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Bibliography of Recent Works 16 FEBRUARY–15 MAY 2021
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This study aims at understanding the realism theory in Trump's Middle East policy which is manifested in his election program for the presidency, his main promises of his election program and his implementation of these promises on the ground. The study uncovered the psychological factors that affected Trump's foreign policy toward the Middle East, and his economic mentality.
This article analyzes the political narratives and critiques of young Palestinian refugees who have grown up in the bleak post-Oslo period. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews conducted with refugee youth in Jordan and the West Bank between 2009 and 2014, I show that this generation of refugees endorses a collective Palestinian identity and peoplehood with claims to the (home)land while also narrating their identities and relations to land, nation, state, and rights as complex, multifaceted, and fractured. Their political imaginaries do not limit the political and epistemic project of decolonizing Palestine to the classic paradigm of a territorialized nation-state as enshrined in the Oslo two-state agenda. Rather, they point to a creative and radical, post-nation-statist, translocal politics for Palestine.
Israel Kirzner has made profound contribu¬tions to the theory of entrepreneurship. His con¬siderable insights address the entrepreneurial function in the market process. Kirzner belongs to the Austrian school and hence assumes subjective decision-making, incomplete sets of knowledge for all subjects, and market disequi¬libria. He ascribes to entrepreneurs the ability to detect through alertness market disequilibria in dynamic competitive markets. Entrepreneurs as arbitrageurs bring markets closer to equilib¬ria even if in a dynamic competitive market an equilibrium remains a theoretical utopia. In this short paper, we outline the most important as¬pects of Kirzner’s entrepreneurial approach and the function entrepreneurship has in market-driven processes.
Израел Кирцнер е автор на ос¬новополагащи приноси в теорията на пре¬дприемачеството. Значимите му прозрения се отнасят до предприемаческата функция в пазарния процес. Кирцнер се числи към ав¬стрийската школа и изхожда в анализа си от допусканията за субективно вземане на решения, непълно знание у икономическите субекти и наличието на пазарни неравнове¬сия. На предприемачите приписва способ¬ността чрез своята повишена бдителност да откриват неравновесия в динамичните конкурентни пазари. Като арбитражисти те приближават пазарите до равновесие, дори при положение, че на всеки динамичен конкурентен пазар равновесието остава само теоретично хипотетично състояние. В рамките на този кратък текст очер¬таваме най-важните аспекти на предпри¬емаческия подход на Кирцнер и функцията, която предприемачеството изпълнява в па¬зарно задвижваните процеси.
Since 2015, there has been a sharp turnaround in US Democrats’ sympathies for Israel and the Palestinians. The percentage of Democrats with a preference for Israel is more or less tied with those preferring the Palestinians, wiping out Israel's historic advantage. Long‐term processes of liberalization and secularization have generated a more difficult environment for Israel and a more favorable one for the Palestinians, but they alone do not account for the shift. Rather, the fusing of these trends with changes in Israel triggered the change. The formation of a narrow right‐wing government in 2015 played a significant role. However, the primary cause of the collapse in sympathy for Israel was the way in which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Republican‐first strategy to block the Iran nuclear deal turned Israel into a highly salient motif of partisanship at a time of unparalleled hostility between the two major US parties. While the fall in sympathy for Israel spans both wings of the Democratic Party, the sharp increase in sympathy for the Palestinians has occurred primarily among liberal Democrats. It is intertwined with the growing political salience of Black Lives Matter, which helps to generate a narrative associating racial discrimination in America with the plight of the Palestinians.
The world and the Arab region are experiencing an exceptional situation in light of the spread of the new Corona-19 virus and the repercussions that followed at all levels in light of the impact of this pandemic and at various levels and fields as they are intertwined and interconnected together, especially the important economic sector that is directly reflected in other fields, because This is the main aspect that distinguishes the Arab region, as it is a region rich in natural resources such as oil and natural gas, as well as its strategic location, and because we are part of the Arab region, my research paper focused on the Arab region for its importance and being the heart of global conflicts in the past, recently and in the future, and the fact that The superpowers will resort to it after the end of the pandemic to compensate for their material losses, as they will try to tighten their influence in the Arab region and prove their presence more than before. This epidemic, which clarified the emaciation of the health sector, highlighted its impact on the educational side, and the most prominent scenarios for the post-Corona region.
Given the surplus of Arab teachers and the shortage of Jewish teachers in Israel, the government has adopted the policy of employing Arab teachers in Jewish schools, contrary to the dominant nationalistic agenda. We argue that this low-cost solution meets the criteria for disruptive innovation in that it flies under the radar and has the potential to proliferate and change the existing social order. Through surveys and interviews with boundary-crossing Arab teachers, this article finds that teachers circumvent power structures in three social fields. In the Arab community, work in Jewish schools helps teachers bypass nepotism and provides a new path for upward mobility. In the education system, boundary-crossing teachers disrupt segregation. And at the state level, this innovation may improve Jewish-Arab relations.
Contemporary Jewry is burdened by a fierce debate about Zionism and Israel. A sizeable sector of Jewish academics, where leftists and self-declared liberals are strongly represented, criticises the Jewish state to the point of casting doubts regarding its very existence. Although their argumentation is frequently similar to the utterances of non-Jewish antisemites, what moves these Jewish Israel-critics is not so much Jews and Judaism but rather the Zionist idea. Such anti-Israel Jews are influenced by modern ideological trends and pressures that affect also, strangely enough, certain Israeli Jewish intellectuals. These developments happen on the background of an increasing pattern of Jew-hatred in non-Jewish society, a transformation of past antisemitism now expressed as anti-Israelism.
Current scholarship on European Union-Middle East relations has contributed little to ongoing theoretical debates in the academic discipline of international relations. Yet several influential research programmes regarding world politics would benefit from incorporating events and trends involving these two regions. In particular, conceptual controversies regarding regional and global security, the diffusion of regional identities, interregionalism and overlapping regionalism and the politics of empire will be advanced when specialists concentrate on analytical puzzles, and move beyond descriptive, evaluative and prescriptive accounts.
Security, interregionalism, overlapping regionalism, empire, European Union
The recent ruling of the International Criminal Court (ICC) affirming territorial jurisdiction over the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip may at first appear to be a mere procedural decision outlining the court’s authority to investigate Israeli criminality. Upon closer scrutiny, however, it is clearly much more: an indirect, yet far-reaching vindication of Palestinian resistance and struggle in the ongoing “legitimacy war” with Israel. These legal proceedings have momentous potential implications for broader accountability efforts, which could be significant over time, even if attempts to prosecute Israeli perpetrators are ultimately frustrated. This legal event already sheds light on both the limitations of the court and the legal and geopolitical challenges it faces in cases where suspected perpetrators wield significant influence in international political arenas. As of now, the ICC has gained credibility precisely because it has the institutional courage to take on the architects of Israeli criminality.
This essay examines the practices and institutions of “rebel justice” that emerged during two of the most effective and sustained anti-colonial uprisings of the twentieth century, the Great Revolt and the First Intifada. It addresses these uprisings “from below” to illuminate their social foundations and the kinds of futures they imagined. For Palestinians, communal justice (sulh, ‘urf, and the like) have been prevalent forms of dispute resolution and justice-seeking. Rather than being written in a criminal code, the foundation of justice was based on shared notions of honor, redemption, and a social order that balanced hierarchical impulses with egalitarian ones. The essay also addresses Palestine’s place within abolitionist discussions currently under way in the United States, building upon the notable connections and parallels between the two geographies, from joint trainings undertaken by U.S. and Israeli forces to recent manifestations and longer traditions of Black-Palestinian solidarity.
Journal of Palestine Studies coeditor Sherene Seikaly introduces a cluster of essays by Sreemati Mitter, Alex Winder, Charles W. Anderson, and Haneen Naamneh that examines Palestinian “history from below.” The focus of these essays is on the everyday losses endured and the community-based forms of resistance enacted by ordinary Palestinians. Seikaly explains how, through the struggle against financial dispossession, the journey into insurgent law, broad-based collective civil disobedience, and Arab futurity in Jerusalem, these four essays make space for new understandings in the way we narrate Palestine, its history, and its people.
For many Palestinians, the colonial denial of Palestinian self-determination in an independent nation-state has rendered futile the very notion of a future. But it is imperative to challenge the colonial logics that produce the native’s future as always already failed, unachievable, or impossible. This essay examines snippets of the life of Arab Jerusalem between the two major ruptures of 1948 and 1967 to deconstruct colonial and nationalist epistemologies of time and to challenge the persistently violent present and its domination of Palestinian pasts and futures. Using as its lens the memories and attachments of Jerusalemites who lived, worked, and struggled in the city, the essay examines the ways in which they thought of, imagined, produced, fulfilled, or were deprived of a future—in other words, how Jerusalemites shaped futurity. Such a nonlinear unfolding of time challenges dominant perceptions of the Nakba as constituting a clean break between past and present.
This essay briefly examines a pattern of little-known local and general strikes staged by the Palestinian public during 1938, amid the Palestinian uprising known as the Great Revolt. While largely overshadowed by the armed struggle then underway, these nonviolent strikes illustrate the widespread character of Indigenous resistance to British colonial rule and of support for the rebellion. Palestine has often been described as a laboratory for repression; yet when we attend to Palestinian social history, we also see that it has been a laboratory of freedom struggle, popular resilience, and recurrent waves of activism and tactical experimentation.
This essay attempts to rectify the silence about the willful expropriation, by British and Israeli forces, of private Palestinian financial assets. Placing at its core the stories of ordinary Palestinians, it explores how they were robbed of their bank accounts, bonds, stocks, pensions, salaries, and safety deposit boxes during the creation and termination of the Palestine Mandate (in both 1917 and 1948). The essay argues that the basic financial structure of colonization, which deprives the colonized of the protection of sovereign banking institutions, facilitated these thefts. It also argues that the supposedly neutral rules of finance acted as a fig leaf to such dispossessions. Based on archival research and oral histories, it presents a new social history of finance that centers the experiences and subjectivities of non-elite Palestinians who strove to defend themselves and assert their rights, individually and collectively, during pivotal moments of violent upheaval and rupture.
The Journal of Palestine Studies is celebrating fifty years of uninterrupted publication as the journal of record on Palestinian affairs since its founding in 1971. Historian, book author, and Columbia University’s Edward Said Chair of Middle East Studies, Rashid Khalidi, has been at the helm as editor for almost two decades. In this article, he reflects on the Journal’s role in knowledge production on Palestine from a number of vantage points: the situation that obtained at the Journal’s founding when Palestinians simply did not have “permission to narrate” their own story in the Western public sphere; the evolution of the academic universe in the United States and its eventual embrace of disciplines, such as race, gender, Indigenous, and Palestine studies, once considered marginal or fringe; and the concomitant and virulent Zionist campaign to tar speech critical of Israel and the Zionist project with the brush of anti-Semitism, whether in the media, politics, or academia.
The role of social media in the revolutionary wave of protests in Arab countries, the socalled ‘Arab Spring’, remains a highly debated subject; some emphasized it while others minimised it. One of the claims about this role is that digitization of the public sphere has the power to enable political change in any non-democratic country by enabling new voices. The concept of public sphere identifies historical formation of democratic societies and it also posits a model of what an ideal society should be. However, no work has been carried out investigating the online Arab public sphere using data retrieved from social media. The characteristics of the emergent public sphere and their implications for estimating the significance of this medium as an enabler of Arab socio-political transformation, was purely anecdotal. This work contributes to this debate by addressing the potential role of the new media in shaping politics using the public spaces provided by Facebook as a new public sphere. Using the public sphere concept and its feminist critics as a theoretical framework, this research described the sphere formed from the acquired dataset of Facebook pages. A snowball sample approach was undertaken, which created a network of 1105 pages and 3331 edges (representing Facebook ‘likes’ between pages). The nodes of this network were classified according to actors’ groups, the geographical boundaries they associate themselves with, and their ideology. Social network metrics and tools were used to analyse the resulting three views of the network. The structure of the sample exposed two distinct sets of Arabic pages, linked by only 86 edges. These were activism, that is effectively the women’s sections of Islamist movements, and Muslim women’s struggle for their rights. With the exception of Yemen, the countries where ‘Arab Spring’ upheavals took place, constituted the biggest divisions of the nodes. Countries most represented in the network had pages which are the most active in the particular social movement studied, and these pages were created first. The existence of women’s contributions to the sphere formed by these pages is presented as empirical evidence of enabled voices. The results supported the assumption of an association between the new public sphere and the ‘Arab Spring’ by showing that feminist activism was more popular in countries where the ‘Arab Spring took place.
Non-religious Jews in Israel may define themselves as secular, yet they often observe Jewish traditions. While not monolithic in their practice, they are far less secular on the whole than their counterparts in other western countries. Recent surveys have effectively demonstrated the different forms these religious practices take but not the rationale behind them. Six of Asaf Hanuka's 400 weekly comic strip “The Realist” provide insight into why he self-identifies as secular but observes Jewish traditions with his nuclear family on a regular basis. Hanuka is appreciative of ritual while observing it with his parents and children but when left on his own, he is either dismissive of it or else adapts it so that he can take part in the familial or communal framework.
The article examines the opposition to Yom Haatzmaut, Israel, Independence Day, among an influential sector of America's Orthodox Jews. The so-called Yeshiva World, or Orthodox Right, flouted observance of Yom Haatzmaut rituals, and issued strong critiques of the Religious Zionists in the Diaspora who did celebrate it. However, the opposition was not articulated as a reproach to Religious Zionism. On the contrary, the Orthodox Right's disapproval was primarily framed as a condemnation of Jewish nationalism and the denial of rabbinical sovereignty to the religious leaders of the Diaspora. Utilizing understudied responsa and rabbinical sources, this research complicates our understanding of tensions between religious leaders in Israel and the Diaspora and the factors that contributed to anti-Zionism within certain American Jewish religious quarters.
The article discusses the historical factors behind the rise of a new Christian Aramaic nationality in Israel, and its recognition by the state in 2014. It debunks the traditional claims that this phenomenon is mainly a present-day attempt by Israel to separate Christians from Arab society. Examining the phenomenon through a wide historical perspective demonstrates the link between the rise of national perception among Christians living among Muslims in Middle Eastern countries, and the development of a new national identity among Christians living in the Jewish state of Israel.
The article analyzes texts from the leading Hebrew weeklies for children during Israel's first decade and shows how journalism of this kind developed as a meaningful platform for legal and moral issues. It addresses the concern of children's journals with the laws of the newly established State of Israel and current and judicial matters in general. An exception to this preoccupation with the rule of law was the coverage of the IDF's act of retribution in the village of Qibya in Jordan (1953), in which dozens of innocent citizens, including women and children, were killed and injured. The article takes a critical look at the depiction of this act in certain weeklies for young readers as legitimate retributivism by Israeli citizens beyond state lines and distinguishes between the intention to promote legal awareness and national consciousness and the effort to mediate moral-conscientiousness and rule-of-law values.
All democracies grapple with the challenge of fostering the inclusion of marginalized minorities. Israel faces a looming economic crisis constituted by the growing population of Haredim (Ultra-Orthodox Jews) living under the poverty line. Israel's Council on Higher Education (CHE or Malag) instituted a program to integrate Haredi students into Israeli universities, and ultimately, the workforce. But the CHE plan capitulates to the Haredi claim of a “cultural right” to study in gender-segregated classrooms with male faculty, appearing to give the imprimatur of the state to gender discrimination and prompting a lawsuit that is languishing before the High Court. Detractors perceive the CHE plan as part of a broader agenda intended to dismantle liberalism, replace civil law with Torah law and erase the distinction between religion and state. Conversely, Haredim and their supporters accuse the plan's critics of mounting an attack on the Torah way of life through a campaign of forced secularization. The case occupies the intersection where the liberal commitment to individual rights collides with multicultural accommodation, bringing into sharp relief dilemmas at the core of democracy.
This article presents an alternative approach to the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. As the one-state solution is generally unacceptable to both Israel and the Palestinians and the two-state solution does not seem to be working, the authors suggest a possible ‘second-best solution’. Under this proposal a prospective Palestinian state would extend from the Gaza Strip to adjacent parts of the Sinai Peninsula for which Egypt would receive either financial or territorial compensation by the extension of its territory westwards to areas currently administered by Libya.
How do we assess the power of governments to control and set the agenda in parliaments? How do we assess the power of oppositions to present their agenda? Cox and McCubbins’ cartel model used a roll rate analysis of legislation, while Krehbiel suggested the use of non-legislative tools. Based on this advice, this article investigates the use of a non-legislative tool – motions for the agenda – in the Israeli Knesset, or more specifically: ‘the agenda power of non-legislative tools’ defined as the ability to block or significantly delay motions from reaching a debate in committee. Using data from the Knesset, in which the opposition operates in a parliamentary system with multiparty coalition governments, it demonstrates that opposition legislators utilise these non-legislative tools more extensively than coalition members to wield their agenda power. The findings support the addition of this tool to the cartel model.
This article discusses the declared policy of the Ministry of Education regarding teacher training over seven decades, and examines the ways teacher training institutions have dealt with its implementation and the attendant educational, policy, and professional problems. The central thesis is that these fundamental issues were created and continue to exist because of the dual (and often contradictory) policy of the Ministry of Education and the discrepancy between the declared goals and their actual implementation.
In order to pressure Israel to withdraw from the lands it took following the 1956 Suez War, the United States made two key commitments. It promised Israel it would open the Straits of Tiran if Egypt reimposed a blockade and that if the blockade nevertheless persisted, Israel would have the right to act on its own to ensure free passage of Israeli ships. When Nasser closed the Straits in 1967, President Johnson reneged on both commitments. LBJ chose not to act to end the blockade and warned Israel not to act alone. The failure to live up to these commitments contributed to the outbreak of the 1967 War, hampered efforts to get Israel to give up the territories it conquered as a result of the war, and reinforced in Israel the conviction that it could not depend on others for its security. Israel and the Middle East would be very different places today if those commitments had been fulfilled.
This article seeks to analyse the political behaviour of the Arab sector in Israel in the three rounds of general elections held between April 2019 to March 2020. In the first round (April 9), despite high expectations within the Arab sector of seeing a joint Arab list competing in the elections for the 21st Knesset, the joint list was dismantled. Arab voters expressed their disappointment and stayed away from the ballot box. The political result was a decline from 13 to 10 parliamentary seats. In the second round (September 17) the joint list was reunited and won 13 seats again. In the third round (March 2020) it won 15 seats after competing yet again as a joint party. These experiences show that boycotting the elections harms the Arab minority while combining all political parties brings greater political influence.
Besides firm-level resources and industrial influences, firms’ strategies have been related to their institutional contexts. Empirical studies have investigated survival strategies in international environments where institutional voids, barriers and violence have had independent influences.
This study is the first to analyse strategies in circumstances that combine all these negative challenges. In the Palestinian mobile phone industry, a surviving MNE has faced not only violence, voids and institutional barriers imposed by three different governments, but also the liability of foreignness and its associated uncertainties.
In a highly uncertain environment, it is found that being a MNE brings benefits as well as liabilities of foreignness. Furthermore, this MNE discloses many strategic responses to institutional challenges that are associated with positive outcomes, even in a most extreme Palestinian environment that produces the most propitious circumstances for negative responses and outcomes.
Cette thèse est faite dans une ambition particulière : analyser les discours du chef de l’armée libanaise le Général Michel Sleiman. Une analyse statistique, mathématique, d’abord, puis tirer les conclusions politiques. Quels sont les mots utilisés dans les discours de Michel Sleiman ? Pourquoi certains mots se répètent plus que d’autres ? Quel est le but de la répétition. But politique, but psychologique. A travers cette étude statistique, base de notre méthode de travail, nous allons obtenir des résultats fort intéressants pour mieux comprendre ce qui se passe au pays du cèdre. Car les mots trahissent. Comment apparaissent à travers les mots de Sleiman la relation avec la Syrie, l’ennemi israélien, le Hezbollah.. Et pourquoi à chaque fois l’invocation de la mère patrie, la France ! Pour bien saisir la relation privilégiée entre le Liban et la France, il fallait revenir aux origines lointaines. Nous avons dû précéder notre travail d’analyse statistique et méthodologique par une partie qui évoque les grandes questions relatives à mon pays : l’importance du confessionnalisme, le Mandat français et ses répercussions, le phénomène de libanisation qui envahit l’Europe et sème des craintes. Il fallait aussi passer en revue les événements graves passés durant le règne de Sleiman. Il fallait insister sur des étapes qui ne pouvaient qu’influencer son discours pour dire plus tard dans notre analyse si la direction de l’armée a eu les réactions adéquates
This article discusses the unique nano-poetics and its nano-representation of the Israeli milieu, as found in Yossel Birstein’s short-short bus-stories. While these stories demonstrate the author’s poetics, they also constitute a miniature replica of Israeli society, emphasising the following four major aspects of this society: (1) the tension between the Jewish past and the Israeli present; (2) the complex dynamics between private and public life; (3) the gap between newcomers and veteran immigrants; and (4) a mentality dominated by nervous tension combined with the unique form of audacity known as chutzpah. Birstein presents the bus both as the inspiration for and as the object of his writing, and this narrative framework showcases the many variants in Israeli culture.
A la lumière de la guerre civile en Irak et en Syrie, la réflexion de ce travail de thèse s’interroge sur la question de "légitimité" et tourne autour le rapport entre l’ordre et le droit et la crise théorique et pratique de la normativité au sein du système étatique et constitutionnel des Etats du Moyen-Orient. Cette thèse se situe donc aux frontières indéterminées et incertaines de la logique du droit et de sa fonction organisatrice, car elle oscille entre le champ méthodologique de l’ordre et le champ expérimental de l’observation de l’exception et de l’indétermination. En effet, l’étude d’un contexte post-étatique -ou pré-étatique- nécessite la mobilisation de théories et de concepts issus du territoire de l’exception, ceci rend inévitable de se trouver au carrefour de plusieurs disciplines et de plusieurs domaines académiques.La rupture territoriale en Irak et en Syrie et la disponibilité spatiale pour la rébellion imposent une visibilité et une historicité de l’état de nature que traduit cette guerre civile et transfrontalière. Devant ces événements, les présupposées juridiques du caractère finalisé de l’Etat et de la continuité de l’ordre constitutionnel en sortent profondément ébranlées, ce qui rappelle, surtout sur le plan méthodologique et doctrinaire, les deux conceptions de l’ordre, celle du temps normal attribué à Hans Kelsen et celle du temps d’exception attribuée à Carl Schmitt.Ainsi notre texte de thèse se divise-t-il en trois parties :La première porte sur le statut juridique de l’Etat à partir de la norme internationale de la reconnaissance interétatique. Ceci nous a permis de décrire la fragilité de l’ordre spatial lorsque s’opposent diverses conceptions de la légalité et de la norme. Avec Hans Kelsen, chez qui se dessine une conception interne et externe de la norme pure et de la fonction nomologique du droit, nous avons voulu mettre en lumières les contradictions profondes de l’ordre concret au levant avec les présupposées théoriques et abstraites de l’Etat constitutionnel.Dans notre deuxième partie, où il s’agit de ‘rupture métaphysique et spatiale’, nous avons fait recours à la pensée de Carl Schmitt, chez qui la légitimité ne se réduit pas à la légalité ni l’Etat à la constitution. Le Moyen-Orient moderne offre une illustration concrète des concepts schmittiens. D’abord par la contradiction des données de cet ordre interétatique avec celui du Jus publicum europaeum, produit de l’ordre spatial et physique européen, puis en raison de la rupture totalitaire durant laquelle l’Etat se réduit au Parti et le politique à la religiosité et à l’unicité. Le destin de l’Etat post-totalitaire, tel celui de l’Irak et de la Syrie, invoque également les travaux d’Arendt sur le totalitarisme et ceux de Gauchet sur la métaphysique de l’unité et l’expression politique du phénomène religieux. En fait, la Potestas indirecta, notion hobbesienne et schmittienne, pourrait expliquer à l’occasion de cette crise de l’unité les logiques de continuité et de rupture dont il est question chez ces trois auteurs. A la lumière de cette association théorique, nous définissons l’Exception comme la crise de la Décision et non comme l’appel de recouvrement sollicitant la Décision.Notre troisième partie porte sur le Katechon, le principe théologico-politique de la continuité et de la conservation. Nous définissons d’abord la valeur conceptuelle de cette notion chez Hobbes et chez Schmitt, puis nous la prolongeons à la condition hégélienne de la société civile et aux aspirations actuelles des sociétés arabes au sujet du changement politique. Cette partie revient d’abord sur la crise de légalité, plutôt que de légitimité, qui caractérise le projet politique islamiste (surtout l’islamisme modéré). Puis elle évoque le nominalisme politique et le rapport dialectique qu’il définit entre idées et action d’une part et projet de changement de l’autre.
What innovative policy tools can be introduced so that the provision of local services will mitigate inequality among residents of different localities? Based on the ‘new localism’ approach, this article examines one such tool—a mandatory national standard for services provided by local authorities (a ‘service basket’)—and suggests that the implementation process should consider local variation and autonomy. The novelty of our approach lies in including both objective and normative considerations in the methodological instrument that we developed to capture these two dimensions. This innovative methodology also enabled us to estimate existing service gaps among local authorities and the burdens some will face upon instituting a mandatory service basket.
Scholars have pointed to the alarming decline in the participation of young people in the institutional political activities underlying representative democracy, such as voting, joining political parties, or running for office. Solutions previously proposed have dealt with participatory democracy rather than representative democracy. Based on in-depth interviews, this article shows that, since 1998, the involvement of Young Adults Lists (YALs) in Israel’s local elections have successfully and consistently engaged young adults as a descriptive constituency in local representative democracy. The YALs’ extraordinary electoral success derives from their ability to construct and carry out an innovative campaign strategy tailored to the preferences of young adults. This strategy has compensated for the YALs’ minimal financial resources and their lack of political experience and significant ties to national parties or similar organizations.
The International Criminal Court has been recently called upon by the Court’s Prosecutor to decide a highly unusual application, to approve its jurisdiction over the State of Israel which has not acceded to its Statute. The Prosecutor asks the Court to apply to Israel a special legal standard, openly discriminating it in comparison with other states. The Prosecutor’s submission consciously deviates from established theories on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in favour of unfounded contentions which were discussed and rejected by mainstream scholarship, supporting her tautological arguments with references to vague, unauthoritative sources. This article demonstrates that the accumulative weight of all these factors points to the conclusion that the Prosecutor’s submission constitutes in fact a sophisticated action in the service of Palestinian Lawfare against Israel rather than a bona fide legal motion. The consequences of this project, should it be endorsed by the Court, might prove devastative to international law and the present world order.
This article uses archival sources to demonstrate how Israel crafted policies in the Gaza Strip following the 1967 War to reduce the size of its population, and how, in a two-year process, it reformed its policies to meet the needs of a long-standing occupation. Underlying these policies was the Israeli aspiration to annex the Strip without absorbing a large number of Arabs. The Israeli government developed an economic policy, based on high unemployment rates and low standard of living, aimed to encourage Gazans, and particularly refugees, to leave. In face of growing resistance, the Israeli government introduced in early 1969 a new economic policy, designed to improve the local economy, while continuing to encourage the emigration to other countries of educated youth. This new policy explains long-term demographic and economic patterns in the Palestinian society under a prolonged occupation and illuminate the Israeli mechanisms of control in the Gaza Strip.
The academic boycott of Israel, ostensibly targeting Israeli academe, is actually meant to isolate and stigmatise Jewish academics in America. It serves the aim of pushing Jewish academics out of shrinking disciplines, where Jews are believed to be ‘over-represented.’ That is how diehard supporters of the Palestinians find academic allies who have no professional interest in Palestine, in fields like American studies or English literature.
