Article

Impact of changing school start times on parent sleep

Authors:
  • Cherry Creek School District
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Abstract

Objective: To examine the impact of changing school start times on sleep in parents of students in elementary, middle, and high school. Methods: Annual surveys were completed by parents of K-12 students (n = 8190-10,592 per year) before (pre-change) and for 2 years (post-change, follow-up) after implementation of new school start times (elementary school [ES]: 60 minutes earlier, middle school [MS]: 40-60 minutes later, high school [HS]: 70 minutes later), providing parent self-reported weekday bedtime and wake time, sleep quality, and feeling tired. Results: Significant level-by-year interactions were found for parent bedtime, wake time, and sleep duration (all p < .0001). Post hoc analyses show ES parents reporting earlier bedtimes and wake times at post-change, with no change in sleep duration, while MS and HS parents reported later post-change wake times. Post-change, more MS and HS parents reported sufficient sleep duration (p < .0001) and good sleep quality (p < .0001), with fewer HS parents reporting feeling tired (p < .0001). Conclusions: This is the first study to consider the impact of a policy change aimed at improving child sleep on parent sleep. Healthy school start times has a significantly positive downstream effect on secondary school parents' sleep and daytime functioning, with minimal impact reported by parents of elementary school students.

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... Later school start times also have the potential to positively impact other members in the family. For example, a recent study showed that parents' sleep-wake patterns also changed with the implementation of later middle and high school start times [108]. Specifically, later school start times were associated with greater number of parents obtaining sufficient sleep, as well as greater sleep quality of parents of adolescents. ...
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Purpose of Review Poor sleep health in adolescence has long-lasting, and adverse effects on many aspects of health and functioning. Multiple factors impact sleep in adolescence including individual and family-level factors. However, early school start times are the one policy-level, and possibly the most salient environmental factor that constrains adolescent sleep at a population level. Recent Findings Delaying school start times could be an effective strategy to promote sleep health and consequently, functioning, and physical and mental health among adolescents. Growing evidence suggests that adolescents at later-starting schools sleep longer on weekdays, have higher attendance and graduation rates, and fewer mental health symptoms compared to their peers at earlier-starting schools. Summary This paper reviews a summary of recent key findings and discusses future steps in translating the school start time research into policy.
... It seems that being able to set working hours according to one's preference enhances the sleep quality and quantity of evening-type adults [59]. Moreover, delaying school start times may increase the sleep duration of children and their parents [60][61][62], but more studies on this topic are needed. ...
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In the early 1990s, medical research found that teenagers have biologically different sleep and wake patterns than the preadolescent or adult population. On the basis of that information, in 1997 the seven comprehensive high schools in the Minneapolis Public School District shifted the school start timefrom 7:15 a. m. to 8:40 a. m. This article examines that change, finding significant benefits such as improved attendance and enrollment rates, less sleeping in class, and less student-reported depression. Policy implications are briefly discussed, acknowledging this to be a highly charged issue in school districts across the United States.
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Background and objective: Early high school start times (EHSST) may lead to sleep loss in adolescents ("teens"), thus resulting in higher crash rates. (Vorona et al., 2011). In this study, we examined two other adjacent Virginia counties for the two years subsequent to the above-mentioned study. We again hypothesized that teens from jurisdictions with EHSST (versus later) experience higher crash rates. Methods: Virginia Department of Motor Vehicles supplied de-identified aggregate data on weekday crashes and time-of-day for 16-18 year old (teen) and adult drivers for school years 2009-2010 and 2010-2011 in Henrico and Chesterfield Counties. Teen crash rates for counties with early versus later school start-times were compared using two-sample Z-tests and these compared to adult crash rates using pair-wise tests. Results: Henrico teens manifested a statistically higher crash rate of 48.8/1000 licensed drivers versus Chesterfield's 37.9/1000 (p = 0.04) for 2009-2010. For 2010-2011, HC 16-17 year old teens demonstrated a statistically significant higher crash rate (53.2/1000 versus 42.0/1000), while for 16-18 teens a similar trend was found, albeit nonsignificant (p = 0.09). Crash peaks occurred 1 hour earlier in the morning and 2 hours earlier in the afternoon in Chesterfield, consistent with commute times. Post hoc analyses found significantly more run-off road crashes to the right (potentially sleep-related) in Chesterfield teens. Adult crash rates and traffic congestion did not differ between counties. Conclusions: Higher teen crash rates occurred in jurisdictions with EHSST, as in our prior study. This study contributes to and extends existing data on preventable teen crashes and high school start times.
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Chronic insufficient sleep is a growing concern among adolescents and is associated with a host of adverse health consequences. Early school start times may be an environmental contributor to this problem. The purpose of this study was to examine the impact of a delay in school start time on sleep patterns, sleepiness, mood, and health-related outcomes. Boarding students (n = 197, mean age = 15.6 yr) attending an independent high school completed the School Sleep Habits Survey before and after the school start time was experimentally delayed from 8:00 a.m. to 8:25 a.m. The delay in school start time was associated with a significant (29 min) increase in sleep duration on school nights. The percentage of students receiving 8 or more hours of sleep on a school night increased to more than double, from 18% to 44%. Students in 9th and 10th grade and those with lower baseline sleep amounts were more likely to report improvements in sleep duration after the schedule change. Daytime sleepiness, depressed mood, and caffeine use were all significantly reduced after the delay in school start time. Sleep duration reverted to baseline levels when the original (earlier) school start time was reinstituted. A modest (25 min) delay in school start time was associated with significant improvements in sleep duration, daytime sleepiness, mood, and caffeine use. These findings have important implications for public policy and add to research suggesting the health benefits of modifying school schedules to more closely align with adolescents' circadian rhythms and sleep needs.
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Sleep and well‐being of adolescents and their parents are related, but data from non‐Western countries are scarce. The aim of the present study was to investigate the relationship between adolescents' and their parents' sleep patterns and psychological functioning in northeastern Iran. A total of 81 families (81 mothers, 78 fathers, 130 children aged 12–20 years) took part in the study. They individually and separately completed questionnaires related to sleep and psychological functioning. Sleep quality was related within families. Poor sleep among children and parents was related in each case to more depressive symptoms and stress. Mothers' sleep and psychological functioning were more related to adolescent children's sleep and psychological functioning than were those of fathers. Results confirm research showing that adolescent's and parents' sleep and psychological functioning are inter‐related. This association holds also true for families in northeastern Iran, suggesting that the association reflects universal features of family functioning.
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To determine the proportion of adolescents whose bedtime is set by their parents and to evaluate whether parent-set bedtimes are associated with earlier bedtimes, more sleep, and better daytime functioning. 385 adolescents aged 13-18 years (mean = 15.6, SD = 0.95; 60% male) from 8 socioeconomically diverse schools in South Australia. Adolescents completed the School Sleep Habits Survey during class time and then completed an 8-day Sleep Diary. The Flinders Fatigue Scale was completed on the final day of the study. 17.5% of adolescents reported a parent-set bedtime as the main factor determining their bedtime on school nights. Compared to adolescents without parent-set bedtimes, those with parent-set bedtimes had earlier bedtimes, obtained more sleep, and experienced improved daytime wakefulness and less fatigue. They did not differ significantly in terms of time taken to fall asleep. When parent-set bedtimes were removed on weekends, sleep patterns did not significantly differ between groups. Significant personal and public health issues, such as depression and accidental injury and mortality, are associated with insufficient sleep. Converging biological and psychosocial factors mean that adolescence is a period of heightened risk. Parent-set bedtimes offer promise as a simple and easily translatable means for parents to improve the sleep and daytime functioning of their teens.
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Family systems are dynamic, with reciprocal interactions among family members. When children have sleep problems, they often awaken a parent, affecting parent sleep and subsequent parent daytime functioning. Child sleep patterns can also be disrupted by parent cognitions related to the child's sleep, as well as when parents are experiencing external stressors (eg, work or marital problems). This article focuses on sleep in a family context, reviewing the relationship between sleep among children and their parents from infancy to adolescence. Sleep in the family when a child has a chronic illness or development disorder is also reviewed.
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To examine the impact of a 30-minute delay in school start time on adolescents' sleep, mood, and behavior. Participants completed the online retrospective Sleep Habits Survey before and after a change in school start time. An independent high school in Rhode Island. Students (n = 201) in grades 9 through 12. Intervention Institution of a delay in school start time from 8 to 8:30 am. Sleep patterns and behavior, daytime sleepiness, mood, data from the Health Center, and absences/tardies. After the start time delay, mean school night sleep duration increased by 45 minutes, and average bedtime advanced by 18 minutes (95% confidence interval, 7-29 minutes [t(423) = 3.36; P < .001]); the percentage of students getting less than 7 hours of sleep decreased by 79.4%, and those reporting at least 8 hours of sleep increased from 16.4% to 54.7%. Students reported significantly more satisfaction with sleep and experienced improved motivation. Daytime sleepiness, fatigue, and depressed mood were all reduced. Most health-related variables, including Health Center visits for fatigue-related complaints, and class attendance also improved. A modest delay in school start time was associated with significant improvements in measures of adolescent alertness, mood, and health. The results of this study support the potential benefits of adjusting school schedules to adolescents' sleep needs, circadian rhythm, and developmental stage.
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Sleep in adolescence may vary according to strain and environmental factors. In particular, parents' behavior may affect their children's psychological functioning and sleep. However, no data have been gathered with respect to parents and their adolescent children's concurrent sleep patterns. This was the aim of the present study, together with exploration of the possible influence of parenting style on adolescents' sleep. A total of 293 adolescents (mean age: 17.55; 214 females, 79 males) completed several questionnaires regarding their own psychological functioning as well as a sleep log for seven consecutive days. Additionally, adolescents rated parents' sleep and parenting styles. Adolescents' and parents' sleep patterns proved to be correlated. Moreover, mother's sleep was related to adolescents' psychological functioning. However, SEM showed that mother's sleep influenced adolescents' sleep not directly, but indirectly, via parenting style and adolescents' psychological functioning. Sleep patterns of parents and their adolescent children show similarities. Moreover, mother's poor sleep has a direct impact on parenting style, which in turn affects adolescents' psychological functioning and sleep. Therefore, sleep problems in adolescents may mirror an unfavorable parenting style and sleep complaints among mothers. These conclusions might usefully inform family counseling and treatment of adults' and adolescents' sleep complaints.
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With the onset of adolescence, teenagers require 9.2 hr of sleep and experience a delay in the timing of sleep. In the "real world" with early school start times, however, they report less sleep, striking differences between their school-weekend sleep schedules, and significant daytime sleepiness. Prior studies demonstrated that high schoolers with later school starts do not further delay bedtime but obtain more sleep due to later wake times. This study examined sleep-wake patterns of young adolescents attending urban, public middle schools with early (7:15 a.m.) versus late (8:37 a.m.) start times. Students (N = 205) were assessed at 2 time periods. Students at the late-starting school reported waking up over 1 hr later on school mornings and obtaining 50 min more sleep each night, less sleepiness, and fewer tardies than students at the early school. All students reported similar school-night bedtime, sleep hygiene practices, and weekend sleep schedules.