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This study examined the effects of spanking on externalizing on a within‐subject level, while excluding causally irrelevant between‐subject variance. Results from two longitudinal studies which used participants from the Child Development Project (n = 585) were reanalyzed with a random‐intercept cross‐lagged panel model using yearly measurements over ages 6–8. After removing between‐subject variance, there were no significant effects of general spanking on externalizing (β = .06, .07). However, when done without objects and at a rate of about once per month or less, spanking showed beneficial effects (β = −.17, −.21). Results suggest that previous findings may be due to a failure to separate between‐subject and within‐subject variance. Additionally, results illustrate the need to examine limited spanking separately from more general forms of physical punishment.
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the author.
... noted that Pritsker (2021) inadequately accounted for missing data. In Pritsker (2021), I based my analyses upon published maximum-likelihood (ML) covariance matrix estimates from Lansford et al. (2011Lansford et al. ( , 2012. ...
... noted that Pritsker (2021) inadequately accounted for missing data. In Pritsker (2021), I based my analyses upon published maximum-likelihood (ML) covariance matrix estimates from Lansford et al. (2011Lansford et al. ( , 2012. In response, Lansford and Rothenberg (2021) noted "it is wholly inappropriate to use the ML estimate of the covariance matrix estimated from missing data as the unit of analysis." ...
... To calculate the standard errors for analyses based on ML covariance matrices, a representative sample size must be picked. If the full sample size is used, as it was in Pritsker (2021), the standard errors may be deflated-resulting in over-confident p-values and confidence intervals. ...
... We offer two critiques of Pritsker's (2021) analytic methodology that throw the results of the paper in question. The first is the inability to account for the cumulative within-person effects of corporal punishment over time. ...
... As experts in child development, we do a disservice to children and families if we disregard how scientific findings may be taken out of academic journals and used in practice. The desire to advance methodological approaches to modeling longitudinal data in developmental science is understandable, which was the goal in the case of the Pritsker (2021) article that this Commentary addresses. However, this statistical goal should not be advanced without careful attention to the framing of findings that have the potential to harm children. ...
Longitudinal designs provide a strong inferential basis for uncovering reciprocal effects or causality between variables. For this analytic purpose, a cross-lagged panel model (CLPM) has been widely used in medical research, but the use of the CLPM has recently been criticized in methodological literature because parameter estimates in the CLPM conflate between-person and within-person processes. The aim of this study is to present some alternative models of the CLPM that can be used to examine reciprocal effects, and to illustrate potential consequences of ignoring the issue. A literature search, case studies, and simulation studies are used for this purpose. We examined more than 300 medical papers published since 2009 that applied cross-lagged longitudinal models, finding that in all studies only a single model (typically the CLPM) was performed and potential alternative models were not considered to test reciprocal effects. In 49% of the studies, only two time points were used, which makes it impossible to test alternative models. Case studies and simulation studies showed that the CLPM and alternative models often produce different (or even inconsistent) parameter estimates for reciprocal effects, suggesting that research that relies only on the CLPM may draw erroneous conclusions about the presence, predominance, and sign of reciprocal effects. Simulation studies also showed that alternative models are sometimes susceptible to improper solutions, even when reseachers do not misspecify the model.
Inferring reciprocal effects or causality between variables is a central aim of behavioral and psychological research. To address reciprocal effects, a variety of longitudinal models that include cross-lagged relations have been proposed in different contexts and disciplines. However, the relations between these cross-lagged models have not been systematically discussed in the literature. This lack of insight makes it difficult for researchers to select an appropriate model when analyzing longitudinal data, and some researchers do not even think about alternative cross-lagged models. The present research provides a unified framework that clarifies the conceptual and mathematical similarities and differences between these models. The unified framework shows that existing longitudinal models can be effectively classified based on whether the model posits unique factors and/or dynamic residuals and what types of common factors are used to model changes. The latter is essential to understand how cross-lagged parameters are interpreted. We also present an example using empirical data to demonstrate that there is great risk of drawing different conclusions depending on the cross-lagged models used.
To evaluate and improve the validity of causal inferences from meta‐analyses of longitudinal studies, two adjustments for Time‐1 outcome scores and a temporally backwards test are demonstrated. Causal inferences would be supported by robust results across both adjustment methods, distinct from results run backwards. A systematic strategy for evaluating potential confounds is also introduced. The methods are illustrated by assessing the impact of spanking on subsequent externalizing problems (child age: 18 months to 11 years). Significant results indicated a small risk or a small benefit of spanking, depending on the adjustment method. These meta‐analytic methods are applicable for research on alternatives to spanking and other developmental science topics. The underlying principles can also improve causal inferences in individual studies. The title for this Special Section is Meta‐analysis and Individual Participant Data Synthesis in Child Development, edited by Glenn I. Roisman and Marinus H. van IJzendoorn
The cross-lagged panel model (CLPM) is believed by many to overcome the problems associated with the use of cross-lagged correlations as a way to study causal influences in longitudinal panel data. The current article, however, shows that if stability of constructs is to some extent of a trait-like, time-invariant nature, the autoregressive relationships of the CLPM fail to adequately account for this. As a result, the lagged parameters that are obtained with the CLPM do not represent the actual within-person relationships over time, and this may lead to erroneous conclusions regarding the presence, predominance, and sign of causal influences. In this article we present an alternative model that separates the within-person process from stable between-person differences through the inclusion of random intercepts, and we discuss how this model is related to existing structural equation models that include cross-lagged relationships. We derive the analytical relationship between the cross-lagged parameters from the CLPM and the alternative model, and use simulations to demonstrate the spurious results that may arise when using the CLPM to analyze data that include stable, trait-like individual differences. We also present a modeling strategy to avoid this pitfall and illustrate this using an empirical data set. The implications for both existing and future cross-lagged panel research are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record
(c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).
Despite a growing literature associating physical discipline with later child aggression, spanking remains a typical experience for American children. The directionality of the associations between aggression and spanking and their continuity over time has received less attention. This study examined the transactional associations between spanking and externalizing behavior across the first decade of life, examining not only how spanking relates to externalizing behavior leading up to the important transition to adolescence, but whether higher levels of externalizing lead to more spanking over time as well. We use data from the Fragile families and child well-being (FFCW) study to examine maternal spanking and children's behavior at ages 1, 3, 5, and 9 (N = 1,874; 48 % girls). The FFCW is a longitudinal birth cohort study of children born between 1998 and 2000 in 20 medium to large US cities. A little over a quarter of this sample was spanked at age 1, and about half at age 3, 5, and 9. Estimates from a cross-lagged path model provided evidence of developmental continuity in both spanking and externalizing behavior, but results also highlighted important reciprocal processes taking hold early, with spanking influencing later externalizing behavior, which, in turn, predicted subsequent spanking. These bidirectional effects held across race/ethnicity and child's gender. The findings highlight the lasting effects of early spanking, both in influencing early child's behavior, and in affecting subsequent child's externalizing and parental spanking in a reciprocal manner. These amplifying transactional processes underscore the importance of early intervention before patterns may cascade across domains in the transition to adolescence.
Structural equation modeling (SEM) is a vast field and widely used by many applied researchers in the social and behavioral sciences. Over the years, many software pack-ages for structural equation modeling have been developed, both free and commercial. However, perhaps the best state-of-the-art software packages in this field are still closed-source and/or commercial. The R package lavaan has been developed to provide applied researchers, teachers, and statisticians, a free, fully open-source, but commercial-quality package for latent variable modeling. This paper explains the aims behind the develop-ment of the package, gives an overview of its most important features, and provides some examples to illustrate how lavaan works in practice.
Are Spanking Injunctions Scientifically Supported?
Robert E. Larzelere and Diana Baumrind
This article summarizes the scientific evidence against spanking bans from the conditional spanking perspective, to contrast with other articles in this special issue of Law and Contemporary Problems that use scientific evidence to support a spanking prohibition perspective. We clarify the questions to be answered to decide between those two perspectives. With those questions in mind, the article contrasts the findings of two major literature reviews on child outcomes of physical punishment, summarizes the few causally conclusive studies of the most appropriate use of spanking, and then summarizes and critiques the strongest causally relevant evidence for and against spanking. The fact that persistently defiant children cause parents to use all disciplinary responses more frequently explains why alternative disciplinary responses are associated with adverse outcomes as strongly as appropriate spanking in studies making direct comparisons. We also consider the relationship between spanking and physical abuse, including the possible role of appropriate spanking in preventing further escalations of parental frustration that could otherwise increase the risk of verbal or physical abuse. Like all disciplinary tactics, the effectiveness of spanking depends on how and when it is used, as well as the parenting context in which it is used. Before prohibiting all spanking, research needs to document alternative disciplinary responses that are more effective in the disciplinary situations where appropriate spanking has been considered an acceptable option traditionally.
Law and Contemporary Problems, 2010, Vol. 73 (2), pp. 57-87.
This study estimates the causal effects of six corrective actions for children's problem behaviors, comparing four types of longitudinal analyses that correct for pre-existing differences in a cohort of 1,464 4- and 5-year-olds from Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY) data. Analyses of residualized gain scores found apparently detrimental effects of all corrective actions by parents and professionals on subsequent antisocial behavior and hyperactivity. In contrast, analyses of simple gain scores found only apparently beneficial effects. Temporally reversed analyses yielded the same pattern of results, consistent with selection biases and regression artifacts, not with unidirectional causal effects. The findings were similar for corrective actions by professionals (e.g., Ritalin, psychotherapy) and by parents (physical and nonphysical punishment, scolding/yelling, “hostile-ineffective” parenting). Longitudinal analyses should check for similar artifacts by implementing temporally-reversed analyses and by determining whether causally relevant coefficients would replicate without artifacts biased in their favor.
Relationships among multiple variables over time are of interest in many developmental areas and are frequently examined using time-varying predictors in multilevel models. Yet an incomplete specification of time-varying predictors will usually result in biased model effects. Specifically, the impact of constant, between-person sources of variation must be differentiated from the impact of time-specific, within-person sources of variation - that is, persons should be modeled as contexts. The current didactic article expands upon previous work to address why and how to model persons as contexts in longitudinal analysis. An electronic appendix of syntax for estimating these models is also provided.
ABSTRACT—There is no universal guideline or rule of thumb for judging the practical importance or substantive significance of a standardized effect size estimate for an intervention. Instead, one must develop empirical benchmarks of comparison that reflect the nature of the intervention being evaluated, its target population, and the outcome measure or measures being used. This approach is applied to the assessment of effect size measures for educational interventions designed to improve student academic achievement. Three types of empirical benchmarks are illustrated: (a) normative expectations for growth over time in student achievement, (b) policy-relevant gaps in student achievement by demographic group or school performance, and (c) effect size results from past research for similar interventions and target populations. The findings can be used to help assess educational interventions, and the process of doing so can provide guidelines for how to develop and use such benchmarks in other fields.
Using data from two long-term longitudinal projects, we investigated reciprocal relations between maternal reports of physical discipline and teacher and self-ratings of child externalizing behavior, accounting for continuity in both discipline and externalizing over time. In Study 1, which followed a community sample of 562 boys and girls from age 6 to 9, high levels of physical discipline in a given year predicted high levels of externalizing behavior in the next year, and externalizing behavior in a given year predicted high levels of physical discipline in the next year. In Study 2, which followed an independent sample of 290 lower income, higher risk boys from age 10 to 15, mother-reported physical discipline in a given year predicted child ratings of antisocial behavior in the next year, but child antisocial behavior in a given year did not predict parents' use of physical discipline in the next year. In neither sample was there evidence that associations between physical discipline and child externalizing changed as the child aged, and findings were not moderated by gender, race, socioeconomic status, or the severity of the physical discipline. Implications for the reciprocal nature of the socialization process and the risks associated with physical discipline are discussed.
Maximum likelihood parameter estimation of the continuous time linear stochastic state space model is considered on the basis of largeN discrete time data using a structural equation modeling (SEM) program. Random subject effects are allowed to be part of the model. The exact discrete model (EDM) is employed which links the discrete time model parameters to the underlying continuous time model parameters by means of nonlinear restrictions. The EDM is generalized to cover not only time-invariant parameters but also the cases of stepwise time-varying (piecewise time-invariant) parameters and parameters varying continuously over time according to a general polynomial scheme. The identification of the continuous time parameters is discussed and an educational example is presented.
To challenge the application of an unqualified social learning model to the study of spanking, positing instead a developmental-contextual model in which the effects of spanking depend on the meaning children ascribe to spanking.
Population-based survey data from 1112 children aged 4 to 11 years in the National Survey of Families and Households. Controlled for several family and child factors including children's baseline aggression.
Schoolyard fights and antisocial scores on the Behavior Problems Index at the 5-year follow-up.
Structural equation modeling yielded main effects (P < or = .05, change in chi 2) of children's age and race; spanking predicted fewer fights for children aged 4 to 7 years and for children who are black and more fights for children aged 8 to 11 years and for children who are white. Regression analyses within subgroups yielded no evidence that spanking fostered aggression in children younger than 6 years and supported claims of increased aggression for only 1 subgroup: 8- to 11-year-old white boys in single-mother families (P < or = .05, F test).
For most children, claims that spanking teaches aggression seem unfounded. Other preventive effects and harmful effects of spanking may occur depending on the child and the family context. Further efforts to identify moderators of the effects of spanking on children's adjustment are necessary.
Gershoff et al. (2018) recently summarized the scientific evidence against disciplinary spanking, using epidemiological and psychological criteria for causal validity. Unfortunately, the evidence they cited would make most actions to correct serious problems appear to be harmful, whether implemented by parents (e.g., timeout) or professionals. The reason is that the type of evidence that Gershoff et al. consider adequate is insufficient for establishing a causal connection between any disciplinary response to persistent defiance and problem behaviors in children, whether that response is spanking or an effective alternative to spanking. Before opposing a widespread practice such as spanking, researchers need to document stronger causal evidence against it and identify an alternative demonstrated to be more effective. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
Effect sizes are underappreciated and often misinterpreted—the most common mistakes being to describe them in ways that are uninformative (e.g., using arbitrary standards) or misleading (e.g., squaring effect-size rs). We propose that effect sizes can be usefully evaluated by comparing them with well-understood benchmarks or by considering them in terms of concrete consequences. In that light, we conclude that when reliably estimated (a critical consideration), an effect-size r of .05 indicates an effect that is very small for the explanation of single events but potentially consequential in the not-very-long run, an effect-size r of .10 indicates an effect that is still small at the level of single events but potentially more ultimately consequential, an effect-size r of .20 indicates a medium effect that is of some explanatory and practical use even in the short run and therefore even more important, and an effect-size r of .30 indicates a large effect that is potentially powerful in both the short and the long run. A very large effect size (r = .40 or greater) in the context of psychological research is likely to be a gross overestimate that will rarely be found in a large sample or in a replication. Our goal is to help advance the treatment of effect sizes so that rather than being numbers that are ignored, reported without interpretation, or interpreted superficially or incorrectly, they become aspects of research reports that can better inform the application and theoretical development of psychological research.
E. T. Gershoff (2002) reviewed processes that might mediate and contexts that might moderate the associations between corporal punishment (CP) and child behaviors and provided an account of the methodological weaknesses of the research reviewed in her meta-analyses. In this examination of Gershoff, the authors argue that the biases and confounds in the meta-analyses further limit any causal inferences that can be drawn concerning the detrimental "effects" of CP on associated child behaviors. The authors suggest that undesirable child outcomes are associated with CP because the construct marks inept harsh parenting and conclude that although the harmful effects of physical abuse and other extreme punishments are clear, a blanket injunction against spanking is not justified by the evidence presented by Gershoff.
The present meta-analysis integrates research from 1,435 studies on associations of parenting dimensions and styles with externalizing symptoms in children and adolescents. Parental warmth, behavioral control, autonomy granting, and an authoritative parenting style showed very small to small negative concurrent and longitudinal associations with externalizing problems. In contrast, harsh control, psychological control, authoritarian, permissive, and neglectful parenting were associated with higher levels of externalizing problems. The strongest associations were observed for harsh control and psychological control. Parental warmth, behavioral control, harsh control, psychological control, autonomy granting, authoritative, and permissive parenting predicted change in externalizing problems over time, with associations of externalizing problems with warmth, behavioral control, harsh control, psychological control, and authoritative parenting being bidirectional. Moderating effects of sampling, child’s age, form of externalizing problems, rater of parenting and externalizing problems, quality of measures, and publication status were identified. Implications for future research and practice are discussed.
Reciprocal feedback processes between experience and development are central to contemporary developmental theory. Autoregressive cross-lagged panel (ARCL) models represent a common analytic approach intended to test such dynamics. The authors demonstrate that—despite the ARCL model's intuitive appeal—it typically (a) fails to align with the theoretical processes that it is intended to test and (b) yields estimates that are difficult to interpret meaningfully. Specifically, using a Monte Carlo simulation and two empirical examples concerning the reciprocal relation between spanking and child aggression, it is shown that the cross-lagged estimates derived from the ARCL model reflect a weighted—and typically uninterpretable—amalgam of between- and within-person associations. The authors highlight one readily implemented respecification that better addresses these multiple levels of inference.
Whether spanking is helpful or harmful to children continues to be the source of considerable debate among both researchers and the public. This article addresses 2 persistent issues, namely whether effect sizes for spanking are distinct from those for physical abuse, and whether effect sizes for spanking are robust to study design differences. Meta-analyses focused specifically on spanking were conducted on a total of 111 unique effect sizes representing 160,927 children. Thirteen of 17 mean effect sizes were significantly different from zero and all indicated a link between spanking and increased risk for detrimental child outcomes. Effect sizes did not substantially differ between spanking and physical abuse or by study design characteristics.
Using data from the add-on 5-year cohort of In-Home Longitudinal Study of preschool aged Children of the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study (FFCWS), we examined the mediating role of maternal warmth in the associations between positive and harsh maternal practices and children's externalizing and internalizing behaviors. The sample consisted of 1,922 low-income Hispanic American, African American, and European American families. For European Americans, the links between maternal psychological aggression and hostility and children's externalizing behaviors were direct. Similarly, for Hispanic Americans, the links between maternal psychological aggression, physical assault, and hostility and externalizing behaviors were direct, as was the link between maternal physical assault and internalizing behaviors. For African Americans, maternal warmth partially mediated the links between maternal hostility and physical assault and externalizing behaviors. However, the associations between psychological aggression and externalizing and internalizing behaviors were direct. The data are discussed with respect to similarities in cultural pathways of influence between harsh maternal treatment and children's behavioral difficulties across ethnic groups. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
Although recent statistical and computational developments allow for the empirical testing of psychological theories in ways not previously possible, one particularly vexing challenge remains: how to optimally model the prospective, reciprocal relations between 2 constructs as they developmentally unfold over time. Several analytic methods currently exist that attempt to model these types of relations, and each approach is successful to varying degrees. However, none provide the unambiguous separation over time of between-person and within-person components of stability and change, components that are often hypothesized to exist in the psychological sciences. Our goal in this article is to propose and demonstrate a novel extension of the multivariate latent curve model to allow for the disaggregation of these effects.
We begin with a review of the standard latent curve models and describe how these primarily capture between-person differences in change. We then extend this model to allow for regression structures among the time-specific residuals to capture within-person differences in change.
We demonstrate this model using an artificial data set generated to mimic the developmental relation between alcohol use and depressive symptomatology spanning 5 repeated measures.
We obtain a specificity of results from the proposed analytic strategy that is not available from other existing methodologies. We conclude with potential limitations of our approach and directions for future research.
Social scientists continue to debate the impact of spanking and corporal punishment (CP) on negative child outcomes including externalizing and internalizing behavior problems and cognitive performance. Previous meta-analytic reviews have mixed long- and short-term studies and relied on bivariate r, which may inflate effect sizes. The current meta-analysis focused on longitudinal studies, and compared effects using bivariate r and better controlled partial r coefficients controlling for time-1 outcome variables. Consistent with previous findings, results based on bivariate r found small but non-trivial long-term relationships between spanking/CP use and negative outcomes. Spanking and CP correlated .14 and .18 respectively with externalizing problems, .12 and .21 with internalizing problems and -.09 and -.18 with cognitive performance. However, when better controlled partial r coefficients (pr) were examined, results were statistically significant but trivial (at or below pr=.10) for externalizing (.07 for spanking, .08 for CP) and internalizing behaviors (.10 for spanking, insufficient studies for CP) and near the threshold of trivial for cognitive performance (-.11 for CP, insufficient studies for spanking). It is concluded that the impact of spanking and CP on the negative outcomes evaluated here (externalizing, internalizing behaviors and low cognitive performance) are minimal. It is advised that psychologists take a more nuanced approach in discussing the effects of spanking/CP with the general public, consistent with the size as well as the significance of their longitudinal associations with adverse outcomes.
Using data collected over a 6-year period on a sample of 1,039 European American children, 550 African American children, and 401 Hispanic children from the children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, this study assessed whether maternal emotional support of the child moderates the relation between spanking and behavior problems. Children were 4–5 years of age in the first of 4 waves of data used (1988, 1990, 1992, 1994). At each wave, mothers reported their use of spanking and rated their children's behavior problems. Maternal emotional support of the child was based on interviewer observations conducted as part of the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment. For each of the 3 racial-ethnic groups, spanking predicted an increase in the level of problem behavior over time, controlling for income-needs ratio and maternal emotional support. Maternal emotional support moderated the link between spanking and problem behavior. Spanking was associated with an increase in behavior problems over time in the context of low levels of emotional support, but not in the context of high levels of emotional support. This pattern held for all 3 racial-ethnic groups.
Research suggests that corporal punishment is related to higher levels of child externalizing behavior, but there has been controversy regarding whether infrequent, mild spanking predicts child externalizing or whether more severe and frequent forms of corporal punishment account for the link. Mothers rated the frequency with which they spanked and whether they spanked with a hand or object when their child was 6, 7, and 8 years old. Mothers and teachers rated children's externalizing behaviors at each age. Analyses of covariance revealed higher levels of mother-reported externalizing behavior for children who experienced harsh spanking. Structural equation models for children who experienced no spanking or mild spanking only revealed that spanking was related to concurrent and prior, but not subsequent, externalizing. Mild spanking in one year was a risk factor for harsh spanking in the next year. Findings are discussed in the context of efforts to promote children's rights to protection.
Two questions concerning the effect of physical abuse in early childhood on the child's development of aggressive behavior
are the focus of this article. The first is whether abuse per se has deleterious effects. In earlier studies, in which samples
were nonrepresentative and family ecological factors (such as poverty, marital violence, and family instability) and child
biological variables (such as early health problems and temperament) were ignored, findings have been ambiguous. Results from
a prospective study of a representative sample of 309 children indicated that physical abuse is indeed a risk factor for later
aggressive behavior even when the other ecological and biological factors are known. The second question concerns the processes
by which antisocial development occurs in abused children. Abused children tended to acquire deviant patterns of processing
social information, and these may mediate the development of aggressive behavior.
The use of spanking as a discipline technique is quite prevalent, even though whether or not to spank children is controversial among lay and professional audiences alike. Considerable research on the topic has been analyzed in several reviews of the literature that often reach different and sometimes opposite conclusions. Opposing conclusions are not inherently problematic as research develops in an area. However, we propose that both methodological limitations of the research to date as well as the limited focus of the research questions have prevented a better understanding of the impact of parental spanking on child development. The purpose of this article is to convey the basis for limited progress to date and, more importantly, to reformulate the research agenda. The goal is to move toward a resolution of the most relevant questions to parents, professionals, and policymakers. We propose an expanded research agenda that addresses the goals of parental discipline, the direct and concomitant effects of spanking, the influences that foster and maintain the use of spanking, and the processes through which spanking operates.
Manual for the teacher's report form and teacher version of child behavior profile
T M Achenbach
C S Edelbrock
Achenbach, T. M., & Edelbrock, C. S. (1986). Manual for the teacher's report form and teacher version of child behavior profile.
University of Vermont, Department of Psychiatry.
General social surveys, 1972–2018
T. W. Smith
The insufficiency of the evidence used to categorically oppose spanking and its implications for families and psychological science
R E Larzelere
M L Gunnoe
C J Ferguson
M W Roberts
Larzelere, R. E., Gunnoe, M. L., Ferguson, C. J., & Roberts, M.
W. (2019). The insufficiency of the evidence used to categorically oppose spanking and its implications for families and
psychological science: Comment on Gershoff et al (2018).
General social surveys, 1972-2018. NORC at the University Of Chicago. Data accessed from the GSS Data Explorer
T W Smith
Smith, T. W., Davern, M., Freese, J., & Morgan, S. (2018). General
social surveys, 1972-2018. NORC at the University Of Chicago.
Data accessed from the GSS Data Explorer website at https://
gssda taexp lorer.norc.org