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The Argumentative Turn Revisited: Public Policy as Communicative Practice
... In the previous decades of the developments of the policy studies discipline, numerous debates have been weighing the advantages and cons of different approaches to policy analysis (Bertsou & Pastorella, 2017;Fischer & Forester, 1993;Ojha et al., 2016). One of the progressive developments in the last quarter of the 20 th century is the critique of the critical policy school towards the mainstream technocratic approach to policy analysis (Durnova et al., 2016;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012). Policy scholars have become more cautious and particular about utilizing the 'proper' approach in dealing with public problems. ...
... What scholars such as Fischer and Forester (1993), Fischer and Gottweis (2012), and Hajer et al. (2003) have pointed out is the clear distinction between policy analysts and deliberative practitioners that connoted what they identify as policy facilitators in the neo-empiricist and critical school of policy analysis, respectively. The distinction has drawn attention to expounding in detail what it is to be a 'deliberative practitioner' and how crucial it is to employ such a role in a deliberative process (Forester, 1999). ...
... Conversing with funders and innovators about a desired alternative with massive social impact is conducive in an argumentative space with a semi-formal atmosphere. An argumentative space ensures a free flow of genuine opinions, ideas, beliefs, and paradoxes over public problems and alternatives identified by the end-users (Bartels et al., 2020;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Forester, 1999). Arguing in this space requires a handful of ideas about norms and values that the public highlights in their deliberations (Carmona, 2015;Shenhav, 2015;van Eeten, 2007). ...
The newest progress in the paradigmatic evolutions of critical policy analysis school is how the deliberative approach assimilates to highly technical and technocrat-dominated policy analysis systems. Some scholars may have acknowledged that this assimilative potential is inevitable; however, contentions arise regarding how we practically put this into practice. Most of our governance systems and policymaking are dominated by expert technocrats, and it would be difficult to navigate around an established and conventional system. Acknowledging that we need proper collaboration and a deliberative platform in such governance functions, policy practitioners carefully understand and dissect the elements of deliberation. Drawing from the case of Chiang Mai City Lab in Thailand, we argue that by acknowledging that these labs do have numerous and dynamic actors, at the same time, articulating the type of deliberative spaces, are productive and complementary to understanding the assimilative potentials of deliberative policy analysis. Moreover, such delineation of the deliberative space vis-a-vis actors in the city lab is crucial to ensuring and safeguarding policy analysis free from technocrat-expert domination and genuinely instrumentalizing the potentials of the deliberative paradigm in a real-world application.
... The notion of distributed cognitive systems encompassing brain, body, artifacts, and the environment aligns with existing arguments for participatory design in planning (Fischer and Gottweis, 2013;Sanoff, 2011): considering that thinking and expertise overflow beyond individual brains, design should engage broader toolmediated collective cognition. ...
... Further situating cognition within sociocultural ecosystems, second wave perspectives suggest that planning should tap collective intersubjective meaning-making that circulates through places, not just individual minds or extended functional systems. Conceptualizing thoughts as emerging through coordinated sociomaterial practices implies that design must resonate with, and reflect, local relationships, values, norms, identities, and ways of knowing (Fischer and Gottweis, 2013;Manzini, 2015). For example, asset-based community development engages residents in appreciatively mapping cultural resources such as skills, memories, institutions, and social networks as existing assets to democratically build upon (Sandercock, 2003;Mathie and Cunningham, 2003). ...
... This reimagining of the nature of knowledge and selfhood has profound implications for democratizing and decolonizing planning (Sandercock, 2004). The modernist figure of the professional expert gives way to participatory processes that recruit and engage multiple realities, perspectives, and ways of knowing, distributed across a vast range of socio-material practices (Awan et al., 2013;Fischer and Gottweis, 2013). ...
This article explores the intersection between cognition theories and urban planning, conceptualizing the city as a distributed socio-cognitive architecture. It traces the evolution of these theories through three waves—functionalism, social externalism, and radical enactivism —. Correspondingly, the article suggests implications for reorienting urban planning approaches, highlighting participatory design, collaborative placemaking, and the nurturing of place-based affordances. Drawing examples from existing planning literature, it demonstrates resonances with Extended Mind-informed orientations. The conclusion synthesizes these insights, proposing a potentially transformative framework by rethinking planning as more participatory, pluralistic, and cognitively integrative, challenging internalist and technocratic assumptions.
... Existe un fenómeno conocido como el giro argumentativo de la década del 90 del siglo pasado, a partir del cual se observa un cambio en la forma de estudiar y explicar las políticas públicas. Si originalmente el centro de gravedad de la explicación estaba en determinar la objetividad de los intereses, recursos, racionalidad y preferencias de los actores, a partir de dicho cambio, comienzan a ser importantes las subjetividades de los valores, las palabras, los discursos, las narrativas, los significados, las culturas y los aprendizajes (Fischer, 1989(Fischer, , 2003(Fischer, , 2007Fischer & Forester, 1993;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Forester, 1985Forester, , 1993Gottweis, 2006;McBeth et al., 2014;McCool, 1995;Roth Deubel, 2007;Sabatier & Weible, 2014). ...
... Habría por lo menos tres corrientes filosóficas que podrían explicar este cambio, por un lado la Teoría Crítica (con especial acento en los escritos de Jürgen Habermas), la teoría constructivista de las ciencias sociales y la educación; y el pensamiento de tipo posmoderno. Este artículo se centrará especialmente en el aporte de la segunda generación de la Teoría Crítica (Anderson, 1987;Burrell & Morgan, 1979;Cairney et al., 2018;Denhardt, 1990;Ellis & Thompson, 1997;Fischer & Forester, 1987;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Majone, 2005;McCool, 1995;Ordoñez-Matamoros, 2013;Roe, 1994;Roth Deubel, 2007, 2008Rouleau, 2010;Vasilachis de Gialdino, 2007). ...
... Si bien es una teoría que tiene originalmente ciertos componentes marxistas que luego se atenúan, se reconoce una influencia determinante del racionalismo kantiano y sus ideas emancipatorias fundadas en la razón como la herramienta humana fundamental para liberarse del dogmatismo. Así pues, diversos autores subrayan el afán emancipatorio de esta teoría (Anderson, 1987;Burrell & Morgan, 1979;Denhardt, 1990;Fischer & Forester, 1987;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Gottweis, 2006;Guerra Palmero, 2015;Habermas, 1962Habermas, , 1971Majone, 2005;Ordoñez-Matamoros, 2013;Roe, 1994;Roth Deubel, 2007, 2008Rouleau, 2010). ...
En la década de los 90 del siglo pasado, en el dominio de estudios de las políticas públicas, se registró un cambio denominado como “giro argumentativo” originado, en parte, en la Teoría Crítica. A partir de allí, empezaron a ser relevantes los discursos, las narrativas, los valores, la cultura, los significados, los aprendizajes y las subjetividades de los actores que en el enfoque tradicional dominante o pospositivista no eran tenidos en cuenta. Este artículo, al analizar la crítica que el pensamiento habermasiano concentra en la tecnocracia y sus ideas centrales, muestra los aportes que se introdujeron en el análisis de políticas públicas. Es así que conceptos clave como la racionalidad instrumental, la técnica, la comunicación y el lenguaje, el managerialismo y la democracia deliberativa, no pasarán desapercibidas en el estudio de las decisiones públicas.
... Existe un fenómeno conocido como el giro argumentativo de la década del 90 del siglo pasado, a partir del cual se observa un cambio en la forma de estudiar y explicar las políticas públicas. Si originalmente el centro de gravedad de la explicación estaba en determinar la objetividad de los intereses, recursos, racionalidad y preferencias de los actores, a partir de dicho cambio, comienzan a ser importantes las subjetividades de los valores, las palabras, los discursos, las narrativas, los significados, las culturas y los aprendizajes (Fischer, 1989(Fischer, , 2003Fischer & Forester, 1993;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Forester, 1985Forester, , 1993Gottweis, 2006;McBeth et al., 2014;McCool, 1995;Roth Deubel, 2007;Sabatier & Weible, 2014). ...
... Habría por lo menos tres corrientes filosóficas que podrían explicar este cambio, por un lado la Teoría Crítica (con especial acento en los escritos de Jürgen Habermas), la teoría constructivista de las ciencias sociales y la educación; y el pensamiento de tipo posmoderno. Este artículo se centrará especialmente en el aporte de la segunda generación de la Teoría Crítica (Anderson, 1987;Burrell & Morgan, 1979;Cairney et al., 2018;Denhardt, 1990;Ellis & Thompson, 1997;Fischer & Forester, 1987;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Majone, 2005;McCool, 1995;Ordoñez-Matamoros, 2013;Roe, 1994;Roth Deubel, 2007Rouleau, 2010;Vasilachis de Gialdino, 2007). ...
... De lo expuesto, se puede decir que las formas que imaginan los distintos autores de la Teoría Crítica para contrarrestar los efectos de la tecnocracia en la política, serían los siguientes (Fischer, 1989Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Forester, 2007;Habermas, 2001Habermas, , 2005Habermas, , 2013Habermas, , 2016: ...
La transformación del gobierno y de las relaciones entre administración pública, actores económicos y ciudadanía, es el elemento distintivo del análisis de políticas públicas desde hace por lo menos tres décadas. El papel central, rector y directivo del gobierno fue dejando paso paulatinamente a diversas modalidades de gobernanza en red, en la cual las autoridades públicas se convierten en uno más de los actores participantes del proceso de diseño e implementación de políticas públicas. El presente artículo tiene dos objetivos: 1) hacer un recorrido analítico de la transformación de los esquemas de gobernanza y el papel que juegan, en estos cambios, los instrumentos de política pública (Howlett, 2005) -especialmente los orientados a modificar las conductas ciudadanas desde una lógica multiactor y menos jerárquica- por sobre las herramientas de gobierno tradicionales -tesoro, organización, nodalidad y autoridad- (Hood, 1986), y 2) analizar de qué manera tales cambios afectaron las estrategias desplegadas por los gobiernos sudamericanos frente a la primera ola de la pandemia de covid-19, en 2020.
... The second argument that we also seek to explore in the analysis deals with broadening the understanding of evidence beyond scientific evidence. The critical policy literature points out the significant limitations to the instrumental use of scientific evidence (Simon, 1956;Lindblom, 1959;Weiss and Bucuvalas, 1980;Cairney, 2019) and the importance of other factors for the production of policy, such as the historical contingency proper to social phenomena; the interests, values, and motivations of actors; and the interactive reflexivity among actors and between actors and objects (Fischer and Gottweis, 2012;Lejano, 2006;Spink, 2019;DeLeon, 2008;Yanow, 2000). In this sense, scientific evidence should be conceived as just another of the possible meaning-validation frameworks for policy production (Williams, 2010). ...
... The EBP approach resumes and extends the traditional debate in the policy analysis literature on the role of scientific knowledge and instrumental rationality in policy (Lerner and Lasswell, 1951;Simon, 1956;Lindblom, 1959;Weiss and Bucuvalas, 1980;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012;DeLeon, 2008). EBP emerged as one of the central elements of the Tony Blair administration in the United Kingdom, elected in 1997, which advocated the agenda of "what matters is what works" as opposed to the "conviction politics" that characterized the administration of his predecessor Margaret Thatcher (Davies, Nutley and Smith, 2000). ...
O uso de evidências como subsídio à atuação governamental não é tema novo no debate sobre a produção e legitimação da ação do Estado. Nas últimas décadas, no entanto, o movimento das políticas públicas baseadas em evidências (PPBEs) tem intensificado a defesa de que mais e melhores evidências sejam produzidas como instrumentos capazes de orientar a produção de políticas públicas. Esta publicação almejou ilustrar essa multiplicidade de recursos para produção de inferências com contribuições que mobilizam tanto estudos qualitativos como quantitativos ou mistos, além de experimentais. Ao longo da publicação, cada capítulo adota métodos distintos, como é de se esperar a partir dos variados objetos de análise.
... However, critical scholars may have shaken this dominance by asserting a precarious direction to the policy process. The deliberative element in an argumentative turn has also become pivotal to democratic and citizen-centered advancement in policy analysis (Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Hajer, 2003;Wagenaar, 2014). ...
... At that time of the aftermath of the world wars in the early 1900s, there were a lot of public problems that needed to be addressed, including economic, health, physical structures, and rebuilding initiatives, among others, which led to considering the scientific method of decision making to address these pressing issues (Bächtiger et al., 2018;Dye, 1978). However, the last quarter of the century has made various scholars rethink and see the argumentative turn in doing policy analysis (Fischer & Forester, 1993;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Forester, 1999Forester, , 2009Hajer, 2003). Here, the likes of Majone, Fischer, and Forester, among other critical scholars, have reiterated that public policy should 2 The researcher posi=ons as both as an insider experiencing the whole process of policy making and implementa=on in Chiang Mai, Thailand during the COVID-19 pandemic. ...
This chapter builds on the argument that assimilative formulas to policy analysis are essential to mending the debate between the technocratic paradigms and the critical approaches to policy analysis. In real-world policy practice at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, addressing public problems demands an innovative direction to advance policy initiatives that are both inclusive and transformative. The chapter's discussion reimagined the characteristics and role of the assimilative practitioner spanning across issues on social injustices, high inequalities, professionalization, and micropolitics. Critical insight from Chiang Mai City, Thailand suggests that a sound policy analysis goes beyond the hectic technical systems or a messy deliberative process. Lessons direct us to go beyond these boundaries and limitations and seek a creative reimagination of policy analysis that is both assimilative and critically pragmatic.
... Discourses, frames, and narratives are now regarded as playing important roles in the formation of public policies, including on forests (Fischer and Forester, 1993;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012). Heightened interest in the role of language in policy-making has led to the production of a variety of understandings of the term "discourse" itself . ...
In this Chapter, we identify and explore the major criticisms of International Forest1 Governance
(IFG). We also present alternatives to current IFG approaches. Our critiques span from technical
issues embedded within the accepted IFG framework, to broader challenges of the entire IFG. In
response to these critiques, a spectrum of solutions and alternative governance approaches has
emerged, ranging from technical fixes and incremental changes to radical transformations. In
contrast to the past debate over legally binding versus non-binding aspects of IFG, the current
emphasis is on governance beyond government. Despite critiques highlighting the ineffectiveness
of these new modes of governance, the scientific call for participation and integration of non-governmental
actors is mainstreamed. The review identifies a shift towards ‘critical critiques’ that
delve into fundamental governance weaknesses, advocating for radical changes to address power
asymmetries and envisioning alternative governance settings. The discussion here also underscores
the changing nature of critiques, moving from an environmental output focus on deforestation
to a broader societal critique, emphasizing input and throughput legitimacy over output.
The importance of addressing the critiques and evaluating whether solutions align with these
issues is highlighted, particularly in the context of measuring and monitoring within IFG rules.
Technical innovations are presented as both potential solutions and sources of new challenges.
Two potential ways forward are proposed. One suggests building on existing approaches, treating
them as learning experiences adaptable to diverse national and local contexts to avoid the
cyclic adoption and abandonment of new processes. The other, responding to critical critiques,
advocates for a radically new IFG framework, rooted in understanding the perceived problems at
the local level and addressing them through deliberative and collaborative means, steering away
from hegemonic discourses such as emissions-focused approaches
... Ultimately, they have the chance to portray an issue from the point of view of different stakeholders that may (or may not) have equal power to express their voice in the public discourse (Velasco González & Carrillo Barroso, 2021). This is why, in more general terms, media can be used to indirectly assess the social construction of a problem or issue (Fischer & Gottweis, 2012). The role of media in shaping tourism-related policymaking has been underexplored so far (see, e.g. ...
... Discourses, frames, and narratives are now regarded as playing important roles in the formation of public policies, including on forests (Fischer and Forester, 1993;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012). Heightened interest in the role of language in policy-making has led to the production of a variety of understandings of the term "discourse" itself . ...
... Discourses, frames, and narratives are now regarded as playing important roles in the formation of public policies, including on forests (Fischer and Forester, 1993;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012). Heightened interest in the role of language in policy-making has led to the production of a variety of understandings of the term "discourse" itself . ...
In 2023, IUFRO expanded its Global Forest Expert Panels (GFEP) Programme into the fully fledged Science-
Policy Programme. The core of the Programme combines diverse expertise to assess scientific
knowledge about the role of forests and trees in achieving global goals and inform political decision-
making. The assessments carried out within the Programme respond directly to key forest-related
policy questions by consolidating available scientific knowledge and expertise on the topics of these
questions. The findings are published in comprehensive reports and policy briefs that provide decision-
makers and stakeholders with the most relevant, objective, and accurate information. This makes
IUFRO’s Science-Policy Programme an essential knowledge contributor, increasing the quality and effectiveness
of international forest policy and governance.
In 2010, IUFRO launched the GFEP report “Embracing Complexity: Meeting the Challenges of International
Forest Governance”. It provided an overview of the complex and diverse elements that
made up the global forest governance arrangements at the time, identified and analysed the core
components of those arrangements, and proposed options for dealing with complexity and improving
the effective implementation of forest governance at global, regional, national, and sub-national
levels. The publication received considerable attention, especially from rule-makers and other forest
policy stakeholders.
More than a decade after the publication of the report, the complexity of international forest governance
has increased manifold. Now, several organisations at the core of the international forest
regime recognise the need for coordination, particularly given that, while the role of nation states
through intergovernmental organisations remains an important component of the forest regime, the
number of non-governmental actors, both for-profit and not-for-profit, is steadily increasing. The
vital role of these actors in international politics and policy should be considered when discussing
the broader concept of forest governance. The inclusion of new actors and relationships is being
institutionalised in various ways, creating new structures of transnational policy networks and partnerships.
The need for coordination is supported and taken even further by several studies, which
show that enabling international forest financing and partnerships not only reduces carbon emissions
significantly, but also benefits low- and middle-income countries, supports poverty alleviation, and helps preserve biodiversity and other forest ecosystem services.
... Discourses, frames, and narratives are now regarded as playing important roles in the formation of public policies, including on forests (Fischer and Forester, 1993;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012). Heightened interest in the role of language in policy-making has led to the production of a variety of understandings of the term "discourse" itself . ...
Discourses about forests matter as they mediate or shape action. Chapter 4 presents an update
to the work of Arts et al. (2010), which used a longitudinal analysis of global forest1
(-related)
discourses and interrelated meta- and regulatory discourses and their prevalence over time take
stock of the discursive shifts that emerge from the literature. This is based on a literature search
in Google Scholar, Scopus, and ISI Web of Science for the time from January 2011 to June 2023. The
results were discussed with experts in the field to understand whether: i) important themes were
missing, and ii) discursive dynamics were misrepresented or misinterpreted. In addition, main
framing devices that have recently appeared were identified.
The analysis found that a 'climatization' of the environmental meta-discourse clearly has taken
place, and has had an impact on how forests are problematized and understood to provide climate
solutions. It identified also a refurbished discourse on ‘ecological modernisation’ with a neoliberal
twist, and several of growth-based discourses that stretch from de-growth to pro-growth, as well as
transition discourses that centre around civic environmentalism and justice. Regulatory discourses
were found to not have changed considerably, but new modes of governance based on markets have
become more common. New and refurbished forest-related discourses were also identified along
several framings that impact forests, such as seeing forests as carbon sinks, ecosystem service
providers, landscape managers, and suppliers of nature-based solutions in actual political debates.
Mechanisms of power are particularly pronounced in procedures of exclusion. Knowing forests
and giving meaning to forest-related activities steers the way we see and use forests. Therefore, the
chapter analyses results around frames of ‘constantly better knowledge’ about forests, the commodification of forests into ‘tradable entities’, as well as silences (i.e., not addressing certain aspects
of forests). These frames are seen as forms of power expression. The Chapter concludes that, while
the academic literature and debates mostly reflect current dynamics in decision-making, this analysis shows that there is an ongoing polarization between different actor positions, which is likely to
increase as discourses drift apart or confront each other. Therefore, finding common positions and
compromise could become more complex and difficult in the future.
... Discourses, frames, and narratives are now regarded as playing important roles in the formation of public policies, including on forests (Fischer and Forester, 1993;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012). Heightened interest in the role of language in policy-making has led to the production of a variety of understandings of the term "discourse" itself . ...
In the past years, an increasing number of actors, institutions, and arrangements at all scales have added additional layers of complexity to the already intricate international forest governance. This assessment provides an overview about the changes in international forest governance since 2010. Based on the available scientific literature, the changes that have appeared since are critically analysed to identify evolving trends, challenges, and potentials.
... In the DEMOCRAT Project we address the aspects of citizenship education policies and organisational practices relevant to our research being broadly based on the tradition of educational policy (implementation) studies, considering the cultural, discursive or argumentative turn in policy sciences (Fischer, Forrester 1993;Fischer, Gottweis 2012). Here, the role of language is of central importance. ...
The project DEMOCRAT is funded by the Horizon Europe Programme of European Union. To reinforce the resilience and sustainability of democracy, DEMOCRAT aims, through a participatory approach, to elaborate curricula for Education for Democracy based on a framework of responsible democratic competences, to test them in open, local, innovative learning projects and to develop a toolbox to support the development of transformative EfD practices in the EU and beyond.
... O presente artigo tem o objetivo de analisar a atividade de assessoramento do serviço de Inteligência, realizado pela Agência Brasileira de Inteligência (Abin) e pelo Sistema Brasileiro de Inteligência (Sisbin), a gestores de políticas públicas ministeriais, sob duas lentes analíticas de políticas públicas: Policy Cycle de Harold Lasswell (1951), que servirá como modelo inicial de análise, e Policy Argumentation de Frank Fischer (2012), que permitirá pensar as novas configurações que o atual contexto exige da Atividade de Inteligência. ...
Uma das atribuições da Atividade de Inteligência no Brasil é auxiliar a formulação e o desenvolvimento de políticas públicas estratégicas. Para tal, o Sistema Brasileiro de Inteligência e a Agência Brasileira de Inteligência produzem conhecimentos com a finalidade de apontar oportunidades e ameaças à consecução dos objetivos nacionais. Assim, este artigo tem por finalidade aprofundar os estudos sobre lentes analíticas disponíveis no campo de estudo das Políticas Públicas capazes de auxiliar o profissional de Inteligência a refletir sobre as políticas analisadas e a aperfeiçoar o seu assessoramento de acordo com o objeto estudado. Para tanto, dedicou-se à análise das lentes explicativas Policy Cycle e Policy Argumentation. Por meio de pesquisa qualitativa e exploratória, os estudos apontam para o uso do modelo de Interpretação Adaptativa, proveniente do campo de estudo Teoria de Inteligência, como possível resposta analítica para buscar lacunas informacionais contemporâneas e, assim, melhorar o assessoramento realizado pela Inteligência brasileira aos decisores governamentais responsáveis por formular e implementar políticas públicas.
... Interpretivist approaches to policy analysis developed in response to a dissatisfaction with a technocratic and depoliticized direction of policy analysis, which understands policy-making as a rational process of finding problem-adequate solutions to problems, existing power relations and constraints of action. Instead, interpretivist approaches, which do not present a uniform perspective but involve the development of different strands marked by the "argumentative turn" (Fischer & Forester, 1993;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012), emphasize the contested nature of policy problems and solutions. Consequently, policy analysis itself represents a subjective process that involves the interpretation of complex and sometimes contradictory information. ...
Agricultural policy in OECD countries has changed considerably since the mid-1980s. Long treated as an exceptional economic sector in need of extensive state support to ensure food security, agricultural policy now also aims to address more cross-cutting issues, including consumer protection, animal welfare and environmental sustainability. Novel objectives and policy instruments, a more open institutional framework and increasingly complex actor constellations have accompanied this shift. At the same time, agricultural policy has predominantly remained producer-oriented, perpetuating the exceptionalist core of farm income support. The term post-exceptionalism aims to capture the tensions arising from the juxtaposition of old and new ideas, institutions, actors, and objectives and policy instruments in agricultural policy. This dissertation aims to provide a better understanding of the tensions inherent in post-exceptionalist arrangements in agricultural policy, with the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and governance activities in agri-food value chains in Germany as an example. Combining different approaches of public policy and governance analysis, the thesis examines how the tensions play out in (i) the design of instrument calibrations in the CAP policy mix (2014-2022), (ii) discourse coalitions and frames among national stakeholders in the run-up to the CAP post-2022, (iii) the relationship between the state and farmers underlying direct payment implementation for the CAP 2023-2027, (iv) and coordination activities in the governance of sustainability-based agri-food value chains in Germany. The results of this dissertation show that the very details of CAP implementation and governance activities in value chains are decisive for the (non)alignment of old and new elements of agricultural policy. Thus, they constitute not a mere technical, administrative or entrepreneurial but rather a political activity.
... Public policy is, therefore, a value-laden and contested terrain. The story of policy, its intention to serve the public interest, is itself a moving discourse with values of its own (Fischer and Gottweis, 2012). Investigating the other-lingual in such charged discourse means rendering visible a logic to persuade audiences into action (Atkinson, 2019). ...
This article explores the racial semiotics of the Dutch concept of the other-lingual (de anderstalige). Multicultural discourse ostensibly encodes the otherness as merely linguistic; however, Flemish nationalist policy discourse deploys the other-lingual to discern autochthony from allochthony. Retracing the origins of this concept, we found that the concept did not originate in Dutch-speaking Europe, but we found earlier traces overseas in apartheid South Africa where the Afrikaans concept served the forced exclusion of coloured people. We conduct a semiotic analysis of the other-lingual to study how the concept racially encodes and decodes the Afrikaans language in South Africa and the Dutch language in Flanders. The dataset contains records in Dutch and Afrikaans, published in, or in regards to, the Netherlands, Suriname, Flanders (Belgium) and South Africa. Our semiotic analysis of the South African other-lingual engages with religious discourse published in 1950s South Africa. The semiotic analysis of Flemish other-lingual engages with its trajectory in Flemish Government Declarations from 1992 to 2022. The article concludes that the history of the other-lingual, revealing a racial identification between Flemings and Afrikaners, provides pivotal arguments for the contemporary understanding of race in the Dutch languages.
... For Fischer and Boossabong (2018), the DPA as an approach to public policy helps facilitate judgment and decision-making processes. Regardless of conflicting and contradictory arguments among analysts, deliberation as a key tool in this approach helps in dissecting the immediate consequences of recommended policies and in attaining common points for agreements towards a potential solution for everyone to move forward (Fischer & Boossabong, 2018;Fischer & Gottweis, 2012). Innes and Booher (2004) support this by stressing that despite the challenges and obstacles within this approach, DPA practices are constantly used in the policy arena. ...
Policy arenas are essential elements since these are context and impact variables to the deliberative policymaking process. This article attempts to elucidate the informal discursive policy arena less explored by deliberative scholars. Using qualitative research methods and meta-analysis, the study documented research and provided inputs on the basic question of how the informal discursive arena complements deliberative policy analysis (DPA). To unpack informal discursive is essential to DPA, specifically on its richness, complexity, and diversity that offers new perspectives in the systems, mechanisms, and processes of the conventional DPA. While the informal arena is surrounded by diverse and marginalized groups focusing on interest-based complex issues, it will likely genuinely address the aim for the inclusive representation of policy actors, citizenry, and stakeholders by obliterating formal barriers. Lastly, the study layout lessons from the Global South to support the claim and provide potential research directions to informal arenas vis-à-vis DPA.
... Thus, the contextual differences between areas of the city need to be in focus. Also, understanding the power of narratives in planning is crucial (Fischer & Gottweis, 2012) as is recognising the way neighbourhoods are imagined influences decisions about mobility planning. This also offers the opportunity to confront existing territorial narratives with stories that open new perspectives and direct us towards more equitable and sustainable mobility futures in cities. ...
Cities today are confronted with pressing issues of mobilities - not only concerning greener movement but also more just movement. This article explores the physical and imaginary aspects of urban mobility injustice and its (re)production through a study of two neighbourhoods in Copenhagen. It examines the interplay between city dwellers' experiences of (im)mobility and the social and spatial structure of neighbourhoods that shape and are simultaneously shaped by images of these places. Through interviews and focus groups, residents' mobility capacity and mobility providers' decision-making are scrutinised. The study demonstrates that residents' experiences of mobility vary remarkably between places in a relatively equal city, and this is intensified by territorial images of being deprived. The paper argues that paying attention to neighbourhoods' sociospatial composition in relation to their internal and external reputation helps to understand experiences of mobility injustice and how such injustice is reproduced in planning decisions.
... Over the past decade, the Narrative Policy Framework (hereafter NPF) has become a popular approach in the public policy process. Seeking to combine the benefits of postpositivist policy studies after the argumentative turn (Fischer and Forester 1993;Fischer and Gottweis 2012) with a dedication to the scientific method, NPF has spawned new interest in the power of narrative to affect the policy process. However, the straddling of positivist and postpositivist paradigms has, for some, been unconvincing (Dodge 2015;Miller 2015Miller , 2020. ...
The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) has become a popular, positivist approach to studying how narratives affect the policy process over the past 10 years. In this paper, we critically evaluate its applicability in an authoritarian context. We employ a mixed-method approach to, first, present some of the narrative elements employed by principal actors in the policy debate according to the NPF, derived through quantitative content analysis, and second, to critically contrast these findings by drawing on qualitative data. The policy we examine is Moscow’s contentious Renovation program, which aims to demolish many of the city’s Soviet-era five story ‘Kruschovsky’ apartment blocks and resettle residents in new apartments. The quantitative content analysis is derived from several online government sources and that of the principal opponent of the Renovation program, an online group called ‘Moscovites Against Demolition’. The qualitative data are derived from a district in Southwest Moscow, where the first Kruschovsky apartments were developed and has locally seen vocal opposition to the Renovation program and other redevelopment projects. This study highlights the limitations of the NPF and argues that by examining the performative nature of policy narratives, we can gain greater insight into the political strategies and context that underwrite these narratives.
... The methodological orientation selected for this study is Rhetorical Analysis. Rhetoric strategically manipulates everyday language use, which refers to the methods of argumentation and argumentative process, aiming to convince and persuade the general audience to accept certain viewpoints or to do something [14]. Originated from Ancient Greece, rhetoric addresses the audience through three kinds of appeal in persuasive discourses: pathos, ethos, and logos [15]. ...
... Moreover, many of these approaches focus on semantic aspects in policy making. They address the questions of how certain meanings and imaginaries are produced; why they prevail; and how they resonate with existing hierarchies and power relations (Fischer & Gottweiss, 2012). ...
... Argumentation Theory increasingly employs the idea of deliberation (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2013). Argumentation roughly describes how individuals attempt to obtain conclusions via reasoning (Fischer, 2012). ...
The researchers of the present study have conducted a genre analysis of two political debates between American presidential nominees in the 2016 and 2020 elections. The current study seeks to analyze the cognitive construction of political debates to evaluate the typical moves and strategies politicians use to express their communicative intentions and to reveal the language manifestations of those moves and strategies. To achieve the study’s aims, the researchers adopt Bhatia’s (1993) framework of cognitive construction supported by van Emeren’s (2010) pragma-dialectic framework. The study demonstrates that both presidents adhere to this genre structuring to further their political agendas. For a positive and promising image, presidents focus on highlighting domestic and international issues to reflect leadership. On the other hand, highlighting controversies and defense strategies appear to be prominent in debate in consensus with the contemplative nature of this genre. Discoursal devices like polarized lexicalization and actor description are vital in orienting the controversies and influence with the aid of in-group pronouns, representative speech acts, and national/self-glorification.
... By going beyond interest-based approaches, discourse analyses play a crucial role in understanding complex situations of policy change, as they allow to reveal the struggle over meanings and ideas that determine the positioning of actors (Hajer and Versteeg, 2005). Being amongst others influenced by (post)structuralist discourse theory, different scholars have adapted discursive approaches to the analysis of (environmental) policies (Hajer, 1995;Feindt and Oels, 2005;Kleinschmit et al., 2009;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012;Dryzek, 2013;Leipold et al., 2019). In this context, Maarten Hajer (1995, p. 44) defines discourse "as a specific ensemble of ideas, concepts, and categorizations that are produced, reproduced, and transformed in a particular set of practices and through which meaning is given to physical and social realities." ...
In Germany, the impacts of drought, heat and related bark beetle outbreaks on forests have shed light on the ongoing conflict between forestry and nature conservation approaches to forest management. The current forest damages sparked a nationwide debate about the role of forests and their adaptation to climate change. Echoing back to the debate on the German forest dieback in the 1980s, the current situation is commonly framed as forest dieback 2.0. As mass media possess discursive power in attributing specific meaning to topics, it influences public opinion and decision-making processes. Therefore, we conducted a frame analysis of newspaper articles on the impact of the drought years between 2018 and 2020 on forests. The aim was to identify the dominant actors in the debate and how they frame the current damages to German forests. Our results show that the forestry sector, politicians and journalists dominate the debate. Despite the low standing of nature conservationists in the debate, we observed a balanced, yet polarized presentation of forest and nature conservation frames. Whereas environmental factors are depicted as the main cause of forest damages, nature conservationists also blame the forestry sector. At the same time, forests are presented as the main affected as well as the most important factor to solve the crisis in relation to its climate mitigation potential. Forest management practices are identified as key instruments contributing to those solutions. In this regard, actors in the debate instrumentalize forests through dominant climate change discourses in order to legitimize their perspectives. In contrast, the societal responsibility and consequences of the forest damages are neglected.
... Still, critical policy studies suggest policymaking is a discursive struggle around framing of problems and societal understanding and shared meanings motivating policy responses around issues (Fischer and Gottweis 2012), questioning the assumption that policy problems exist in a pre-given "neutral" reality (Barbeh€ on, M€ unch, and Lamping 2015). Howard (2005) criticizes the policy cycle as ignoring value-laden political processes, while Barbeh€ on, M€ unch, and Lamping (2015) suggest problem definitions are discursive processes shaping the political world, with agenda-setting attributing responsibilities to specific political actors or institutions within larger policy-making processes. ...
Whilst design politics is an increasingly topical focus in the design field, in practice, design for policy has been normatively presented as a people-centric approach to public policymaking devoid of political or ideological agendas. Up to now, design for policy has exclusively been conceived as embedded within governmental structures, thus adopting a technocratic, internal, and top-down approach to, and understanding of, public policymaking. We argue that most often, this understanding and practice of design for policy establishes and mediates public problems from the standpoint of the government body addressing those problems. In this paper, we take a new and distinct point of departure to design for policy in which design is implicated in the practice of policymaking from below through processes of collective action. Design for Policy from Below moves from an intra-governmental lens to a negotiated exchange between social actors and government. In turn, this informs strategic collective action required to gain political support and leverage efforts to pressure power structures to acknowledge and adopt policy frames and options. To this end, we examine the conflictual power dynamics and negotiation-based approaches to influencing government policymaking processes and model the messy interplay between government-led policymaking and the activities of social innovators aiming at changing policy outcomes. Finally, we synthesize these insights into a conceptual model offering a novel viewpoint on how we can more critically understand the politics at play in design theory and practice engaged with policymaking.
... A discursive approach seemed suitable for investigating how staff within VET institutions argue for, communicate and implement policy-level reforms within a neoliberal and market-oriented agenda (cf. Fischer & Gottweis, 2012). We draw on the ideas of discursive institutionalism (DI) outlined by Schmidt (2008Schmidt ( , 2012, who considers neoliberalism a kind of background idea on different levels in society. ...
The reformed Finnish vocational education and training (VET) system is a competence-based, customer-oriented educational programme with two overarching aims: to develop a skilled labour force and to promote social inclusion. Support and guidance have become increasingly important in Finnish VET in recent decades. This study focuses on how linguistic constructions of support and guidance for VET students with special educational needs are constructed in the dynamics between institutional ideas and the language use of VET staff. Data were collected through focus group discussions among different categories of staff. Through a psychological discourse analysis, three different linguistic constructions emerged: a package of support measures, a structure falling apart and dialogue as a bridge builder. Tensions and contradictions were identified between the different constructions. The results point to the need for balance between institutional structures and the possibilities of staff that daily interact with the student to provide holistic support measures.
... The focus in on the human capacity for making and communicating meaning, not on discovering 'the facts' of the matter. Therefore, the interpretive approach to policy analysis looks principally at the meaning and expressive potential of policies without assuming that they emerge from rational, goal-oriented processes (Fischer and Gottweis 2012;Li and Wagenaar 2019). ...
Based on interview data gathered in 2019 and 2020, this article considers the various approaches through which employees of Turkey’s Directorate General of Migration Management have interpreted and implemented state policy towards the country’s Syrian refugees. It uses the work of Dvora Yanow as a vantage point from which to understand initially how civil servants based in three cities have tried to ‘make sense’ of these policies and the highly dynamic context in which they are working. It then goes on to look at how her work might help us to reveal the ways in which processes of naming, selecting, and categorising may also play a role in making sense of—and adapting—national policy. Finally, we examine two examples of how our respondents elaborated upon these sense-making efforts through the use of storytelling.
... Our approach lies within the 'argumentative turn' in public policy theory (Fischer and Gottweis 2012), which is an alternative perspective to analytic approaches that impose scientific frameworks on the process of decision-making and make rational assumptions. The argumentative orientation is context-sensitive, focuses on real-world problems, and emphasises communicative and argumentative practices. ...
The processes of formulation of language policies have not been researched thoroughly. This paper aims to explore the relationship between ideas, power and agency in language policy-making and specifically with reference to the formulation of language-in-education policy for multilingualism in Ireland. Through an argumentative approach to language policy and using a discursive institutionalist framework, the paper examines data from policy documents and interviews with policy actors in the Department of Education and Skills. The paper reports on the ways in which agentive discourses are constrained and enabled by institutional structures. The analysis shows how power resulting from asymmetric internal forces and the hierarchical architecture of institutions prevailed over the capacity of some actors to promote their ideas through discourse. Moreover, it shows how static ideational elements are powerful structural constraints on agency. The paper argues for a conceptualisation of actors in policy-making as agentive individuals who engage in a dynamic struggle over ideas to realise complex and changing policy goals. It concludes by claiming that a focus on discursive forms of power in the policy analysis at the so-called macro level would be beneficial for language policy scholarship.
... Following Fischer and Gottweis (Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Gottweis, 2007), a turn to rhetoric can enable researchers to identify experts by/in argumentative practices and positionings in public debates. Here, the three appeals (ethos, pathos, logos) in rhetoric can aid us in operationalizing the expert-argument. ...
‘Coronavirus could kill off populism’ (Financial Times June 20, 2020), ‘Beware a new wave of populism, born out of coronavirus-induced economic inequity’ (The Guardian, April 18, 2020), ‘Where the Virus Is Growing Most: Countries With “Illiberal Populist” Leaders’ (New York Times, June 2, 2020), ‘How European populists are using coronavirus as a political tool’ (Al-Jazeera, March 3, 2020), ‘The populist revolution may become a victim of Covid-19’ (The Economist, April 16, 2020) – the first coronavirus outbreak turned the spotlight on a complex yet underexplored topic: the relationship between populism and science. The chapter provides an introductory overview of the topic: it situates the challenges of the populist discourse in relation to the processes of knowledge production; it discusses the concepts of epistemic populism and populist epistemologies and clarify the tensions around “anti-“, “pseudo-“ and “counter-“ science; it offers an overview of the case studies analysed in the book.
... Following Fischer and Gottweis (Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Gottweis, 2007), a turn to rhetoric can enable researchers to identify experts by/in argumentative practices and positionings in public debates. Here, the three appeals (ethos, pathos, logos) in rhetoric can aid us in operationalizing the expert-argument. ...
As public irrationality, conspiracy theories, and anti-science movements are gaining momentum, we observe a “crisis of scientific truth”. It is a distrust of expertise and scientific knowledge and right-wing populism speeded with fake news. The crisis of scientific truth refers to an era where evidence and objective facts go missing in sentiment, emotion, and personal beliefs. Relying on emotions, creationism, religious beliefs, and common sense over expertise purposefully creates a counter-knowledge. As the worth of scientific expertise is devalued, the counter scientific discourses supported through right-wing political rhetoric help produce not only a culture of resistance to science, but also create new grounds for digital populism and pseudo-science. In this chapter, I seek to explore how the development of counter-knowledge serves as a catalyzer of producing and disseminating public sentiments on populist discourses. For this, I will employ hybrid emotional echo-chamber theory to discuss how the spread of political identities and/or ideologies are intensified once they are attached to emotions, and that this in return fosters epistemological populism, and counter-knowledge production. I will conclude the chapter by arguing that the counter-knowledge linked with emotions and intergroup identities and notions of belonging replace the scientific truth.KeywordsEmotionsHybrid emotional echo-chamberCounter-knowledgePseudo-science
... A first turn was identified in the mid-2000's with the edited volume on Policy Instrument by Lascoumes and Le Galès (2004;2007), which went beyond the import of the policy tools' approach that had been developed by Christopher Hood and developed an original contribution to international debates on public policy in both French and English (Margetts et Hood 2016). Recently, the pragmatist approach to policy making that was developed by Zittoun (Zittoun 2014) in both French and English also contributed to international debates on interpretative public policy analysis beyond the work by Fischer and Forrester (Fischer et Gottweis 2012). ...
Introduction
This book lays the foundation for a more systematic understanding of policy analysis in France. In the French context, understanding ways in which knowledge of and for policies is produced within and outside the state raises two issues that we collectively address in this volume: explaining the process by which studies for policy process have been strictly separated from the study of policy process and providing some explanation as to why this fundamental distinction still holds – even though it was regularly challenged by successive generations of scholars and practitioners. We argue that in the French context, this remaining divide results from the specificity of the politico-bureaucratic system, the structuring of the academic sphere as well as the functioning of the policy-making process.
One of the main difficulties was to define what kind of knowledge can be considered as ‘policy analysis’ and what cannot (Hassenteufel and Zittoun, 2017). In the French context, civil servants were the first to develop policy analysis as an autonomous field of expertise within the state apparatus. From the eighteenth century onwards, several ‘Grand Corps’ contributed to mapping out the extent of the state's intervention in various policy areas as well as providing some suggestions on how it could be enhanced. One of the most internationally-known examples is the comparative study done by Tocqueville on prison policies in France and the United States in 1833 (De Beaumont and De Tocqueville, 1845). Since this period and until the 1980s, policy analysis was mainly developed as practitioner’s know-how within the state, that is, as studies for policies, and only drew on academic expertise on rare occasions.
It was only much later on, during the 1970s and 1980s, that policy studies emerged as an academic field within political science and administration studies (Leca and Muller, 2008). They favoured the development of a comprehensive knowledge that would enable them to grasp the policy process and the role of bureaucratic elites in producing policy studies for the policy process (Zittoun and Demongeot, 2010). This historically-situated process explains why and how ‘policy studies’ is now understood in France – and in most public policy textbooks – as an academic field and not as applied research.
... Patient and public involvement in research (PPI) The field of policy studies reminds us that exploring such questions is far from straightforward (Parsons, 1995). Despite the simple allure of an 'instrumentalrational' logic model of policymaking that implies a linear relationship between objectives, activities and outcomes (Yanow, 2015), policy development in practice has repeatedly proved to be a more diffuse, indeterminate and ambiguous affair (Fischer & Gottweis, 2012;Maybin, 2013). The phrase 'muddling through' has long been used to describe the messiness of real world policymaking (Lindblom, 1959). ...
... By going beyond interest-based approaches, discourse analyses play a crucial role in understanding complex situations of policy change, as they allow to reveal the struggle over meanings and ideas that determine the positioning of actors (Hajer and Versteeg, 2005). Being amongst others influenced by (post)structuralist discourse theory, different scholars have adapted discursive approaches to the analysis of (environmental) policies (Hajer, 1995;Feindt and Oels, 2005;Kleinschmit et al., 2009;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012;Dryzek, 2013;Leipold et al., 2019). In this context, Maarten Hajer (1995, p. 44) defines discourse "as a specific ensemble of ideas, concepts, and categorizations that are produced, reproduced, and transformed in a particular set of practices and through which meaning is given to physical and social realities." ...
... Policy making as constant activity, movement of people around social problems, assessing and testing the conditions and possibilities before them, is a theme that has been explored in some depth (e.g. Fischer and Gottweis 2012;Ball (1994); Stewart 2009), and it is evident in these accounts. Policy making for RSE is an unending practice and alongside management and/or teaching identities, some educators are also policy makers. ...
This paper analyses the experiences of English primary school leaders who perform critical roles in interpreting government policy and navigating the landscape to design relationship and sex education (RSE) for their pupils. It considers schools as sites of political contestation and educators as policy actors, the voices of whom are often absent in the literature about RSE. Drawing on Peter Morriss’ theory of power, the paper considers how primary school decision makers utilise their epistemic abilities to advance their policy preferences and how structures of authority and legitimacy energize and constrain them in their policy-making work. The findings suggest a paradox in power: while the national government has delegated decision-making about RSE to individual schools, it has simultaneously failed to uniformly equip schools to make appropriate policies about RSE and enabled parents to deny schools’ credibility and authority as leaders in RSE.
... Promotion of sustainable and effective environmental policy implementation through collaborative governance in multi-level contexts is a growing trend within politics and also in academic research (Newig and Fritsch, 2009). Rational actor models, engineering, and economic thought have strongly inspired policy implementation and evaluation in the past, but increased interest in how policy outcome is dependent on social processes has created a demand for new approaches within the field of policy analysis and planning (Hajer and Wagenaar, 2003;Healy, 2007;Crabbé and Leroy, 2008;Hajer, 2009;Wagenaar, 2011;Fischer and Gottweis, 2012). Policy making and policy implementation are increasingly being considered in terms of complex interactive processes involving many players (van der Meer and Edelenbos, 2006;Crabbé and Leroy, 2008;Newig and Koontz, 2014). ...
Deliberative policy analysis (DPA) has fallen short and has been far from reaching its potentials as an alternative to traditional policy analysis. As a response, DPA has been reframed toward
a methodological orientation. This article is a follow-up to the two
special issues on DPA in 2019 and 2020. It begins by outlining the
methodological framework of DPA, introducing its key considerations, the process, and the proposed organizational solution. Two DPA cases, conducted in China and Europe, are presented to showcase how the framework has been used in practice, and in authoritarian and democratic context, respectively. Then, the article brings up our discussions of and reflections on the two cases from a comparative perspective, regarding their different political contexts, foci on conflicts of interests or values/worldviews, and the design of the processes. We end the article by proposing some topics for further exploration.
Objetivo da pesquisa: Interpretar os discursos presentes na formulação do I Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento (I PND), a partir das escolhas linguísticas feitas pelo governo militar vigente à época. Enquadramento teórico: A base teórica para o artigo está ancorada na Virada Argumentativa e na Análise do Discurso. Metodologia: É realizada uma triangulação entre a Análise do Discurso Francesa e a Análise Crítica do Discurso, nas perspectivas de Michel Pêcheux e Norman Fairclough, respectivamente, para examinar o I PND. Resultados: O Plano buscou construir o ideário de um “modelo brasileiro de desenvolvimento”, que beneficiaria de forma equilibrada toda a população brasileira. Identificamos a presença de silêncios (não-ditos) no texto do I PND como o contexto não democrático que o Brasil vivia, a não participação dos cidadãos como sujeitos ativos do desenvolvimento nacional e a escolha linguística por vocábulos como Revolução, democracia e índole brasileira. A partir da Formação Ideológica-Discursiva (FID) presente à época, o discurso do I PND reproduziu a dominação da grande burguesia nacional sobre os trabalhadores e do regime militar sobre os grupos opositores, por meio de um texto ideologicamente construído. Ao apresentar-se de forma “naturalizada” como o único modelo brasileiro de desenvolvimento, silencia os rastros do processo de dominação. Originalidade: O I PND costuma ser analisado sob uma perspectiva de Economia. O presente artigo buscou um novo olhar, partindo do campo de políticas públicas, ancorado na Virada Argumentativa e na Análise do Discurso para examinar o Plano, com o mesmo rigor e validade acadêmica. Contribuições teóricas e práticas: A principal contribuição do trabalho é mostrar como um plano de desenvolvimento econômico, costumeiramente apresentado como técnico e neutro, é atravessado por aspectos discursivos. A Virada Argumentativa, e mais especificamente a Análise do Discurso - usualmente utilizados para analisar políticas sociais – aqui são utilizadas para examinar políticas públicas econômicas.
From the 1970s onwards, changes in economic theory began to draw attention to the relationship between economic growth and technological innovation. Technological innovation has come to be considered fundamental to boosting international trade, increasing productivity and generating more and better jobs, among other benefits. However, more recent academic narratives began to change through considering the importance of technological innovation for social purposes such as social inclusion and sustainable development. This recovered the concept of social innovation and alongside the development of a plethora of alternative innovation concepts – such as sustainable innovation, open innovation, responsible innovation, green innovation, among other “x-innovation” concepts (Gaglio et al. 2017). Nevertheless, little is known about the extent to which these counterhegemonic concepts emerge and feature in Science, Technology, and Innovation (STI) policy discourses. In this sense, this article aims to understand the use of “x-innovation” concepts and the role attributed to innovation for (allegedly) counterhegemonic purposes in the STI national policies of Iberoamerican countries within the framework of disclosing the specificity of this discourse.
This thesis examines the development of climate policy goals and programs in the agricultural sector, addressing the question of how the claim for an ambitious national climate policy is being implemented.
Although about a quarter of global emissions are attributed to the agricultural and food sector, agriculture is considered to play a special role with regard to climate mitigation. A policy to "decarbonize" agriculture does not start with the phase-out of fossil fuels, as is predominantly the case in other sectors, but instead focuses directly on agricultural production systems. The agricultural sector will thus inevitably have to deal with more fundamental questions about the sustainability of its production and consumption patterns. To address how sustainable agriculture should look involves a normative debate pointing to a number of conflicting goals. Consequently, there is no clear answer to the question of what characterizes an ambitious climate mitigation policy for agriculture.
Against this background, the paper examines the question of how countries integrate the agricultural sector into climate policy and how these policy processes can lead to ambitious agricultural mitigation policies. It is argued that the development of an ambitious agricultural climate mitigation policy is not only determined by internal sectoral processes, but that in particular the cross-sectoral design of the national climate policy influences the realization of ambition. The process of policy integration is therefore central to the study.
In this context, three consecutive research questions are addressed:
(1) In which countries can we find approaches to integrate the agricultural sector into climate policy? How can we recognize the emergence of an ambitious agricultural climate mitigation policy?
(2) How do the political processes for integrating the agricultural sector into national climate policy evolve?
(3) What factors can explain the emergence of an ambitious agricultural climate mitigation policy?
The ability to measure mobility and to evaluate it is a basic prerequisite for its operationalization in planning practice. In this context, a multitude of specifics have to be considered, which distinguish mobility from classical transport planning measurement and evaluation variables. These mobility-specific peculiarities lead to the fact that new methods, which are not commonly used in transportation science, have to be applied. One of these methods is indexing, which makes mobility measurable and assessable on a large scale. This is a central prerequisite to be able to verify the claims and aspirations of public mobility.
Whereas in the past transport policy and planning were mostly limited to reducing spatial hindrances in order to facilitate smooth automotive ‘traffic flows’, the inclusion of conceptions of equity, the precise distinction between the concepts of traffic and mobility, as well as the inclusion of the individual’s subjective perceptions have opened up the possibility of designing an innovative form of transport planning or mobility policy.
The use of numerical arguments has become part and parcel of evidence-based policymaking, serving increasingly as scientific evidence which is used to back up policy decisions and to convince citizens of the acceptability of those decisions. But numerical arguments and their quality and potential persuasive role in the specific institutional context of policymaking have received little treatment within argumentation theory. This paper endeavours to explain the forms, functions, and quality of numerical arguments in policymaking.
O uso de evidências como subsídio à atuação governamental não é tema novo no debate sobre a produção e legitimação da ação do Estado. Nas últimas décadas, no entanto, o movimento das políticas públicas baseadas em evidências (PPBEs) tem intensificado a defesa de que mais e melhores evidências sejam produzidas como instrumentos capazes de orientar a produção de políticas públicas.Esta publicação almejou ilustrar essa multiplicidade de recursos para produção de inferências com contribuições que mobilizam tanto estudos qualitativos como quantitativos ou mistos, além de experimentais. Ao longo da publicação, cada capítulo adota métodos distintos, como é de se esperar a partir dos variados objetos de análise.
The theory of deliberation emerged as an effect of a theoretical attempt at solving the democratic deficit, hence situating itself within the "classical" boundaries of political theory. It does not, however, often relate to the theory of public policy, especially its most critical strains. In this paper I make an attempt at such a conflation, juxtaposing the "policy paradox" and the "argumentative turn" with the ideal(ized) models of deliberation, both type I and type II. Recalling the debate on public policy that started in the 80s/90s-right when the theory of deliberation was also taking off-I ask the question whether deliberation, as its most prominent proponents claim, is the answer to the political challenge of public policies, or should rather be equally treated according to the logic outlined by policy paradox and argumentative turn? In my argumentation I lean towards the second option, proposing instead a post-foundationalist and hermeneutic interpretation of political/policy fields in which deliberation occur. This leads to a substantial shift in the understanding of its potential effects and means.
Este texto para discussão visa apresentar os principais resultados de um survey aplicado com a burocracia pública da administração direta em âmbito federal, com o objetivo de compreender os usos de diferentes fontes de evidências para produção de políticas públicas. Ao todo, foram respondidos 2.180 questionários no período de outubro a dezembro de 2019. Os resultados apontam para a existência de diferentes perfis de funções desempenhadas, com destaque para um perfil dedicado à produção de análises e assessoramento governamental. Quanto à mobilização de fontes de informação, os dados indicaram quatro perfis de burocratas: os que se baseiam em informações produzidas pela própria administração pública; outros que se apoiam em diversos tipos de informações externas; um terceiro grupo que utiliza informações de fontes acadêmicas; e, por último, um perfil que confia em informações de cunho mais pessoal.
Between 2005 and 2006, the Czech government imposed a forced administration on the General Health Insurance Fund (VZP) because of economic problems. This unprecedented step in Czech public policy resulted in a debate. The VZP is the largest insurance fund in the Czech Republic, and this case has been one of the most severe institutional crises in Czech health policy. Employing analysis of 38 television-hosted debates, we emphasise how the actors negotiated accountability, credibility and truth. This paper aims to identify the discursive and rhetorical resources used by the involved parties to manage what was at stake in the debate: to maintain their credibility and legitimacy and to manage factuality. We follow Collins and Evans’s (2002) approach to expertise and distinguish four types of expertise: contributory, interaction, institutionally recognised, and experience-based. These different kinds of expertise use other vehicles of corroboration and factual evaluation. We opt for a more nuanced approach to how involved actors argue and what rhetorical strategies are relevant in different contexts.
Integrated government initiatives have become a common approach following the institutional fragmentation of New Public Management reforms. Complex societal issues require equally complex solutions, which sectorial units of government cannot attend to alone. However, integrated policy initiatives are prone to a range of obstacles. Using a study of policymaking aimed at homelessness in Norway as a case, this paper discusses how sectorial-shared knowledge creates barriers to a common view of policy problems and solutions. Engaging theories of governmental fragmentation, coordination, discourse, and epistemic cultures enable an exploration of how the involved policy sectors understand and address homelessness. The findings indicate that all policy sectors seem to recognise their responsibility within a social welfare frame, but despite having cooperated for several years, embeddedness in sectorial discourse and epistemic culture causes differing problem definitions. Established terms and categories within homelessness policies are filled with content according to epistemic embeddedness, thereby contributing to obscure the differences, rather than integrate the policy initiatives.
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