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THE ROLE OF SLOGAN IN POLITICAL MOBILISATION: A
STUDY ON ‘O TO GE’
By Ibrahim Lawal Ahmed
B.sc. Political Science,
Bayero University, Kano.
ibrahim.lawal26@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
One of the tasks of political parties in the modern day democracy is political mobilization. In a
competitive democracy political mobilization requires good strategy which demands exploitation
of all the tools of mobilization mainly slogan. Slogan is a powerful mobilization tool that
Nigerian politicians and political parties should pay attention to. The paper exposes the power
of political slogan as express by O To Ge in Kwara State. It shows how slogan can be developed
by careful study of the condition of the people and the attitude of the opposition.
Keywords: Political Mobilisation, Slogan, Saraki, O To Ge, Kwara.
INTRODUCTION
Political mobilization is a primary function of political parties. It is a
comprehensive activity that is geared towards making the citizens to participate in
the political affairs of the state. But in a young democracy of Nigeria, it is
primarily about mobilization of voters to polling unit. In a country where voters’
apathy is a defining character of general election, as can be seen in the recently
concluded 2019 election, political mobilization becomes r’aison d’etre of political
parties. But the challenge for any party is to canvass and sway voters to vote for
them. Political parties in Nigeria usually engaged in fierce competition not because
they want to implement their manifesto for the welfare of the massses but because
of the candidates’ and their allies desperate desire to have political office which
will give them access to state resources. Political parties are thus, platform that
facilitates convergence of elites, their access to resources and securing their
investment (status quo). Therefore, political mobilization is so significant to
political parties in Nigeria that they device and adopt any means possible to
influence voting pattern in their favour. It has almost become the tradition of
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political parties to use monetary and commodity gifts to entice voters into voting
them.
The legitimate instrument of mobilization by political parties in Nigeria can be
surmised as 4s: Social media, Songs, Symbols and Slogans. Social media is an
internet based network. It enables users to produce messages, interact and share
content. The increasing number of Nigerians using social media
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; the network
nature of the internet combined with the opportunity for collaboration has made
internet an important tool for political mobilization.
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Hardly a political party and
politician in Nigeria that does not have Facebook and Twitter account.
Songs are means of entertainment that is rooted in Nigeria’s culture. Hence,
entertainment is a formidable desire among Nigerians that can not be underrated.
Song is therefore a strong instrument of mobilisation. The proliferation of political
songs in the political scene in Nigeria pointed to the degree to which political
parties use this means.
Symbols can be in form of gestures, mode of dressing or a particular object. They
reflect a course of action, aim or allegiance and solidarity. The wearing of red cap
by Kwankwaso’s supporters shows their allegiance to Kwankwaso. The use of
broom by All Progressive Congress (APC) conveys the party’s aim of uniting the
nation which is in line with the national objective of building unity in diversity.
The focus of this paper is slogan. The paper proceeds to next section to look at
Slogan and its usage in Nigeria. Section III delves into the slogan O To Ge and the
reason for its success and section IV concludes with a note to Nigerian politicians.
2.0 SLOGAN AND ITS USAGE BY POLITICAL PARTIES IN NIGERIA
Slogans are catch-phrases use by political parties to induce electorates to votes for
them. In Nigerian context, many a times, candidates take precedence over the
political party (manifesto). Therefore, slogan is more of a concise statement that
describes or summarises a candidate’s ideology and philosophy. It conveys the
political mission of the candidate to the electorates.
3
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Slogans carry meaning beyond the conceptual denotation level. It carries
connotation. Connotation in political context refers to feelings, attitude and
moods.
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This means slogan embodies the emotion of the people. It has to appeal to
the conscience of the people. Therefore, it is preferable to use native language or
language widely understood by the electorates. From the fore going, it can be
deduced that good slogan has the following key features:
1. It must be concise.
2. It should convey the mission of the candidate or political party.
3. It should be timely by touching the concerns, hence, the mood of the voters
and appeal to their conscience, emotion and patriotism.
4. It should be in a language predominantly spoken by the targeted electorates.
Slogans vary in terms of focus. It can be ‘personality or phenomena focus.’ The
personality focus slogans are two types. The first type, which is positive, the
electorate’s attention is drawn to the good qualities of the politician. The second
type, which is negative, the electorate is told why he/she should not vote for a
particular candidate. In both, the slogans reflect the contesting candidates of the
parties.
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Phenomena focus slogans are those that focus on the problems that exist in the
society. The presentation is done in two ways: in the first, the problems are
highlighted and then attributed to the opponent party or the opposition party is
depicted as incapable of dealing with the problems while the party being presented
by the campaigning party is portrayed as the one having the solution. In the
second, the problems are presented in a way that accusing finger is pointed at the
opposition candidate as being responsible for the problems.
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Nigerian politicians and political parties are not master craft of slogans. Most
Nigerian politicians sought to invocation of God as their slogan: “In God We
Trust,” “Victory is from God” etc. Historically, Nigeria had some captivating
slogans that are still remembered with nostalgia. One of the finest slogans of the
First Republic is that of Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU)’s ‘Sawaba’
meaning ‘Redemption.’ It was coined in the 1950s during colonial era. It means
redemption against colonial officials and their aristocratic allies who were
traditional rulers. The slogan captured the party’s manifesto, problem and the
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mood of the people. The term was later absorbed in the party re-incarnated,
People’s Redemption Party (PRP).
In the Second Republic, United Progressive Party (UPN) used slogan ‘UP Nigeria’
to canvassed support. Similarly, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) used “Say
One Nigeria” to establish its presence across the federation. The Social Democratic
Party (SDP) spear-headed by MKO Abiola, in the defunct Third Republic coined a
slogan “Hope ‘93” to mobilize Nigerians to win the presidential election in 1993. It
was a powerful slogan that suited the condition of the country which was suffering
in the face of Structural Adjustment Programme by the military government.
In the Fourth Republic, there were not many good and powerful slogans. The then
Lagos State governor, Babatunde Raji Fashola, developed a slogan “BRF is
working” to ride on his infrastructural works he was doing to the state. BRF is an
acronym of his name. The ground breaking slogan of this period was that of All
Progressive Congress (APC)’s “Change” in 2015. As Nigerians felt that they have
sunk deeper and deeper into quagmire for sixteen years of Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP)’s rule, ‘Change’ was the perfect slogan that captured their mood.
The 2019 general election has little to write about on good slogans. Even the ruling
party that initiated ‘Change’ in the 2015 general election did not bring a similar
chagrin slogan like it. APC’s ‘Next Level’ may be interpreted as another recession
for many Nigerians. ‘Let’s Get Nigeria Working Again’ by PDP is as good as
saying another misrule because one is left to wonder whether Nigeria was working.
Political candidates resorted to using their names which turns out to be even worst.
Atiku Abubakar, Presidential candidate of PDP, turns to ATIKULATED, what
message does that conveys? Benue State governor, Samuel Ortom, decided his
slogan will be ORTOMATIC. Does that mean his election is automatic and no
voter need to go and vote for him? That of Enugu State’s Governor, Ifeanyi
Ugwuanyi is classic in Nigeria’s politics. The bill boards had bold inscription:
“Enugu is in God’s hands.”
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Indeed, religion is instrumentalised in Nigeria’s
politics.
In the midst of this meaninglessness, there is one slogan that stood-out. It embodies
most of the qualities of good slogan and it got the job done. It emerged from the
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State that has no history of bitter contestation until now. That is Kwara State. And
that slogan is O To Ge.
3.0 O TO GE: WHY IT SUCCEEDED
O To Ge is the slogan used by All Progressive Congress (APC) in Kwara State to
completely win people’s votes; in Presidential, Gubernatorial, National Assembly
and House of Assembly elections. It was a trail blazer slogan that had a
tremendous success. Thus, there is claim and counter-claim about who in specific
coined the slogan. One version stated that it was coined by a septuagenarian, by
name, Alhaji LAK Jimoh, a veteran politician.
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Similarly, an advertising agency
called “The Hook Creative Agency” said that it originated the term.
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Regardless of
who first coined and initiated the term, it is safe to infer that the Hook Creative
Agency was hired by APC to publicise it. They use all means available, bill boards,
social media, radio et cetera, to turn ‘O To Ge’ into household name and the
powerful drive that saw Kwarans trooping out to vote for the party.
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O To Ge simply means ‘Enough is Enough.’ But enough of what? Enough of
Saraki’s family dominance of Kwara’s politics. And why? A look into Kwara State
and Saraki family’s political dynasty will expose the reason for the success of this
slogan and the deep meaning it conveys.
3.1 Kwara And The Saraki’s Political Dynasty
For almost four decades, the Kwara State politics was dominated by the Saraki
family. They decide who get what and when. The founder of the dynasty is the
father of Bukola Saraki, the Senate President of the 8th Assembly, Olusola
Abubakar Saraki.
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He was a medical doctor by profession. He came from a
humble royal background. He started venturing into politics in the First Republic in
1964 when he contested for a seat in the parliament but lost.
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He burnt his finger
and decided never again.
He returned to his medicine profession and used the wealth he had garnered
benevolently to get people’s popularity. As such on his return in the Second
Republic, he was able to win a Senatorial seat and went on to be a majority leader.
He used that position to be more popular than he was before. As such, when he
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contested again in 1983, he was not only able to secure his seat but also helped
several others including the candidate for the gubernatorial seat, Cornelius
Adebayo. He grew so powerful after the second republic deciding who become the
governor and all the strategic political offices. Thus, he became “a Kingmaker.”
In the 2003 general election, after the return of democracy in 1999, Olusola Saraki
decided his son Bukola Saraki who he had mentored should be the governor. That
year, he would be 70, therefore needs to establish a successor that will continue
with the machinery. This was also necessitated as they had falling-out with the
then incumbent governor, Mohammed Lawal. He was successful in making his son
the governor of Kwara State and his daughter, Gbemisola Saraki, a senator.
Olusola Saraki’s source of power was manipulation of one of the powerful
persuasion instrument which is generosity. His generosity was like that of Arctic
explorers who leave caches of food scattered on the route to the North pole just in
case they may need them one day. In the cause of his life, he was able to build
what Aina and Bhekinkosi (2013:5) described as “ social relations of assistance
and institutionalized givings.”
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The law of persuasion stated that when you give
someone a gift or did a kind act to him, that person feels obligated to reciprocate.
As such, Olusola Saraki always gets people to do his wish. He was said to be
humble and simple
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at least, until he got power drunk to make his children the
kings.
His character is contrary to that of his son and successor, Bukola Saraki who is
very arrogant from day one.
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And it was him, as a successor that began to cripple
the dynasty and put a halt to the old man’s obvious megalomania when he (Saraki
senior) sent to him (Saraki junior) a complete list of all that would be appointed
commissioners. Bukola Saraki outrightly refused to abide. He began to build his
own political niche and distancing himself from the influence of the old Saraki.
The discord in the dynasty reached its climax and became exposed when Olusola
Saraki tried to make Gbemisola Saraki (his daughter and two-time Senator)
succeed her brother, Bukola Saraki in 2011 general elections. At that moment,
people began to gesture that this was ‘enough.’ Kwara is a conservative Islamic
dominated state and according to orthodox Islamic teaching, woman is not to lead
people.
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Bukola Saraki knowing he could not control his sister, moreover, coming from
different mothers there is a natural rivalry between them, decided to capitalize over
this miscalculation of his father to his own advantage. He openly went against his
father’s wish and backed a stooge, Abdulfatah Ahmed. The defeat of Gbemisola
was a personal defeat to Olusola and completed the coup de grace. A year later, he
succumbed and died.
In 2015, Bukola Saraki defected to All Progressive Congress (APC) from Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP) with his followers and retained his senatorial seat. He
maneuvered his way against his party, APC, to become the 8th Senate President,
with his deputy from the opposition party. This was unprecedented. He managed
the Senate in a militaristic manner. Victimizing anyone who opposed his conducts
and way of doing things through suspensions and other means of intimidation such
as undue removal from a position as it was done to Ali Ndume, who was removed
as majority leader unduly
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His successes made him to be look upon by some analysts
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as a smart politician,
which he believes he is. He also felt he was the smartest ace in the Nigerian
politics, as his body language and actions denoted. As such, he grew even more
ambitious and over-confident. His ambition made him to seek to be President of
the Federal Republic of Nigeria. His over confidence made him neglect his base
and he became disconnected with the grass root. His aides diverted priviledges
from him for their private use knowing that he no longer had the capacity to
checkmate them.
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Hence, the internal party crisis which had it root to his anti-
party stance and the legislature-executive conflict made him to leave the ruling
party APC and defected to PDP, and for the first time run on the platform of a
party that is not the ruling party at the federal level. Many of his loyalists did not
go with him and some deserted him later. His arrogance and pride shadow his sight
to see the need to get them back.
The Kwara people, since the assumption of Bukola Saraki as Governor in 2003
have had their worse. Poverty has increased at alarming rate that by the dawn of
his tenure, in 2010, the Kwara State Bureau of Statistics estimated poverty of the
state to be 80.54 percent.
19
The Abdulfatah Ahmed’s administration was not
viewed as different from that of Bukola Saraki. In fact, to many people, Bukola
Saraki remained as the Governor. This is close to truth looking at the pension
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benefits he enjoys. Before leaving office, Bukola Saraki made sure a pension law
was approved that allows a governor after leaving office (him) to receive a
monthly pension benefit equivalent to the monthly salary earned while in office.
Additional benefits include: a state-of-the-art residence within the state, an annual
vacation of 30 days outside Nigeria with daily estacodes, free medical treatment
for the governor and family members anywhere worldwide, three cars and a police
pilot car, as well as two backup cars - to be replaced every three years en bloc; a
furniture allowance payable every two years en bloc; two cooks, a steward,
gardener and other domestic staff whose salaries are pensionable; two SSS (State
Security Service) details and eight policemen (one of which must be a female, for
house and personal security).
20
This is in stark difference to over 9,000 pensioners in Kwara, who
have each contributed 35 years of service to the state, have been
battling for years to recover N1.68bn owed them by the Kwara State
government. Cash-strapped and unable to pay salaries and pensions,
the government slashed the already meagre pensions (some as low as
N4, 000) of these retired civil servants by 50%. The pensioners took
the case to court but lost, when the state appealed the initial
judgment.
21
The above was the situation as at 2016. As of September 2018, teachers and local
government workers are owed salary of four and eight months. Core Civil Servants
and teachers are owed gratuity of three years and local government workers, ten
years. Teachers were owed pensions of between three to four months and local
government workers, between seven and eight months. Promotion and annual
increment are owed since 2013.
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This was the condition of Kwara people as the campaign for 2019 general elections
kicked off.
3.2 O To Ge: Epitaph of Saraki’s Dynasty
O To Ge is a simple catch phrase in a native Yoruba language that aptly captured
the feelings and frustrations of the people and also tell them what they need to do.
And they boldly did it. As Lai Mohammed noted, it represent people’s
determination; to decide their own fate by taking back power to themselves.
23
It
focus encompassed the establishment as well as the problems of the state. But it
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did not give a solution about how those problems will be addressed. That is left on
the assumption that it will automatically change.
Many Nigerians were shocked by the result in Kwara. It displayed Bukola Saraki
as one huge empty vessel. He blamed INEC for his failure. This shows how
disconnected he is with the ground; his head is in the cloud, he has not grasped.
The Kwara people, on the other hand, are celebrating with excitement of salvation
that they can now decide who get what in the State. In Africa, revolution from the
grass root is rare because Africans are obedient to their leaders and relied on their
leaders for their own well being, in fact, history has shown that there was hardly a
successful grass root revolution in Africa.
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Therefore, this is very important to
Kwara people who are such kind of people; conservative and subservient. O To Ge
has made them to realize and actualize a potential which they thought they do not
have. The slogan expressed the silent voice of the common men. It spoke to the
heart of the people, hence, given people the reason to come out en mass to vote.
Thus, in the final analysis, as Kwara people beat their drums, dance and chanted in
triumph O TO Ge! It means to them beyond fall of dynasty, good riddance to bad
rubbish.
CONCLUSION
Slogan is a powerful instrument of political mobilization that Nigerian politicians
and political parties should pay attention to in their propaganda. It can serve as a
chip to buy votes. Successful slogans in Nigeria are usually one that captured the
problems of the society aptly and pointed an accusation finger to the opposition.
The 2019 elections reveal a sharp delink between politicians and the voters. No
longer do the politicians have knowledge and understanding of the people at the
bottom of the society. They believe they are gullible pigeons. Unknowingly, the
masses are developing a political sophistication of their own level. Bribing voters
can not assure getting the votes. Use of thugs to intimidate voters is not a
sustainable strategy as it can easily be curtailed by security operatives. Therefore,
slogan is something the politicians and the political parties should adapt, master
and wield it as a propaganda tool.
10
Use of slogan can certainly assured great victory as the case of Kwara O To Ge has
already shown. O To Ge suited the condition and yearning of the people.
Godfatherism or neopatrimonialism
25
is a salient feature of Nigerian party politics
which the Kwarans have had it for decades. O To Ge therefore means enough of
that practice and the slogan spoke-out the inaudible voice of the masses. This gives
them reason to vote.
As O To Ge has aroused a powerful urge for improvement in the welfare and made
the people realize that power belongs to them, the winning party, APC in Kwara
has a tremendous task ahead of it. People will not listen to excuses for failure but
rather result. Either one delivers or will be voted out. O To Ge has started a
euphoria that will breeze for long. This leaves two questions, what do the Kwara
people want? Can and will other States also replicate what happened in Kwara?
Notes
1
By mid 2018, Nigerian Communication Commission estimated that 103 million Nigerians were internet users, see
https://www.premiumtimesng.com /news/more-news/274828-nigerias-internet-users-hit-103-million-ncc.html
2
The Role of Internet in Political Mobilisation accessed in https://odinakadotnet.wordpress.com/2012/07/23/the -
role-of-the-internet-in-political-mobilization/
3
Emmanuel C. Sharndama and Ibrahim Mohammed ‘Stylistic Analysis of Selected Political Campaign Posters and
Slogan in Yola Metropolis of Adamawa State of Nigeria,’ Asian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol.1, 3,
(2013)
4
Ibid pg. 14
5
Ibid pg.15
6
Emma Ezejideaku and Esther N Ugwu, ‘The Rhetoric and Propaganda of Political Campaigns in Nigeria,’ Journal of
Linguistic Association of Nigeria, Vol. 10 (2007).
7
See an article published by The Cable, “Election 2019 and The Meaningless Campaign Slogan ” via this link:
https://www.thecable.ng/election -2019-and-the-meaningless-campaign-slogans-2
8
See PremiumTimes, “O To Ge: How I Originated The Campaign Slogan That Dethroned Saraki,” via
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/317904-o-to-ge-how-i-originated-the-campaign-slogan-that-
dethroned-saraki-septuagenarian.html
9
“O To Ge and The Making of Revolutionary Campaign” published in This Day Newspaper, March 8, 2019.
10
See ibid
11
For a deep and comprehensive analysis of the personality of Abubakar Olusola Saraki, see Gbemisola A.
Animasawun, ‘Olusola Saraki, Charismatic Leadership and Patron -Client Relations in Modern Ilorin,’ in Ebenezar
Obadare and Wale Adebanwi (eds) Governance and The Crisis of Rule in Contemporary Africa, New York: Palgrave
Macmillan.
12
Sourced from www.wikipedia.org/accessed on March 18 , 2019.
13
Cited in Gbemisola A. Animasawun, op cit.
11
14
See “The Rise and Fall of The Saraki’s dynasty,” published in Daily Trust Newspaper, February 26, 2019.
15
Ibid.
16
For example, see “Ali Ndume Removed as Senate Majority Leader,” accessed in
www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/220056 -breaking-ali-ndume-removed-senate-majority-leader.html
17
Read , for example, a column in Sahara Reporters titled, “Bukola Saraki: A Smart, Powerful and Dangerously
Corrupt Political Operative by Churchill Okonkwo,” http://saharareporters.com/2017/03/28/bukola-saraki-smart-
powerful-and-dangerously-corrupt-political-operative-churchill
18
See “The Movement that Consumed Saraki Dynasty in Kwara,” published in This Day Newspaper, on March 12,
2019.
19
Rafiu A. Mustapha, Rashidat Akande and Sodiq Jimoh, ‘Impact of Poverty Reduction Program of the Kwara State
Government of Nigeria on the Beneficiaries,’ International Journal of Economics, Commerce and Managemet,
Vol.5, 3 (2017).
20
see Oxfam Repot 2017 on Nigeria, pg. 36-37
21
ibid
22
Olusegun Adeniyi ‘The State of 36 States’ accessed in https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2019/03/07/the -
state-of-the-36-states/ on March 20, 2019.
23
This is reported in PMNEWS https://www.pmnewsnigeria.com/2019/03/11/apc-broom-has-swept-kwara-clean-
of-hegemony-politics-lai-mohammed/accessed on March 21, 2019.
24
See Cheikh Anta Diop, “The African Origin of Civilisation ” and “Pre -Colonial Black Africa” about African political
history.
25
Gbemisola A. Animasawun defined neopatrimonialism as “web of relationship located outside officialdom but
with the capacity to determine what obtains in the official context.” P.267 op cit.
