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Imperialism after the Neoliberal Turn

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The “Black Lives Matter” (BLM) movement is believed to be the largest social movement in American history. Making sense of such a historically significant social movement will certainly enable a fuller understanding of contemporary American politics and society. The significance of BLM also makes this movement a benchmark case that provides a testbed for social movement theories. Within the framework provided by political process theory and the process tracing method, this article seeks to explain the political and socioeconomic dynamics underlying the development of BLM. One important factor that stands out in the case of BLM is the presence of an enabling political-economic environment characterized by rising ethno-racial inequalities, police brutality, and racism under the socially polarizing effects of the 2008 economic crisis. A second set of factors to be considered is BLM’s adoption of a decentralized organizational structure, which facilitates the rallying and mobilization of large segments of society based on loose coalition strategies enacted through social media. Third, the rise and development of BLM greatly owe to the deployment of strongly motivating slogans, symbols, and modes of collective action that carry symbolic value, appeal to mass emotions, and address the political opportunities in place.
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BRICS’in (Brezilya, Rusya, Hindistan, Çin ve Güney Afrika) Afrika’daki yükselişi hangi jeopolitik ve ekonomik dinamiklere bağlıdır? Bu yükselişin dünya ekonomi ve siyasetinin çok kutuplulaşmasına etkisi ne olmuştur? BRICS, 2000’li yıllarda Afrika kalkınmasını nasıl etkilemiştir? Süreç analizi tekniğine bağlı bir yöntemsel yaklaşımın üzerine kurulu mevcut çalışma, yukarıdaki bu sorular etrafında şekillenmiştir. (1) BRICS’in Afrika’daki yükselişinin jeopolitik ve ekonomik dinamiklerinin, ağırlıklı olarak enerji ve doğal kaynaklara erişim ile silah ticaretine dayandığı görülmektedir. (2) BRICS, Batı ülkelerinin Afrika’ya yönelik koşullu kalkınma yardımlarından farklı bir şekilde, kalkınma işbirliği ilkesine dayanmaktadır. BRICS'in Afrika'daki altyapısal ve toplumsal kalkınma işbirliği vurgusu, Batılı ülkelerin ekonomik etki alanını da sınırlandırmaktadır. Ayrıca, kimi BRICS ülkelerinin kıtada etkisini artıran askeri yayılmacılığı, çok kutuplulaşma sürecini daha da hızlandırmaktadır. (3) Her ne kadar, BRICS’in yükselişi; Afrika kıtası için önemli kalkınma fırsatları sunsa da, aynı zamanda Afrika’nın doğal kaynaklarının sömürüsünü ve silah ticaretine dayalı bağımlılığını derinleştirmektedir. Bu sorunların derin bir insani ve çevresel boyutu bulunmaktadır. Makalenin temel amacı, BRICS'in Afrika'daki yükselişinin jeopolitik ve ekonomik yanlarını küresel güç ilişkileri bağlamında ortaya çıkarmaktır.
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The Book demonstrates changes in the sysmen of the CSTO security after 2014
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A critical cultural materialist introduction to the study of global entertainment media. In Global Entertainment Media, Tanner Mirrlees undertakes an analysis of the ownership, production, distribution, marketing, exhibition and consumption of global films and television shows, with an eye to political economy and cultural studies. Among other topics, Mirrlees examines: Paradigms of global entertainment media such as cultural imperialism and cultural globalization. The business of entertainment media: the structure of capitalist culture/creative industries (financers, producers, distributors and exhibitors) and trends in the global political economy of entertainment media. The "governance" of global entertainment media: state and inter-state media and cultural policies and regulations that govern the production, distribution and exhibition of entertainment media and enable or impede its cross-border flow. The new international division of cultural labor (NICL): the cross-border production of entertainment by cultural workers in asymmetrically interdependent media capitals, and economic and cultural concerns surrounding runaway productions and co-productions. The economic motivations and textual design features of globally popular entertainment forms such as blockbuster event films, TV formats, glocalized lifestyle brands and synergistic media. The cross-cultural reception and effects of TV shows and films. The World Wide Web, digitization and convergence culture.
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This study examines why a large number of Western advanced economies joined the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) in 2015 despite the bank’s purported challenge to the Western-centred international order in the area of multilateral development finance. Through a mixed-method examination involving elite interviews, analyses of government pronouncements and regressions, and by drawing on concepts from rational choice theory, international policy diffusion, and rational design of international institutions, this study finds that the AIIB’s success with regard to its large membership is due to China’s effective creation of a demand for the organization among Western advanced economies. We argue that policymakers in Western countries enjoyed ‘induced agency’, which China granted them in the process of creating the organization and deciding about its membership. First, Western advanced economies had agency because their involvement was needed to prevent the AIIB from becoming a homogenous small organization consisting of Asian debtor countries in favour of a global organization with a heterogeneous group of both debtor and creditor country members. The AIIB was thus set up to accommodate the specific economic and political goals of Western advanced economies. Secondly, Western advanced economies experienced agency in the process of deciding about their membership in the bank because China proactively courted them to join the AIIB. China moreover endorsed the spontaneous intensification of communications that ensued among Western advanced economies with regard to joining the AIIB. Both efforts ultimately resulted in diffusion among them of the decision to become members. Thirdly, the Western advanced economies were granted agency in the process of determining the AIIB’s organizational design, thus allowing them to converge the initially diverse visions for the institutional design of the bank and shift it from contesting the existing system of multilateral development banks to effectively integrating into it. Our study thus advances a theory of country-specific demand for membership in an international organization.
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The ongoing Syrian conflict has triggered one of the worst humanitarian emergencies and the largest refugee crisis of the post-World War II era. What are the political-ecological factors leading to the emergence and spread of this conflict? To what extent have ecological injustices played a triggering or accelerating role in the Syrian conflict? The main argument of this article is that one of the most important causes of the Syrian tragedy relates to the outbreak of a political-ecological crisis whose origins are to be found in the long-term consequences of Syria's (a) oil-centered extractivist model of development adopted since the 1970s and its legacy reflected in the government's failure to generate adequate livelihood; (b) neo-liberal restructuring that has widened inequalities and bankrupted the agriculture since 2000; and (c) environmentally blind policies that have neglected the severity of droughts, encouraged water-intensive crops and the over-exploitation of water resources, and failed to address the modernization of the irrigation infrastructure. The environmental aspects of this crisis also concern inter-state and political-cultural conflicts as they apply to the control of Syria's water resources by Turkey and the so-called Islamic State.
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According to Chinese leaders’ statements, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was created with the main purpose of financing infrastructure in Asia. In this research we analyse to what extent the initiative responds to China’s discontent with its second-level ranking within the existing international financing architecture. We use the Hegemonic Transition Theory to study the diplomatic conflict arisen between China and the US because of the launching of the AIIB, and we complete our work exploring the relevance of EU Members’ support in the acceptance of the AIIB and China’s view of global governance.
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Twenty-first century capitalism features financialization and monopoly power. A structural perspective of contemporary political economy illuminates how these aspects shape the COVID-19 response. COVID-19 has exposed failures across health care systems, working conditions, supply chains, the depth of inequality, systemic racism, and features of globalization that exacerbate negative outcomes for the many. Examining access to medicines, personal protective equipment and vaccines, inequality and working conditions highlights just some of what is broken and what needs to be fixed. The unsparing challenge and immiseration of COVID-19 offer an opportunity to re-think basic structures of contemporary capitalism and re-imagine a more compassionate future.
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What are the major domestic and external factors that have led to the emergence and diffusion of the 2011 Syrian conflict? Domestic factors concern Syria’s political-economic and political-ecological transitions since the 1970s, particularly the prominence of a resource-based, or extractivist, strategy of economic development, neoliberal restructuring, and inadequate environmental policies. This chapter argues that these factors have rendered Syria vulnerable to the destructive effect of external pressures associated with the role of geopolitics, proxy war, and foreign intervention. In terms of this chapter’s methodology, process tracing is used as the main guideline.
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In the last two decades, various states from the Global South have emerged as important players in international relations. Most popular among them is China. Brazil, India and South Africa have also taken essential roles in global and regional politics. Compared to traditional great powers, they can be labelled ’regional great powers’ or ’regional powers’ because their influence is - with the exception of China - concentrated on their neighbourhood. The impact of regions, meaning the impact of geography, on the economics and politics of regional powers is surprisingly understudied. This book analyses how geographical conditions influence the regional economics and politics of South Africa, allowing the author to delineate its region of influence.
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Responding to changes in the world, Russia has proposed the Greater Eurasian Partnership for the international cooperation agenda. At the same time, the possibility of linking that Partnership with the Belt and Road Initiative for international cooperation is one of the key factors in implementing this agenda. Alignment between the development strategies of Russia and China in the field of global, regional, and bilateral relations lays the foundation of successful cooperation between a number of countries, regions, and organizations. For the Eurasian Partnership to succeed, it must strictly adhere to WTO rules and take a tolerant attitude toward the diverse mechanisms for cooperation that various countries and regions have developed.
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We have reached a level of centralization in capital's power of domination, such that the bourgeoisie's forms of existence and organization as known up to now have been completely transformed. Contemporary capitalism has become a capitalism of generalized monopolies. Monopolies no longer form islands in an ocean of corporations that are not monopolies—and consequently are relatively autonomous—but an integrated system, and consequently now tightly control all productive systems. Small and medium-sized companies, and even large ones that are not themselves formally owned by the oligopolies, are enclosed in networks of control established by the monopolies upstream and downstream. Consequently, their margin of autonomy has shrunk considerably. These production units have become subcontractors for the monopolies. This system of generalized monopolies is the result of a new stage in the centralization of capital in the countries of the triad that developed in the 1980s and '90s.
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China's Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a controversial addition to both the global and Asian economic architectures. Western critics have alleged it is a vehicle designed to achieve China's geostrategic goals, while scholars have argued it marks China's adoption of a 'revisionist' foreign policy strategy. This article argues that such interpretations are incorrect, as they fail to account for the evolution of China's AIIB agenda. To secure a broad membership and international legitimacy for the AIIB, China compromised with partners during governance negotiations in 2015. Western country demands saw several controversial initial proposals dropped, the governance practices of existing multilateral development banks were adopted, and cooperative partnerships were developed with the World Bank and Asian Development Bank. This transition from a revisionist to status-seeking AIIB agenda reveals the flexibility of Chinese economic statecraft, and its willingness to compromise strategic goals to boost the legitimacy of its international leadership claims.
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While much has been written about US–China strategic rivalry, no study to the authors’ knowledge has conducted an empirical analysis of this rivalry. This article fills this gap by investigating whether and how this rivalry affects a country’s response to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The findings of this article indicate that certain aspects of bilateral strategic ties indeed have strong effects on a country’s reaction to the Chinese bank. More specifically, shorter distance to higher a level of partnership with, and more arms purchase from Beijing lead to faster accession to the AIIB, while the shorter distance to Washington results in slower accession, controlling for other factors. In addition, economically developed countries appear to be consistently more eager to join the Beijing-led bank than economically underdeveloped countries.
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The creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has generated a great deal of attention and controversy in the development community and beyond. Do these banks indicate that China is promoting a new model of multilateral development finance that undermines the existing system dating back to Bretton Woods? What are the forces shaping China's policy choices in this area? In contrast to the prevailing tendency to view these banks as part and parcel of the same challenge or opportunity for multilateral development financing, this article highlights major distinctions between the NDB and the AIIB. The fact that China is playing a prominent role in both the NDB and the AIIB suggests that China is not promoting a coherent new model of multilateral development financing, but is instead straddling different traditions in this realm of global financial governance. The ambiguity in China's approach to multilateral development finance is shaped by its multiple identities and complex economic and political interests.
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This book explores the tribal politics of the Awlad ‘Ali Bedouin in the borderland of Egypt and Libya. These tribal politics are part of heterarchy in which sovereignty is shared between tribes, states and other groups and, within this dynamic setting, the local politicians of the Awlad ‘Ali are essential producers of order beyond the framework of the nation state. Based on long-term fieldwork, this monograph is ideal for audiences interested in North African Politics, Libya, Egypt, and borderland studies. Thomas Hüsken is Senior Research Fellow at the Department for Ethnology of the University of Bayreuth, Germany.
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This book explores different aspects of the regulation of private security contractors working for governments. The author specifically examines the US, identifying the obstacles that have hindered US regulatory outcomes. Theoretical discussions, supported by conceptual analysis of Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice, are applied to analysis based on interviews with current and former employees of key stakeholders. By analyzing the political, bureaucratic, and organizational obstacles to the implementation of consistent and enforceable regulations, this research points to creative possibilities for future use of her conceptual framework.