
26.1 The passage of the human neonate through the maternal birth canal 428
27.1 Superior view of a human pelvis, highlighting the “obstetric”
dimensions where there are patterned sex differences 447
28.1 Wrapping the baby to protect the umbilical cord. Source: Courtesy of
Doris Braune 461
28.2 Midwives commenting on the use of medicinal plants during a
community health workshop. Source: Mounia El Kotni/OMIECH 462
31.1 Women waiting in one of the city clinics that provides dignified care to
the patients. Source: Photo by Barbara Johnston/University of Notre Dame 497
31.2 Woman (and baby) walking along one of the roads in Dandora.
Source: Photo by Barbara Johnston/University of Notre Dame 499
31.3 View of the typical houses and shops in Dandora. Source: Photo by
Barbara Johnston/University of Notre Dame 500
32.1 View of the room in which Husna died 519
34.1 δ 15N bone collagen of juveniles minus the δ 15N bone collagen of the
adult population mean by site (or adult female mean), plotted by age
at death 544
34.2 Example of method used to serial section a canine tooth
longitudinally and resulting δ13C and δ15N isotope data from dentin
serial sections of a canine tooth 545
34.3 Maps showing the location of the archaeological sites of Xiyasi and
Changxinyuan, located under the modern-day city of Xinzheng,
Henan Province, China 549
34.4 δ15N values from serial dentin samples for each Zhenghan individual 550
34.5 δ13C values from serial dentin samples for each Zhenghan individual 551
36.1 Life expectancy at birth in high-, middle-, and low-income countries,
based on data from United Nations, Department of Economic and
Social Affairs, Population Division (2015). Source: World Population
Prospects: The 2015 Revision, DVD Edition. https://esa .un .org /unpd
/wpp /DataQuery/ 576

Illustrations
xiv
36.2 Life expectancy at the age of 50 in high-, middle-, and low-income
countries, based on data from United Nations, Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2015). Source:
World Population Prospects: The 2015 Revision, DVD Edition.
https://esa .un .org /unpd /wpp /DataQuery/ 577
36.3 Percentage of symptom frequencies during the past two or four weeks
among women in Beirut, Lebanon; Rabat, Morocco; Madrid, Spain;
and Massachusetts, US 582
37.1 A grandmother and her grandson inside their home. Source: Block 2009 592
37.2 A Basotho grandmother prepares maize meal for her grandson in their
home. Source: Block 2009 594
39.1 Courtesy of Miguel Gaggiotti 619
40.1 Diagram of the pelvis 632
Tables
1.1 Savanna Pumé teen motherhood: Integrating biology and behavior to
understand the timing of reproduction 23
1.2 Major hormones involved in human reproductive functioning 24
1.3 Reproductive trade-offs and offspring quality: How small can an Efe
baby be? 28
2.1 List of underexplored DOHaD applications of potential interest to
anthropologists 44
3.1 Impacts of fatherhood on men 61
11.1 Definitions of key terms used in the chapter 184
13.1 The number of IVF clinics: A regional comparison of the top
ten countries 222
14.1 Published monographs, edited volumes, and special issues on ARTs/IVF 234
26.1 Primate birth descriptions from the literature since 1995 (limited to
those in which the birth was directly observed). When no number
is given, N=1 429
36.1 Ages at menopause in a small sample of countries 581

xv
Elise Andaya is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University at Albany (State
University of New York), USA, and author of Conceiving Cuba: Women, Reproduction and the
State in the Contemporary Era (Rutgers University Press, 2014). Her research focuses on gender,
inequality, and reproductive health care in the USA and Cuba.
Kermyt G. Anderson is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Oklahoma,
USA. His research focuses on paternity confidence, parental investment, and birth outcomes.
His current research focuses on voluntary sterilization and on male care among primates. He
has co-authored (with Peter Gray) Fatherhood: Evolution and Human Paternal Behavior (Harvard
University Press, 2010).
Helen L. Ball is Professor of Anthropology at Durham University, UK, where she directs
the Durham Infancy and Sleep Centre and Baby Sleep Information Source (Basis). Her par-
ent–infant sleep research contributes to national and international guidelines on infant care, for
which Durham University received the Queen’s Anniversary Prize in 2018.
Tracy K. Betsinger is Professor of Anthropology at SUNY Oneonta, USA. Her bioarchae-
ological research focuses on the intersection of status, sex, and age with mortuary patterns,
personhood, and aspects of health in past populations. She is co-editor of The Bioarchaeology
of Urbanization: The Biological, Demographic, and Social Consequences of Living in Cities (Springer,
2020).
Ellen Block is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the College of St. Benedict/St. John’s
University in Minnesota, USA. Her work in Lesotho, Ghana, and the United States examines
kinship, care, aging, and illness. She is co-author of Infected Kin: Orphan Care and AIDS in Lesotho
(Rutgers University Press, 2019).
Carole H. Browner’s research interests lie at the intersections of gender, reproduction, and
health, specifically how gender-based power relations shape reproductive behavior. Her field
sites include urban Colombia, rural Mexico, and the USA. She is co-editor (with Carolyn
Sargent) of the prize-winning collection, Reproduction, Globalization and the State: New Theoretical
and Ethnographic Perspectives (Duke University Press, 2011).
CONTRIBUTORS

Contributors
xvi
Jan Brunson is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa,
USA, and studies global projects of inventory and intervention alongside Nepali women’s pro-
jects of reproduction and family making. She is author of Planning Families in Nepal (Rutgers
University Press, 2016) and co-editor of International Handbook on Gender and Demographic
Processes (Springer, 2018).
Angela N. Castañeda is Professor of Anthropology at DePauw University, USA. Her research
in the USA explores the cultural politics of reproduction, more specifically, the intimate labor of
doulas, unpacking the cultural meanings of attending to women during the transition to moth-
erhood. She is co-editor of Doulas and Intimate Labour.
Melissa Cheyney is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Oregon State University, USA,
and a midwife. She co-directs Uplift—a research and reproductive equity laboratory where she
serves as PI on maternal and infant health-related projects, including the Community Doula
Project. She is Editor-in-Chief of the journal Birth: Issues in Perinatal Care.
Kathryn B.H. Clancy is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Illinois,
Urbana-Champaign, USA. Her research, teaching, and service focus on reproductive justice. Her
laboratory investigates the effects of environmental stressors on the reproductive functioning
of women and gender-diverse people. As a team, they prior itize humans in their lived context.
Alyssa N. Crittenden is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Nevada,
Las Vegas, USA. Her research seeks to better understand links between diet, reproduction, and
maternal, infant, and child health and behavior across contemporary ecologies and political sys-
tems and in our evolutionary past.
Jessica Dailey is a Ph.D. student in anthropology at the University of Notre Dame, USA. Her
work focuses on pregnancy, birth, and postpartum. Her research interests include connections
between social power and medical decision-making and frictions between medical authority
and patient autonomy and their ramifications for health outcomes.
Robbie Davis-Floyd is Adjunct Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Rice University,
Houston, USA, and Fellow of the Society for Applied Anthropology. She is a medical/reproduc-
tive anthropologist and researcher in transformational models in childbirth, midwifery, obstet-
rics, and reproduction. She is author of over 80 journal articles and two books and lead editor
of 14 collections.
Daisy Deomampo is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Fordham University, USA. Her
research interests include science and technology studies, gender and critical race studies, and
reproductive health and politics. She is the author of Transnational Reproduction: Race, Kinship, and
Commercial Surrogacy in India (New York University Press, 2016).
Silvia De Zordo is a Social Anthropologist and Ramón y Cajal Researcher at the University
of Barcelona, Spain. Her research interests encompass reproductive governance, abortion, and
social/gender inequalities in Latin America and Europe. She is Principal Investigator on an
ERC-funded project on barriers to legal abortion and abortion travel in Europe (http s:/ /e
urope abort ionac cessp rojec t .org /).
Yu Dong is Professor at the Institute of Cultural Heritage, Shandong University, China. She is
interested in the social organization of Neolithic and Bronze Age China, especially the devel-
opment of social complexity. She directs the archaeological stable isotope lab at Shandong
University in Qingdao, China.

Contributors
xvii
Holly Dunsworth is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Rhode Island, USA. Her
research and teaching in biological anthropology are primarily concerned with scientific narra-
tives of human evolutionary history, how those narratives are formed, interpreted, and employed,
and how they impact culture and society.
Mounia El Kotni is Postdoctoral Researcher in Anthropology at the Cems-EHESS Paris and
2019–2021 Fondation de France fellow. She has conducted research with midwives in Chiapas,
Mexico since 2013. Her research interests include reproductive health politics, environmental
contamination, Indigenous r ights, and women’s social movements.
Nessette Falu is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Central Florida, USA.
She is engaged in interdisciplinary research that intersects feminist/race/queer anthropologies,
medical anthropology, and anthropology of ethics as well as the humanities. She has a forthcom-
ing book on Black lesbians’ exper iences of traumatic interactions with gynecological care in
Brazil.
Wenquan Fan is Director of the Division of Xia-Shang-Zhou Archaeology at the Henan
Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology (HPICRA), China, and a Research
Fellow at HPICRA. His research focuses on the Neolithic and Shang-Zhou archaeology of
China. Fan has published eight books and more than 60 papers.
Tine M. Gammeltoft is Professor in the Anthropology Department at the University of
Copenhagen, Denmark. Her research explores the social forces that shape human health, focus-
ing particularly on household and gender arrangements. She is the author of the award-winning
Haunting Images: A Cultural Account of Selective Reproduction in Vietnam (University of California,
2014).
Trudie Gerrits is Associate Professor in the Anthropology Department at the University of
Amsterdam, Netherlands. Since 1993, her research and publications focus on infertility and
assisted reproductive technologies in Africa (Mozambique and Ghana) and the Netherlands.
Currently, she is involved in a research project examining the IVF industry in South Africa.
Theresa Gildner is Assistant Professor in the Department of Anthropology at Washington
University in St. Louis, USA. She studies how lifestyle and environmental conditions influence
health, particularly infectious disease risk. She is interested in how these associations produce
and perpetuate health inequities, with implications for designing more effective interventions.
Peter B. Gray is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, USA. He
takes an integrative evolutionary approach to human reproductive behavior, with foci including
fatherhood, sexuality, androgens and social behavior, human-animal interaction, and evolution-
ary medicine. He has co-authored many publications, such as Fatherhood: Evolution and Human
Paternal Behavior (Harvard University Press, 2010).
Siân E. Halcrow is Associate Professor in the Department of Anatomy at the University of
Otago, New Zealand. Her research focuses on infant and child palaeopathology with projects
in Asia and South America. She has more than 90 publications and is the co-editor in chief of
Bioarchaeology International.
Sallie Han is Professor of Anthropology at SUNY Oneonta, USA. She is the author of Pregnancy
in Practice: Expectation and Experience in the Contemporary US (Berghahn, 2013) and co-editor
(with Tracy Betsinger and Amy Scott) of The Anthropology of the Fetus: Biology, Culture, and Society
(Berghahn, 2018).

Contributors
xviii
Paula Ivey Henry is Research Associate in the Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences
at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, USA. Her research has examined child
development and health among the Efe, a contemporary foraging group in the Ituri Forest of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Kristen N. Herlosky is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Anthropology at the
University of Nevada, Las Vegas, USA. Her research interests coalesce around the over-medi-
calization of birth and how models of care and power dynamics influence maternal decision-
making cross-culturally, particularly in regard to prenatal health, childbirth, and postpartum
practices.
Marcia C. Inhorn is the William K. Lanman, Jr. Professor of Anthropology and International
Affairs and Chair of the Council on Middle East Studies at Yale University, USA. A medical
anthropologist of gender and health, Inhorn has written six award-winning books on infertility
and assisted reproductive technologies in the Arab world.
Tsipy Ivry is Associate Professor and Chair of the graduate program in medical and psycho-
logical anthropology at the University of Haifa, Israel. She is the author of Embodying Culture:
Pregnancy in Japan and Israel (Rutgers University Press, 2010). Her recent project explores preg-
nancy, childbirth, and parenting following the March 11, 2011 disasters in eastern Japan.
Karen L. Kramer is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Utah, USA. Her research
focuses on cooperative breeding, the evolution of childhood and parenting, comparative demog-
raphy, and life history. Field research includes longitudinal projects with Maya subsistence agri-
culturalists and the Savanna Pumé, South American hunter-gatherers.
Helen Kurki is Associate Professor of Biological Anthropology at the University of Victoria,
Canada. Her research examines the evolution of human skeletal morphology and phenotypic
plasticity. She is co-author of The Evolutionary Biology of the Human Pelvis: An Integrative Approach
(Cambridge University Press, 2019).
Linda Layne is now based at University of Cambridge, UK, affiliated with Girton College, the
Social Anthropology Faculty, and Reproductive Sociology Research Group, where she is work-
ing on heterosexual single mothers by choice, lesbian moms, and gay dads.
Jessaca Leinaweaver is Professor and Chair of Anthropology at Brown University, USA. She
is the author of The Circulation of Children: Adoption, Kinship, and Morality in Andean Peru (Duke,
2008), which won the Margaret Mead Award. Her most recent book is Adoptive Migration:
Raising Latinos in Spain (Duke, 2013).
Iris López is a cultural anthropologist and the Director of the Latin American and Latin@
Studies Program at City College, USA. Her research interests are immigration, Latinas’ repro-
ductive health, and Latinos/as in the Pacific. She received her Ph.D. from Columbia University,
USA, and did a post-doctorate at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA.
Diana Marre is Associate Professor of Anthropology and Director of the AFIN Research
Group and Outreach Centre at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain. Her most
recent book is Maternidades, procreación y crianza en transformación (with C. López and J. Bestard;
Bellaterra, Bellaterra, 2013). In 2020, she won the ICREA Academia Award.
James J. McKenna is Dean’s Executive Professor at Santa Clara University and Professor
Emeritus at Notre Dame University, USA, where he taught for 22 years, conducting research

Contributors
xix
at the Mother Baby Behavioral Sleep Laboratory that he established and directed. He is known
worldwide for his research promoting studies of “breastsleeping.”
Ellyn Milan received her Master of Science at the University of Notre Dame’s Eck Institute
for Global Health, USA, in 2017. In 2020 she started her medical career at the Rocky Vista
University College of Osteopathic Medicine.
Melanie J. Miller is Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Anatomy at the University of
Otago, New Zealand. Her research focuses on human diet, activity, and health, and their rela-
tionships to social identities and inequalities. Melanie specializes in stable isotope analysis and
has projects in China and South America.
Joanna Mishtal is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Central Florida, USA. After
her doctorate at the University of Colorado-Boulder, she held a Postdoctoral Fellowship at
Columbia University, Mailman School of Public Health, USA. Her research focuses on gender
and governance in Europe, in particular reproductive r ights and policies.
Lisa M. Mitchell is Associate Professor Emeritus of Anthropology at the University of
Victoria, Canada. Her research focuses on technology and discourses of risk in reproduction in
Canada, and on social exclusion, health, and illness among children and youth in Canada and in
the Central Philippines.
Leith Mullings was Distinguished Professor Emerita of Anthropology at the CUNY Graduate
Center, USA. A groundbreaking scholar, she published Gender, Race, Class and Health: Intersectional
Approaches (Wiley, 2006), with Amy Schulz; and Stress and Resilience: The Social Context of
Reproduction in Central Harlem (Kluwer, 2001), with Alaka Wali. Mullings served as president of
the American Anthropological Association from 2011 to 2013.
April Nowell is Professor of Archaeology at the University of Victoria, Canada. She researches
Paleolithic art, Neanderthals, the archaeology of children, and the relationship between science,
pop culture, and the media. She is the author of Growing Up in the Ice Age: Fossil and Archaeological
Evidence for the Lived Lives of Plio-Pleistocene Children (Oxbow Books, 2021).
Jackline Oluoch-Aridi is Regional Research Programs Manager for East Africa at the Ford
Program in Human Development Studies and Solidarity in the Kellogg Institute of International
Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA. Based in Nairobi, Kenya, her research focuses on the
quality of maternity care in low- and middle-income countries, particularly in sub-Saharan
Africa.
Aunchalee E.L. Palmquist is Assistant Professor at the Department of Maternal and Child
Health, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, USA. She is a medical anthropologist and
International Board Certified Lactation Consultant (IBCLC). Her research focuses on human
milk exchange, breastfeeding in emergencies, and the ethical, legal, and social implications of
human milk science.
Kate Pechenkina is Professor of Anthropology at Queens College, City University of New
York, USA. She is an expert in paleopathology and her research focuses on health and dis-
ease in ancient China. She co-edited The Bioarchaeology of East Asia: Movement, Contact, Health
(University Press of Florida, 2013).
Richard Powis is a medical anthropologist and ethnographic photographer with research
interests in reproductive health, masculinities, and global health. He is currently researching

Contributors
xx
men’s involvement programs in the USA. He is a Postdoctoral Fellow in Maternal and Child
Health in the College of Public Health at the University of South Florida, USA.
E.A. Quinn is a biological anthropologist studying human milk composition, lactation, infant
development, and high altitude adaptation. She is Associate Professor at Washington University
in St. Louis, USA, where she directs the BioMarkers and Milk Laboratory.
Elisha P. Renne is Professor Emerita in the Departments of Anthropology and of Afroamerican
and African Studies, University of Michigan-Ann Arbor, USA. Her interests include African
ethnology and infectious disease; reproductive health and gender relations; religion and the
anthropology of textiles. Renne’s current research examines deindustrialization and mortality
in northern Nigeria.
Mary P. Rogers-LaVanne is Postdoctoral Research Associate at the Carl R. Woese Institute
for Genomic Biology, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA. She specializes in repro-
ductive ecology and epigenetics, connecting lived experiences and biological outcomes. She
aims for her research to benefit community partners, science, and society.
Karen R. Rosenberg is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Delaware, USA. She
is a paleoanthropologist whose research focuses on Neanderthals, modern human origins, and
the evolution of human childbirth and human infant helplessness. She is co-editor (with Wenda
Trevathan) of Costly and Cute: Helpless Infants and Human Evolution (University of New Mexico
Press, 2016).
Subho Roy is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Calcutta, India. Roy is a biologi-
cal anthropologist who specializes in reproductive and sexual health, with a focus on attitudes
toward menopause and quality of life during the menopausal transition in the state of West
Bengal, India.
Alanna E.F. Rudzik is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the State University of New York
College at Oneonta, USA. Her research examines the interactions between biology, culture, and
individual experience in shaping the breastfeeding relationship. She has conducted research with
women and infants in Brazil, Canada, and the UK.
Carolyn F. Sargent is Professor of Anthropology at Washington University in St. Louis, USA.
Her recent interests center on illness and sociality, immigration and health, anthropology of
cancer, and the politics of reproduction. Her current research focuses on how West African
immigrants in treatment for cancer conceptualize cancer and its management.
Nete Schwennesen is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Copenhagen,
Denmark. Her research explores how care arrangements are reconfigured by health technolo-
gies, focusing particularly on how imaginations, epistemologies and practical care work inter-
sects. She has done ethnographic fieldwork in Scandinavia on topics such as prenatal testing,
physical rehabilitation, and dementia.
Amy B. Scott is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of New Brunswick, Canada,
specializing in bioarchaeology, skeletal stress, and mortuary patterning. She is a co-editor of The
Anthropology of the Fetus: Biology, Culture, and Society (Berghahn, 2017) and The Odd, the Unusual, and
the Strange: Bioarchaeological Explorations of Atypical Burials (University of Florida Press, 2020).
Julie Johnson Searcy is Assistant Professor in the History and Anthropology Department at
Butler University, USA. Her research in South Africa examines stratified reproduction, violence,

Contributors
xxi
race, and HIV in a post-apartheid context. Her research in the USA focuses on doulas, the poli-
tics of reproduction, and birth culture.
Lynnette Leidy Sievert is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Massachusetts
Amherst, USA. Sievert is a biological anthropologist who studies cross-population variation in
age at menopause and symptom experience at midlife, as well as the evolution of menopause
and post-reproductive life.
Marcin Smietana is Research Associate in ReproSoc, University of Cambridge, UK. His
research focuses on gay men creating surrogacy and adoptive families in the USA, UK, and Spain.
With Charis Thompson (University of California, Berkeley), Marcin co-edited the volume of
Reproductive BioMedicine & Society (November 2018) on queer kinships and reproductive justice.
Vania Smith-Oka is Associate Professor at the University of Notre Dame, USA, and a cultural
and medical anthropologist who investigates the effect of medical institutions on the people
within them. Her current research, in Mexico and Kenya, addresses the process by which prac-
tices such as obstetric violence become prevalent within medical care.
Alex Straftis completed his MA in Anthropology at University of Nevada, Las Vegas, USA.
His research themes included life history patterns and prescription testosterone use. He has co-
authored papers related to men’s prescription testosterone use and a review on the Challenge
Hypothesis. He is currently interested in family systems and health during the postpartum period.
Adrienne Strong is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Florida, USA,
and an affiliate of the Centers for African Studies and Gender, Sexualities, and Women’s
Studies Research. Her first book is Documenting Death: Maternal Mortality and the Ethics of Care
(Univsersity of California, 2020).
Elly Teman is Associate Professor in the Department of Behavioral Sciences at Ruppin Academic
Center, Israel. She is the author of an ethnography of gestational surrogacy in Israel, Birthing a
Mother: The Surrogate Body and the Pregnant Self (University of California Press, 2010). Her research
focuses on medical anthropology, reproduction, surrogate motherhood, embodiment, and religion.
Zaneta Thayer is Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology at Dartmouth
College, USA. She is interested in both how and why early environments, including those expe-
rienced prenatally, shape patterns of human variation and health. Her research goal is to increase
public understanding of evolution, developmental plasticity, and how the social construction of
race/racism can create health inequities.
Cecília Tomori is Associate Professor and Director of Global Public Health and Community
Health at Johns Hopkins School of Nursing, USA. She is the author of Nighttime Breastfeeding:
An American Cultural Dilemma (Berghahn, 2014), and co-editor (with Aunchalee E.L. Palmquist
and EA Quinn) of Breastfeeding: New Anthropological Approaches (Routledge, 2018).
Wenda R. Trevathan is Regents Professor (Emerita) of Anthropology at New Mexico State
University, USA. Her research focuses on the evolutionary and biocultural factors underly-
ing human reproduction, especially childbirth. She has co-edited two books on evolutionary
medicine and authored Ancient Bodies, Modern Lives: How Evolution Has Shaped Women’s Health
(Oxford University Press, 2010).
France Winddance Twine is Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Santa
Barbara, USA. Her research interests include feminist technology studies, sociology of the body,

Contributors
xxii
and race/racism/ anti-racism. Twine is the author and editor of 11 books including Geek Girls:
Inequality and Opportunity in Silicon Valley (2022).
Erica van der Sijpt is a medical anthropologist at the University of Amsterdam, Netherlands,
whose research in Cameroon and Romania addresses women’s navigation of reproductive losses
and uncertainties. Her findings have been published in various articles in international journals
and in a monograph entitled, Wasted Wombs: Navigating Reproductive Interruptions in Cameroon.
Amanda Veile is Assistant Professor of Biological Anthropology at Purdue University, USA.
Her research examines birthing practices, breastfeeding ecology, and the nutritional and epide-
miologic factors that shape cross-cultural variation in child development.
Andrea Whittaker is Professor of Anthropology and former Australian Research Council
Future Fellow at the School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia.
Her recent major publications include Thai in Vitro: Gender, Culture and Assisted Reproduction
(Berghahn, 2015), and International Surrogacy as Disruptive Industry in Southeast Asia (Rutgers
University Press, 2018).

xxiii
We offer our heartfelt thanks to our families and mentors for their encouragement, the authors
in this volume for their wonderful contributions, and the Routledge editorial staff for their
guidance and help in bringing this book to pr int. We are grateful for all of the kindness and
support we received during an exceptionally challenging year.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

1
This book makes the case for the anthropology of reproduction and the importance and
necessity of anthropologically informed thought and action in our current moment of global
emergencies. We are writing this introduction amid multiple intersecting crises of a pandemic,
climate change, and racial injustice. This volume has taken shape during the COVID-19 global
pandemic, which has killed nearly four million people worldwide as of June 2021 and caused
disease, disability, and suffering for millions more. It has upended what were formerly our daily
routines and exposed the precarity and vulnerabilities in the supports and structures that under-
gird all of our lives. While we see glimmers of hope in vaccinations, we are very much still in the
midst of the pandemic. At the same time, compounding the pandemic, we continue to witness
alarming developments in the global climate crisis caused by human activity. Severe weather
events have become more frequent and intense, and climate-related disasters threaten homes,
livelihoods, and lives and throw vulnerable communities into further crisis. In the United States,
“once in a century” winter storms resulted in the failure of one of the country’s largest power
grids in Texas, leaving millions of people without power and potable water—with far-reaching
effects particularly in poor neighborhoods of color. Still, there continues to be only limited
global action on climate change, which is also a key agent in the spread of new infectious agents,
magnifying the potential for more pandemics in the coming decades.
Both of these emergencies have thrown into sharp relief and amplified the third crisis of
racism and racialized inequities. At this exact moment, while writing this piece, we are still
reeling from the murders in Atlanta of eight people, including six women who appear to have
been targeted because of their gender and their Asian heritage. The killings occurred against a
backdrop of anti-Asian and anti-immigrant racist rhetoric in the US, fueled for months by the
then-president who blamed the pandemic on China and previously ordered the separation of
families as a deliberate strategy to halt migrations from Central America. In the US as elsewhere
in the world, the pandemic and the measures intended to contain it, such as restrictions on
movement, have disproportionately affected marginalized and poor people. “Essential” workers
in the US, large numbers of whom identify as Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC),
became sick and died of COVID at much higher rates than White people who were able to
shelter at home. Raising their health risks were the “underlying” conditions and sicknesses that
are the accumulated harms of environmental racism. Meanwhile, systemic racism has been driv-
ing the decisions around vaccine allocation in the US. In turn, vaccine inequities mean that the
Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori Introduction
INTRODUCTION TO THE
ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK
OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND
REPRODUCTION
Sallie Han and Cec
í
lia Tomori
DOI: 10.4324/9781003216452-101
10.4324/9781003216452-101

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
2
pandemic is far from over, and in fact in the Global South, it is reaching new levels of horror,
as in Brazil, where hospitals are overwhelmed from recent variants some of which may evade
protection from current vaccines.
These intersecting crises have had—and continue to have—direct impacts on reproduc-
tion. COVID-19-related policies that were put in place ostensibly to protect people’s health
not only failed to do so for birthing people and infants, but also place them at risk for other
ills. The pandemic also created a crisis for women as both wage earners and caregivers in even
the world’s wealthiest nations. The majority of US unemployed in 2020 were women who
lost their paid jobs in industries that were shuttered during this time. Others were forced to
risk becoming infected or infecting others in their households by continuing to work. The
effects of climate change on reproduction are most clearly evident in the malnourishment
and malnutrition of pregnant women, mothers, and children who have been displaced by
catastrophic weather events, with hurr icanes and floods as well as droughts and fires forcing
communities to flee their homes and destroying their livelihoods and sources of sustenance.
Anti-immigrant racism led to the forced sterilization of women held at a US Immigration and
Customs Enforcement (ICE) facility in Georgia and the policy of separating infants from their
mothers at ICE detention centers on the US–Mexico border. In sum, the consequences of the
pandemic, climate crisis, and racism are manifest in the pervasive reproductive inequities we
have witnessed.
Out of these tragedies, however, there has emerged a push for a different future, with social
movements committed to health, climate, and racial justice particularly gaining momentum.
In the last year, we have seen the power of collective organizing, coalition building, and
community participation in activities that have challenged some existing power relations and
resisted naive attempts to “return to normal.” The Movement for Black Lives has become a
global one. The horrific murders by police of an unarmed Black man and of a Black woman
in her own home not only forced Americans to face the violent racist injustices of our pre-
sent and past and at the foundations of our nation and institutions, but also brought down
monuments to slave traders in the United Kingdom and sparked realizations and reckonings
around the world. The confrontation is, ultimately, with racial capitalism, which has been
foundational to colonialism and shaped the profound inequities between the Global North
and the Global South, as well as even those within wealthy nations.
In the US, all of this has resulted in regime change, with previously marginalized areas of
policy and discourse gaining new footholds in mainstream media—from “Medicare for all” (in
the only wealthy industrialized nation that does not already provide healthcare for its people)
to the appointment of a presidential envoy on climate to the adoption of terms like “privilege”
and “equity.” As a result, there is a move away from simply acknowledging the profound dispari-
ties in reproduction to correctly attributing these inequities to structural racism and demanding
reproductive justice. It is in this space of possibility and stern hope that we position the anthro-
pology of reproduction as a project that can make a difference—both in anthropology and in
reproduction.
It is a recurrent trope of anthropology to declare it a discipline in crisis. Yet, the present
moment appears to be one of truly reckoning with the gaps and silences in who and what
counts in the “study of humanity” and the damage done in its pursuit, resulting in the asser-
tion of experiences and voices that were missing and ignored in anthropology. #MeToo and
#CiteBlackWomen are more than social media hashtags—they are calls to make real change
at every level of action. Hard questions are being asked about the privileging of some and the
exclusion of many in and through the discipline’s practices, whose needs anthropology serves,
and indeed whether there is a need for anthropology at all.

Introduction
3
Anthropology and anthropologists have long described their commitments to critically
examining inequities and drawing insights from social movements like the ones highlighted
above—and fallen short of realizing these claims. It is particularly because we are scholars
engaged in the study of human reproduction that we maintain there is a future for anthropology.
In fact, we believe our particular area of study illuminates both the challenges and opportunities
for our discipline at large.
Reproduction is, after all, central to human experience (Ginsburg and Rapp 1995). Everyone
has a reproductive life, whether that is in giving birth to or participating in or contributing to
the birth and nurture of others or simply having been born ourselves. Reproduction is consti-
tuted not only of the biological processes of making humans, but also of the social and cultural
ones that make us human. It is also inherently a political project. Individuals, groups, communi-
ties, and institutions not only have their own interests in reproduction, but they also assert their
priorities using whatever means they have.
Changing narratives of the anthropology of reproduction
The anthropology of reproduction as it has been defined as an area of study might be more pre-
cisely described as the sociocultural anthropology of reproduction. While reproduction has long
been recognized as a central concern in cultural and social life, it has come to be studied on its
own terms only in the last 30 years. Bronislaw Malinowski and other early practitioners of the
discipline were less concerned with pregnancy or parturition than with the rituals surrounding
them. Topics of reproduction received marginal consideration until the 1970s when feminists
began to question the hierarchical organization of sex roles and particularly the claims about
their natural and universal basis in women’s biological ability to bear and birth children. The
anthropological study of reproduction is born of the concerns of feminist scholarship calling for
attention to the reproductive lives of women; critical studies of kinship that approached related-
ness as not biogenetic fact, but meaningfully made and performed; and medical anthropology
that incorporated perspectives on the impacts of medicine, science, and technology on the expe-
riences of reproduction. Until recently, reproduction has been associated primarily with women,
so that its discussion has been assumed to refer to “female” unless otherwise indicated (e.g.,
“reproductive health” versus “male reproductive health” or “fertility” versus “male infertility”).
Today, the continuing vitality of the sociocultural anthropology of reproduction is evidenced in
a burgeoning body of work attending to the contexts, conditions, and contingencies that mark
and influence women’s, men’s, and people’s exper iences of reproduction.
At the same time as these developments and emergences in our understanding of repro-
duction in and as social and cultural life, there has been research into other significant aspects
of human reproductive experience. New individual members of our species are brought into
being by biological processes that themselves need to be understood as made of, by, and from
evolutionary processes such as natural selection. Biological anthropology offers meaningful
insights into these processes and to the diverse conditions, from abundance to scarcity, which
give particular shape to human pregnancy, gestational growth and development, and parturition
as well as the provision of care to infants by their parents and others who might act in their
stead. Meanwhile, archaeologists work from the material record evidencing the contingencies of
human experience, including reproduction, over time.
Like many of the researchers whose work is featured in this volume, both of us are trained
as sociocultural anthropologists—and in our own scholarly projects (Han on the fetus, Tomori
on breastfeeding and infant sleep), we have established important and meaningful collabora-
tions with colleagues trained in biological and biocultural anthropology, bioarchaeology, and

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
4
archaeology. So, we are especially interested in a course correction that joins the paths of research
that have been and are being pursued in the subdisciplines. We suggest taking the first steps of
reading and writing to be read across the four fields. Thus, an aim of this volume is to open a
conversation among scholars and researchers of reproduction across the subfields of archaeol-
ogy and biological (physical), sociocultural, and linguistic anthropology. The anthropology of
reproduction, as an area of study, demonstrates that anthropology indeed offers the best set of
tools of which we are aware to approach an understanding of reproduction—indeed, of human
experience—in all of its complexity and fundamentality.
Throughout the creation of this volume, we continually returned to four key themes. The
first is the significance of staying close to humans and people across subfields, approaches, and
methods. This is a commitment shared by all of the authors in this book. While ethnography is
most closely associated with sociocultural anthropology, it has also been an important strategy of
research for biological anthropologists examining reproductive life experiences from menstrua-
tion to lactation to menopause. The point of other field-based forms of biological and archaeo-
logical data collection and analysis, too, is to make inferences about the activities of humans and
people and the varied conditions in which they made their lives. Close attention to the fullness
of human diversity—our environments, lived experiences, sociohistorical contexts—facilitates
nuanced analysis and deeper knowledge. Human or people-centered analysis also means a clear
recognition that our experiences are not equal. The authors of this volume share a focus on
inequalities grounded in evidence that is central to contemporary anthropological analyses.
Indeed, closely attending to people and the conditions of their lives forces us both to address
the inequalities we observe and to further investigate the root causes of these inequities. The
concept of stratified reproduction proposed by Shellee Colen (1995) has been a necessary criti-
cal framework to describe, explain, and interrogate reproductive exper ience and continues to
resound throughout current work in the anthropology of reproduction.
A second theme of the volume is the need to engage in conversations across the subdisci-
plines of anthropology. We can start by simply making our work accessible across subfields. The
current structures of research funding, publication, and university evaluation (e.g., processes for
tenure and promotion) make even our intra-disciplinary engagements challenging and even
unrewarding to pursue. Yet, the lack of meaningful dialogue greatly hinders not only the study
of reproduction, but also the standing of anthropology as a discipline. The bold promise of
anthropology—indeed, what makes it distinctive and relevant—is its holistic perspective on
questions of human experience. The chapters in the Handbook do not each attempt to produce
a unified disciplinary approach to reproduction. Rather, reading them together enables us to
identify cross-cutting approaches and thinking that enables work from the different subfields to
complement and enrich one another. We hope this volume stimulates new conversations and
prompts our peers and colleagues to recognize the opportunities for fresh perspective and inno-
vative research offered by crossing sub-disciplinary (and disciplinary) boundaries. We especially
encourage others in our discipline to seek scholarly collaborations and research partnerships
across subfields, which in our own experiences have been professionally and personally gratify-
ing as well as intellectually productive.
The third theme is the importance of engaging readers and audiences beyond our own
discipline. The chapters present insights challenging reductive mainstream media representa-
tions and also questioning (and correcting) some of the more problematic work in other
disciplines that has been uncritically grounded in specific historical and cultural assumptions.
This vital critique is necessary to reorient inquiry into human reproduction, including the
biological aspects. Our research and scholarship also draw on and benefit from many other
disciplines in the social and natural sciences, humanities, and arts—to which anthropology

Introduction
5
also can and ought to contribute. Making our work accessible not only within anthropology,
but to a wider community of scholars opens the way for powerful interdisciplinary engage-
ment and understanding that can fuel necessary changes in how we think about and act on
reproduction.
Finally, the fourth key theme of this volume is the responsibility to other humans and peo-
ple that scholars and researchers accept when we undertake the study of reproduction. The
authors in this volume recognize the political significance of our work. We know, for example,
that people harmed by oppressive structures cannot afford to have ivory tower conversations
about the theoretical beauty of oppression. Many authors are involved in actively translating
their work into action—whether via teaching, writing, science communication, participation in
social movements and activism, or working with policymakers. This volume is evidence of the
role that the anthropology of reproduction plays in calling for and bringing about meaningful
change.
Organization of the volume
This handbook attempts to draw an outline of the major concerns, themes, and works that
define the anthropological study of reproduction—across the subdisciplines—at this particular
moment. Our purpose is to create a guide that is helpful and accessible both to our colleagues
and students already working in this area of study and those who are new to or less familiar
with it. It is not, however, an encyclopedia of the anthropology of reproduction in that it is not
comprehensive or exhaustive in its “coverage.” There are topics, people and their experiences,
and scholars and researchers and their perspectives missing from this volume. This is not happy
knowledge, but it is a necessary acknowledgment that even when we tried to extend our reach,
we sometimes failed. While both of us have been engaged in continuing processes of reflection
on our places in anthropology, the particular task of editing this volume has prompted us to
think about how and why we are in a situation to be invited to take on this project at all. We are
cognizant of our own comparative privilege that enables us to pursue work on this book—even
when it is done at night or on the weekends. We are also incredibly grateful to all of the authors
who were able to participate in writing for this volume during these trying times. The fact that
this collection came together at all is a testament to the tenacity and commitment of all of the
authors whose work is featured here.
Even a quick glance at the table of contents for this volume offers a glimpse of the vibrancy
and vitality of this field of study. As discussed above, an important aim here is to move toward
a more anthropologically integrated examination of reproduction, which is reflected in the
organization of this volume. Rather than grouping chapters by subfields, they are organized
around common topics and shared concerns, so that the development of terms/concepts across
fields can be considered and compared; the ordering of the chapters within each section is
discussed in more detail below. In line with our aim to facilitate intra-disciplinary conversa-
tions, we begin with anthropological discussions of reproduction from outside the subfield of
sociocultural anthropology. The next section addresses four concepts that have critically guided
the sociocultural study of reproduction: Governance, stratification, justice, and freedom. From
there, the chapters are organized both by theme and in general correspondence with life course,
so that “Making Fertility” includes two groups of readings, one on menstruation and one on
technologies of reproduction. Next, two chapters challenge heteronormative constructions
in queering reproduction. The following chapters highlight the social process of making and
unmaking of personhood in pregnancy, abortion, and pregnancy loss. We follow with groups of
chapters discussing pregnancy, birth, and postpartum and infant care. The final section broadens

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
6
the concept of reproduction to include the practices of care and kin-making carried out by
networks of actors extending beyond biological parents.
There are other ways to organize these chapters. For example, the anthropology of reproduc-
tion has been assumed to be concerned primarily, if not exclusively, with birth and beginnings,
so it has been an important and necessary development in this area of study to bring attention
to reproductive disruptions, interruptions, and reproduction gone awry. These framings have
been used to think critically about a range of experiences, including infertility, pregnancy loss,
and maternal death. Indeed, reproductive loss and death literally provide the material evidence
that archaeologists and bioarchaeologists examine toward their understanding of reproduction
in the past. Additionally, in her chapter, Leith Mullings develops a concept of what she calls
the “necropolitics” of stratified reproduction that brings attention to the policies and practices
intentionally giving life to some and taking the lives of racialized others. While these chapters
are not grouped together in this volume, reading them alongside each other illuminates the
significance of endings and death, too, in the anthropology of reproduction. Thus, we encourage
readers to chart their own courses through the readings presented here.
Opening conversations in reproduction
Opening conversations across the fields of anthropology is an aim and a theme of this collection,
thus we begin with a selection of pieces that introduce the concerns and concepts guiding the
research on reproduction in biological anthropology and archaeology. (See below for a discus-
sion of linguistic anthropology, which is addressed in Han’s chapter on text, talk, and preg-
nancy.) Karen L. Kramer, Amanda Veile, and Paula Ivey Henry make clear both the centrality of
reproduction in the study of human evolution and biological variation and the contribution of
biological anthropology to the study of reproduction. “With a theoretic foundation in natural
selection, biological anthropology provides a basis to appreciate those aspects of reproduction
in common to all humans because of a shared evolutionary past. At the same time, the empha-
sis on the interaction between biology and behavior gives a structure to investigate aspects of
reproduction that vary with environment, history, and culture” (p. 19). Their chapter outlines
the approaches of evolutionary ecology and life history theory as well as their continuing rel-
evance and application in evolutionary medicine. The perspectives introduced here are visited
again in other chapters in this volume addressing topics such as menstruation (Rogers-LaVanne
and Clancy), birth (Rosenberg and Trevathan; Dunsworth), lactation and infant sleep (Tomori,
Quinn, and Palmquist; Halcrow et al.; Rudzik, Tomori, McKenna, and Ball), menopause (Sievert
and Roy), and alloparenting (Herlosky and Crittenden).
Over the last 30 years, there has been growing awareness of the relationships between
the early environments of human development and the health of individuals in later life. As
Zaneta Thayer and Theresa Gildner explain, the Developmental Origins of Health and Disease
(DOHaD) has framed a robust agenda of research on reproduction in biological anthropology,
with attention to the exposures and experiences not only during pregnancy, but also over the
life course of pregnant women themselves. In addition, there is growing interest in paternal
experience and its cross-generational impacts. The social conditions of poverty, discrimination,
violence, and war can be observed in their biological consequences. Thus, this line of research
provides evidence for the kinds of sociocultural, economic, and political interventions that can
produce health-producing effects and even reverse harmful ones.
The relative absence of men and fathers in the study of reproduction has itself been a theme
in the literature. While the cr itique is an important and necessary one for the anthropology of
reproduction, Peter B. Gray, Alex Straftis, and Ker myt G. Anderson remind us there is, in fact,

Introduction
7
significant research in biological anthropology illuminating a host of issues about men’s repro-
ductive life histories. These questions include when men become fathers and what investments
or contributions of care they give to children, who may or may not be biogenetically related to
them. The chapter also addresses what fatherhood does for (or to) men in terms of changes in
sociocultural behaviors, physiology (as particularly evidenced in research on testosterone), and
health outcomes.
An archaeology of reproduction offers not only insights into reproduction in the past, but as
April Nowell, Lisa M. Mitchell, and Helen Kurki suggest, it also prompts anthropologists across
the subdisciplines to think more carefully and critically about what “reproduction” is and how,
where, and in what we find (and interpret) evidence of reproductive experience. For example,
they suggest the study of reproduction in the past is not necessarily a lack of material, but also
a larger question about how to see women in the archaeological record without reducing them
only to reproduction (see also Scott and Betsinger in this volume). The chapter provides an
overview of the approaches of bioarchaeology, which examines human skeletal remains and the
contexts in which they are uncovered, as well as the perspectives of archaeology on material
culture, including artifacts and features such as structures or places.
Governance, stratification, justice, and freedom
In the sociocultural study of reproduction, the trajectory reflects and parallels the larger move-
ment of anthropology from documenting and detailing the customs and culture(s) of childbirth
to examining the contexts and conditions in which people bring children into the world. As
Carole H. Browner and Carolyn F. Sargent assert in their chapter, a key critical starting point for
the anthropological study of reproduction today is the understanding that reproductive experi-
ences are simultaneously both private and public matters and shaped, influenced, and governed by
the priorities not only of individuals, but also of institutions, notably including those of modern
nation-states. Citing specific examples by nation as well as patterns across nations, Browner and
Sargent outline the policies, laws, and practices through which states regulate populations by ena-
bling and supporting some (but not all) women to become mothers and discouraging or directly
preventing others from bearing and raising children. Men and fathers, they note, have generally
not been the focus of such intense state attentiveness. Women themselves, asserting their interests
against those of states and of other powerful non-state actors—the accumulation of their coor-
dinated effects is summarized by the concept of reproductive governance (Morgan and Roberts
2012)—have activated social and political movements around what they have variously articu-
lated and conceptualized as reproductive rights, reproductive freedom, and reproductive justice.
The stratification of reproduction and the significance of movements and coalitions are the
central considerations of Leith Mullings’ chapter, published posthumously in this collection.
Mullings traces the lineage of the anthropology of reproduction through the work of Black
feminists and women of color calling attention to the importance and necessity of analyses
grounded in the intersections of gender, race, and class. She builds on the frameworks of strati-
fied reproduction and intersectionality to examine the context and conditions that account
for why maternal death rates are twice as high for Black women as for White women in the
US. Mullings develops a concept of what she calls the necropolitics of reproduction, which she
describes as “not only policies that value some lives more than others, but the use of political
power to determine who will live and who will die” (p. 107). She turns to the Movement for
Black Lives (M4BL) as a coalition centered on care as an aim, ethic, and practice.
The remaining chapters in this section offer case studies of the interests and interventions
that state and like-state actors enact upon the reproductive capacities of women, particularly

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
8
those of racialized and poor women, and women’s assertion of their own priorities. In the first
chapter, Elise Andaya examines the provision of reproductive health care in Cuba and the US.
Cuba famously provides a high standard of prenatal care, and although the range of birth con-
trol options may not always be available in practice (for example, the US embargo prevents the
import of the pill and the materials to produce them in Cuba), contraception and abortion are
accessible to women, in line with the state’s socialist commitments to gender equality. In con-
trast, the fragmented system of healthcare in the US not only reflects the racialized, classed, and
gendered stratification of the society, but in fact ought to be recognized as a systematic disinvest-
ment from and deliberate abandonment of selected population groups.
A world away in post-revolution Nepal, Jan Brunson examines the experiences of women
who served as combatants in the People’s Liberation Army during the Maoist People’s War of
1996 to 2006 and then lived in cantonments (camps) for six years until their discharge. These
women, too, wanted children as well as the ability to have them in conditions hospitable to
having and raising them, which is a fundamental principle of reproductive justice. While these
women joined the struggle to revolutionize Nepali society, Brunson observes the hierarchically
gendered roles of mother and wife have been reinforced post-war. Reading this chapter along-
side Andaya’s account of Cuba provides insights into the promises of other socialist states. The
former PLA combatants continue their personal and political fight.
The next chapter presents a case study not in a particular ethnographic setting, but of a spe-
cific form of reproductive practice that has been the intense focus of reproductive governance:
Abortion. Joanna Mishtal and Silvia De Zordo provide a critical anthropological perspective
on abortion as a “global” issue affecting all women and pregnant people, regardless of whether
they ever seek abortion services, and also increasingly requiring movement across borders to
receive them. Access to abortion has become increasingly restricted in a number of areas while
in others it remains unavailable. Discourses both supporting abortion as a women’s, human, and
reproductive right and as well as those opposing it have been intensely globalized. In addition,
abortion travel needs to be considered in the broader context of travel for other medical treat-
ment, including ARTs (as discussed below).
The final chapter highlights one of the most coercive displays of power over reproduction:
Sterilization. Iris López, drawing on historical and ethnographic research, considers the com-
plicated reproductive realities of Puerto Rican women, who have among the highest rates of
sterilization in the world (between 40 to 45%). Tubal ligation, known locally as la operación, was
historically enforced and then continued to be actively promoted by the US and Puerto Rican
governments, Catholic Church, and Procter & Gamble corporation. All of these actors exploited
Puerto Rican women’s own desire for control over fertility. However, they did not share the
same aims as the women and their actions in fact restricted women’s reproductive options. In
contrast, Puerto Rican women seek the reproductive freedom to decide how many children and
in what circumstances to have them.
Making fertility
Menstruation
The two chapters on menstruation demonstrate the fruitfulness of thinking anthropologically
about fertility—in particular, looking comparatively across cultures as well as across primate
species. In biological terms, menstruation is defined as the shedding of the endometrial lining
of the uterus and as biological anthropologists Mary Rogers-LaVanne and Kathryn Clancy
discuss, it ought to be understood as a significant element of human reproduction and fertility.

Introduction
9
Yet, until recently, the thinking in the evolutionary sciences has been shaped by the assump-
tion that menstruation is merely a by-product of other adaptations and not itself an evolved
feature. Rogers-LaVanne and Clancy provide a corrective first by comparing across species to
identify more precisely what is distinctive about human menstruation and next by resituating
menstruation as an active component of the endometrial cycle. Humans, it turns out, grow
and shed uniquely copious amounts of endometrial tissue in cyclical processes that appear to
prime and precondition the uterus. Thus, menstruation contributes directly to reproductive
success.
Taking a sociocultural perspective, Elisha P. Renne observes menstruation may be welcomed
as a sign of fertility, hidden as a stain of pollution, or tolerated as an inconvenient bodily func-
tion. Not only are the meanings of menstruation varied societally, but they also fluctuate over
the changing course of a girl’s or woman’s life. “How women interpret and react to menstrua-
tion and its lack reflects individual desires as well as the cultural, socioeconomic, and political
context in which they live” (p. 200). In the current moment, there is political activism aimed at
re-evaluating the ideas and practices of menstruation that treat it as pollution and by extension
re-valuing the status of menstruating girls and women. “Yet menstrual activist groups and films
tend to reflect European-American feminist women’s preoccupations, which assert a moral
dominance that does not take the perspectives of women with different backgrounds and ori-
gins into account” (p. 212). Renne reminds us to look carefully and critically at these projects of
menstrual modernity, questioning whose priorities are being centered.
Technologies
In the 40 years since the birth of the world’s first “test-tube baby,” assisted reproductive tech-
nologies (ARTs) including in vitro fertilization (IVF) have proved to be enormously popular
with people wishful of children and diagnosed with infertility, or the inability to conceive after
one or more years of unprotected sexual intercourse. Thus, there is an important and neces-
sary concern with the adoption and globalization of these technologies and their impacts and
interactions with other social and cultural practices and ideas. Yet, the strength of an anthropo-
logical perspective is its focus on people, their hopes and fears, and their relationships.
Marcia C. Inhorn, drawing on her years of ethnographic research in Egypt, Lebanon, and the
United Arab Emirates, calls attention to the gendered dimensions of involuntary childlessness
and the importance of children and marriage for both women and men. Thus, she notes infertil-
ity is experienced as a couple’s problem both in the Muslim Middle East and elsewhere. With
this understanding, Inhorn suggests the uptake of oocyte cryopreservation or “egg freezing” is
less about younger women’s planned postponement of fertility for education or career—as is
popularly assumed—and more about older women’s unplanned preservation of fertility because
they are looking for partnership, if not necessarily marriage, as well as children.
Trudie Gerrits provides a literal and thematic accounting of the anthropological literature
on ARTs, which to date includes 55 ethnographic monographs, 34 edited volumes, and 6 spe-
cial issues of journals. While infertility is a problem of global scope, the limited range of non-
Western settings where the research has been conducted also reflects the unequal and uneven
accessibility of ARTs, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Gerrits examines the local complexities
of IVF in Ghana, where diasporic women return for treatment because they can receive donor
eggs “matching” their identity and because the relative absence of regulation makes IVF avail-
able to women over age 40 (and 50) there, but not elsewhere.
In the public imagination, ARTs represent hope for infertility and a host of other new
possibilities in third-party reproduction, which includes gamete donation or provision and

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
10
gestational surrogacy. However, Daisy Deomampo reminds us the racialized structures differen-
tially valuing White, brown, and Black people also persistently undergird the global marketplace
for eggs, sper m, and embryos. Indeed, anthropological perspectives on race, racialization, and
stratified reproduction as well as markets, value, commodification, and legislation figure signifi-
cantly across all of these four chapters on fertility, infertility, and ARTs. Deomampo’s chapter
offers a critical overview of the anthropology of egg provision, illustrated with examples from
ethnographic work on transnational surrogacy in India and on Asian American women’s expe-
riences of infertility, ARTs, and egg donation. Echoing the point that the research on ARTs
has been focused largely in Western settings, Andrea Whittaker notes that the anthropological
literature on surrogacy has been concentrated in the United Kingdom, United States, and India.
“This is partly due to the ease of access as these three settings are those in which surrogacy is
visible, legal, and well organized. Access to other settings where surrogacy remains highly secre-
tive or illegal is more difficult” (p. 272). Yet, it is only through fieldwork with surrogates as well
as with intended parents in a range of settings, such as Thailand where Whittaker has engaged
in research, that we come to understand the active participation and response of people in the
making (or unmaking) of kinship and relatedness, racialized identity, and national citizenship.
Queering reproduction
Queering reproduction in anthropology represents the projects both of attending to the repro-
ductive experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ) people and of unsettling
and rethinking the normativized practices and ideas that form the understandings of reproduc-
tion taken for granted among anthropologists. Indeed, these projects of queering reproduction
inform and necessitate each other, as France Winddance Twine and Marcin Smietana discuss in
their chapter. Inequalities of race, class, and nation as well as the colonial, neocolonial, and post-
colonial categories which have been used to frame sexuality are features of surrogacy, gamete
provision and procurement, and other arrangements and relationships that contribute to queer
kin and family formation. Twine and Smietana note “the complex emotional and cultural nego-
tiations that LGBTQ people make as they negotiate stigma and structural racism, as they con-
sider ‘who’ they will reproduce in socio-racial terms” (p. 298) and argue for a critical perspective
of “racial literacy” to guide studies of queer reproductions.
Actively centering the reproductive lives of Black lesbians, which is the aim of Nessette Falu’s
chapter, both decenters the normativized experiences of pregnancy, childhood, and motherhood
and makes visible a community that has been marginalized and significantly unseen. A focus
of Falu’s discussion is on gynecology, which she describes as “the middle ground from which
such power branches out into all reproductive matters for LGBTQIA+ communities” (p. 307).
Falu challenges her colleagues to recognize how and why Black lesbians matter and cite Black
women and queer scholars toward developing the anthropology of reproduction as ever more
robust and relevant in people’s lives.
Made and unmade: Personhood and reproduction
One of the critical insights of anthropology is that the standing of an individual as a member
of a society or culture—as a person—is socially and culturally ascribed. The understanding
that persons are not born but made is foundational to the anthropological study of reproduc-
tion, as Linda Layne discusses in her chapter. The questions of who or what is a person are
complicated in part because the answers vary across histories and cultures as well as within
groups and communities. The answers also have significant consequences. The legal recogni-

Introduction
11
tion of personhood has been given to corporations seeking to protect their interests; it also
has been extended to non-human entities like New Zealand’s Whanganui River to promote
environmental stewardship.
The issue of personhood is deeply implicated in the discourses surrounding abortion
and fetuses and the framing of reproductive rights globally. Nete Schwennesen and Tine M.
Gammeltoft consider the significance of ultrasound imaging and other technologies of prenatal
screening and diagnosis in the fraught questions of “how to draw boundaries for the normal
and where to set limits for human life” (p. 345). Pregnant women turn to these technologies for
information and reassurance amid the uncertainties of pregnancy, in which their imaginings of
children cross with the potentialities of abnormality and disability. They do so within the larger
context of state and state-like bodies that have a stake in person making as a means of regulating
and controlling the population.
Questions about who or what is a person—or even human—loom large over reproductive loss,
which Erica van der Sijpt discusses in her chapter. How to interpret a pregnancy loss or indeed
whether such an occurrence is perceived and experienced as an event or non-event depends on
the historically and culturally specific range of understandings about what might have been lost.
For example, it might be described as blood, water, a developing baby, or a spiritual being. In
addition, local understandings about what caused the event and how it can be remedied also give
shape to reproductive loss. As important, van der Sijpt observes from her fieldwork in Cameroon,
women make meaning from the conditions of their own lives, so that a loss may represent a mis-
hap for a woman who is stably partnered or a threat to a relationship for one who is not.
The issues of personhood also figure into how to analyze and interpret the material evidence
of reproduction in the past, which has emerged as a particular project of bioarchaeology, as Amy
B. Scott and Tracy Betsinger discuss in their chapter. The skeletal remains of human infants and
perinates have been found at historical and prehistorical sites, but were not necessarily the focus
of research and analysis, or even attentive or careful unearthing. In recent years, however, there
has been development in the methods for their recovery as well as the theoretical frameworks
for their interpretation. This importantly includes an understanding that the inclusion of infants
and perinates at these sites and in mortuary practices is meaningful. Thus, perspectives on per-
sonhood can inform the bioarchaeology of reproduction and in turn, bioarchaeological research
in this area can contribute to our knowledge of person making.
Pregnancy
Pregnancy is the central concern of the next three chapters. Consistent with their previous
work, Elly Teman and Tsipy Ivry argue for center ing pregnancy in studies of reproduction. In
the past, anthropologists had been interested less in pregnancy and more in the ideas and prac-
tices associated with it, such as secrecy and prohibition in the form of bodily concealments and
food taboos. More recently, there is greater attention paid to the technologies surrounding con-
ception and antenatal surveillance than to pregnancy itself, so that Teman and Ivry remind us,
“anthropologists of reproduction are participating in the fragmentation of reproduction when
they organize their studies around technological categories, and around specific moments when
reproductive technologies are used” (p. 393). In addition, Teman and Ivry note much of the
research has been on the experience of pregnancy in communities in which having one or two
children is normative or on the first pregnancy as a transformative “new” event. Drawing from
research with Haredi (“ultra-Orthodox” Jewish) women in Israel and the United States who
were the mothers of two to eleven children each, they challenge us to consider reproductive
“ways of life” that do not assume childbearing and childbirth as unusual events.

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
12
Sallie Han calls attention to an oversight of a different kind in studies not only of pregnancy,
but of reproduction more generally: Even while human reproduction has been recognized as a
biological, social, and cultural exper ience, the significance of language has yet to be considered
seriously. There are opportunities here for scholars of reproduction to incorporate the insights
of research on language as well as for linguistic anthropologists to explore the fertile terrain of
reproductive experiences. Han draws from studies of literacy and sociolinguistics to discuss the
significance of text and talk—from advice books, medical records, and mobile phone apps to
conversations at prenatal care appointments, sonograms, and baby showers—in mediating the
experience of pregnancy in the US.
Richard Powis argues for a perspective on men and pregnancy that moves beyond the default
settings of gender, reproduction, and kinship in the Global North. Discussing his ethnographic
research with expectant fathers in Senegal, Powis contradicts the assumptions both that men
are not actively present in reproduction and that anthropologists have had little or no interest
in the topic. Rather, he points to how the anthropological concept of couvade and more recent
notions of “male involvement” have limited as well as delimited what is understood and recog-
nized as men’s participation in reproduction.
Birth
Childbirth has been a particularly fertile area of interest within and across the subfields.
Anthropological interest in birth was not only galvanized by the women’s movement of the
1960s, but also fueled it. This scholarship has continued to play an important role in challenging
the gendered systems of power and author ity and medicalized models of childbirth and shaping
the alternative models of childbirth education and practices. Until recently, these models have
remained largely within the purview of more privileged families able to access these resources.
Grassroots movements grounded in achieving reproductive justice and committed to serving
BIPOC families, however, are transforming the landscape of birth.
In their discussion of the “obstetr ic dilemma” (OD), Karen R. Rosenberg and Wenda R.
Trevathan return to central debates about childbirth, gender, and human evolution. The idea
was invented in the 1960s by physical anthropologist Sherwood Washburn, who argued that
adaptations associated with bipedalism constrained neonatal head size and resulted in vulnerable
under-developed infants requiring extended care as their brains reached sufficient maturity out-
side the womb. Washburn’s interpretation reinforced biologically deterministic arguments that
women were “natural” caregivers while men excelled as hunters; these were later challenged and
refuted. Rosenberg and Trevathan’s own work, starting in the 1990s, reframed these debates and
highlighted how these adaptations produced cultural adaptations for social support to overcome
the challenges of the birth process, which extend beyond head size. Today, they see continued
value in thinking about the ways in which a broad network of social support is central to both
childbirth and infant care.
Holly Dunsworth’s chapter takes the critique of the initial gendered narrative further and
challenges the entire proposition of the OD. Using diverse sources of evidence, Dunsworth
argues that human infants are not born too early, the pelvis does not restrict the length of ges-
tation, and both the tight fit in the birth canal as well as human infant immaturity have other
explanations. Histor ically recent difficulties in childbirth are not the product of the constraints
that Washburn proposed—indeed, contemporary assumptions about the difficulties of childbirth
may have been projected into the past to explain an “obstetric dilemma” that does not even
exist, as Dunsworth contends. While Rosenberg and Trevathan and Dunsworth disagree on the
OD, all three authors view birth as a normal human process that should be examined in a social

Introduction
13
and historical context, and they challenge the use of evolved human biology to justify the con-
temporary overuse of medical interventions.
The remaining chapters in this section share this starting point of the normality of birth and
address its social context. Mounia El Kotni pursues the anthropology of midwifery, which has
provided a sustained critique of the medical models of birth and instead emphasizes traditional
midwifery knowledge that centers the birthing woman or person and values the social connec-
tion between them, the midwife, and the community. El Kotni’s chapter documents the central
struggles over power and knowledge in historical and contemporary efforts by the biomedical
system to displace midwives and further marginalize traditional models of midwifery by profes-
sionalizing and “modernizing” it. The ironic consequence of this dual medicalization process
is that while elites in the Global North pay a premium for woman-centered models of birth
grounded in midwifery, traditional and Indigenous midwives globally remain poor and mar-
ginalized. In the next chapter, Julie Johnson Searcy and Angela N. Castañeda home in further
on the importance of social support during childbirth via the role of doulas or birth supporters
who are not medical professionals. The ter m doula itself is invented by medical anthropologist
Dana Raphael, highlighting the intersection of anthropologists and activists who have chal-
lenged biomedical birthing models. Searcy and Castañeda document the rise of interest in
Western medical and public health literature to the role of doulas in improving the birth expe-
rience and its associated outcomes. While doulas, like midwives, are still often only accessible
to wealthy elites, a growing number of community-based doulas serve BIPOC families and are
increasingly seen as a potential public health intervention to improve the poorer maternal and
infant outcomes in these communities.
Melissa Cheyney and Robbie Davis-Floyd highlight another fundamentally social aspect of
birth—that of rites and rituals. They show that despite inter- and intra-cultural variation, rites
and rituals remain central to childbirth. Indeed, while medicalization claims to shift childbirth
beyond these domains, medical systems of birth in fact remain highly ritualized and these rituals
convey systems of power that leave birthing people disempowered. Cheyney and Davis-Floyd
advocate explicit recognition of the centrality of childbirth as a rite of passage, and the impor-
tance of cultural systems in how birth is performed. Finally, they call for more equitable systems
in which “[a]ll birthing people everywhere … have the respect, freedom, and resources they
need to negotiate the complexities of birth on their own cultural and communal terms as they
actively appropriate, modify, and co-create meaning in childbirth” (p. 491).
This section concludes with two chapters that take up these themes and also call for action
to address obstetric violence and maternal mortality—two pervasive and seemingly intractable
challenges. Jackline Oluoch-Aridi, Vania Smith-Oka, Jessica Dailey, and Ellyn Milan show that
the horrific instances of violence they document in Kenya are not aberrations, but instead are
built into the system: They are products of the fundamental connection between colonialism and
medicalization. The authors examine this colonial “debris” and show how this violence is (re)
produced in the impoverished and overstretched health care system. Ultimately, they argue that
a shift in analytical lens from reproductive choice to reproductive justice is necessary to “redress
the structural and postcolonial disparities that structure risk and violate women’s autonomy”
and yield “maternity care systems which foster patient autonomy and dignified care” (p. 506).
Adrienne Strong’s chapter delves further into the colonial debris in her investigation of
maternal mortality in Tanzania. Strong’s work similarly highlights the shortcomings of an under-
funded and overwhelmed postcolonial system that sustains mistreatment and, ultimately, mater-
nal death. This chapter, like the previous one, highlights the consequences of the push for birth
to take place in medical settings: The promise to deliver better births is falling far short of being
met. Strong describes with theoretical sharpness and ethnographic detail how global health

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
14
policy, metrics, and data collection and the attempts at managing “risk” produce interactions
with the biomedical system in these postcolonial settings that result in deaths. Motivated by the
heartbreaking loss of mothers, this chapter is also a call to action to use anthropological inquiry
to illuminate and disrupt the deadly reproduction of the inequities produced by the expansion
of colonial and biomedical regimes.
Postpartum and infant care
Medicalized narratives of reproduction often end with childbirth. So, too, the sociocultural
anthropology of reproduction has often maintained a similar endpoint, with significantly less
scholarship focused on the postpartum period and infant care. In contrast, biological anthropo-
logical and bioarchaeological studies have taken a broader view of reproduction. The next set
of chapters stretch both the temporal and disciplinary boundaries of reproduction and inter-
twine with work on infancy and the anthropology of children. In the first chapter, Cecília
Tomori, E.A. Quinn, and Aunchalee E.L. Palmquist argue that “it is time to reclaim lactation’s
place as integral to the anthropology of reproduction” (p. 535). They highlight how biocul-
tural anthropological scholarship has challenged biocapitalist models that continue to dominate
medical care and research and call for a fundamental transformation of anthropological research
in order to disrupt the colonial paradigms that have undermined lactation around the world.
Decolonizing lactation research necessarily centers the communities whose practices have been
historically disrupted and who have been actively working to reclaim their lactation practices.
The second chapter, by Siân Halcrow, Melanie J. Miller, Kate Pechenkina, Yu Dong, and
Wenquan Fan, adds an important bioarcheological perspective to the anthropology of repro-
duction. The chapter explains how skeletal remains can provide direct evidence of patterns of
infant feeding and provide insight into subsistence changes, fertility, and demographic patterns
of past populations. Drawing on a case study from Bronze Age China, the authors demonstrate
how new techniques of isotopic analysis focusing on human teeth can go beyond these larger
patterns, illuminate individual life histories, and situate them in nuanced sociohistorical context.
This chapter demonstrates the opportunities for and insights to be gleaned from an integrated
anthropological perspective on reproduction.
Finally, Alanna E.F. Rudzik and colleagues address the topic of infant sleep. This chapter
directly critiques the neglect of infants and infant care in the anthropology of reproduction
and suggests this neglect reproduces the separation of mothers and infants that itself has been
a hallmark of medicalized systems of reproductive care. Giving closer attention to the postpar-
tum period yields an understanding of maternal and infant physiology as intertwined in ways
that challenge the biomedical as well as traditional anthropological categories and approaches
in reproduction. Infant sleep—and its intersections with infant feeding—requires the unified
efforts of biological and sociocultural anthropologists in order to produce better research about
human maternal–infant behavior and to provide public health guidance for families.
Care as reproducing kinship
The final set of chapters further extend conventional temporal and conceptual boundaries of
the anthropology of reproduction. Lynnette Leidy Sievert and Subho Roy’s chapter on meno-
pause provides a holistic, multi-subfield approach to the evolutionary context, biological fea-
tures, health implications, and cross-cultural experiences of the end of menstruation and the
post-reproductive period in women’s lives. The chapter highlights both cross-cutting physiolog-
ical patterns and the diversity of meaning (or lack thereof) attributed to menopause. Importantly,

Introduction
15
while conception and pregnancy with one’s own eggs are no longer possible after menopause,
women play an important role in reproductive life as a whole, particularly in their role as grand-
mothers—one of the explanations for the evolution of a lengthy post-reproductive period in
humans.
Ellen Block’s chapter explores the shifting roles of grandmothers in global reproductive strat-
egies from a sociocultural perspective. By focusing on the lived experiences of grandmothering,
and her own ethnographic research in Lesotho, Block highlights the realities of this role that
challenge and complexify idealized narratives of grandmothering that focus on the joyful side
of selfless caregiving. Block emphasizes that while grandmothers have always made essential
contributions to reproduction through their caregiving labor as well as their emotional and
moral guidance, they are often at the frontlines of absorbing increasingly challenging circum-
stances families face in the neoliberal global economic system. Kristen N. Herlosky and Alyssa
N. Crittenden’s chapter broadens the discussion to the evolutionary origins and contempo-
rary importance of cooperative childrearing as a central feature of human reproduction. They
describe the importance of lengthy, intensive care to ensure the survival of vulnerable human
infants and children, and showcase the role of other caregivers beyond parents—alloparents—
who participate in this care across cultural groups. Grandmothers and children emerge as central
figures in alloparenting. Importantly, Herlosky and Crittenden deconstruct western ideologies
of the nuclear family as the default caregiving unit and highlight the importance of broader
networks of caregiving that ensure that infants and children survive and thr ive.
In the final chapter Jessaca Leinaweaver and Diana Marre discuss adoption and fostering—
practices that highlight the importance of the diversity of care practices that constitute and/or
disrupt kinship relations. Leinaweaver and Marre resist narratives of adoption “primarily as a
process whose end is reproduction, in the narrow sense of expanding a family” (p. 622) Instead,
they home in on the global movements and inequities entailed by highlighting the birth par-
ent’s and the adopted child’s experiences, which have previously received less attention. These
experiences reveal how adoption reproduces a broader set of unequal social relations—ones that
are characterized by reproductive injustice and racialized marginalization that trouble idealized
kinship narratives.
Conclusion: Conceiving the future
Taken together, the chapters in this Handbook represent some of the cutting-edge areas of the
anthropology of reproduction. They highlight the insights to be gained both from intradisci-
plinary thinking about reproduction within anthropology and from multidisciplinary research
and scholarship integrating the theoretical and methodological approaches across sciences and
arts. The anthropology of reproduction demonstrates yet again that the successful reproduction
of anthropology requires a recombination of its most basic components: Field research (includ-
ing, but not only ethnography) that grounds and roots us in the diversity of human experience
and the contexts and conditions of people’s lives, thus enabling us to recognize and appreciate
the contingencies that mark and make humans and people; and the holistic perspective that
integrates depth with breadth so that reproduction is regarded within both the specific contexts
of people’s lives and the larger human (biological, social and cultural, linguistic) experience.
Moreover, the chapters here offer not only necessary critique and corrective, but even more
importantly provide vivid examples of the concrete action and effort required for tangible
change. The work here is a demonstration of the important and meaningful role of anthropol-
ogy to inform and guide people as they seek to make a difference for themselves, challenging
long-standing structures of oppression and striving toward reproductive freedom and justice.

Sallie Han and Cecília Tomori
16
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