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ENGLISH LEXICAL BORROWINGS IN THE SEBUANO OPINION SECTIONS OF SELECTED LOCAL NEWSPAPERS IN ILIGAN CITY: CATEGORIES, PATTERNS, AND MORPHEMIC STRUCTURE CHANGES Published in CDAS Research Journal: The Official Publication of the Council of Deans of Arts and Sciences, Inc., Region X. Volume 4 No.1. August 2006.

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This study analyzed the categories, patterns, and morphemic structure changes in the English lexical borrowings found in the opinion sections of three selected local newspapers in Iligan City: Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The Philippine Post. After the English lexical borrowings were underlined, encoded, and cross-checked by the panel of experts, they were classified by the lexical categories and patterns of borrowing and the frequency was determined using frequency and percentage tests. Morphemic structure changes were also studied. Out of 27,100 words used in the opinion sections of the three newspapers, there is only a total of 677 English lexical borrowings found. It reveals that there are more nouns (582 or 85.97%) than verbs (55 or 8.12%), more verbs than adjectives (40 or 5.91%), no adverb borrowings, and that more word-level borrowings (424 or 62.63%) than phrase-level ones (253 or 37.37%). Aside from this, the study shows that there are affixations and indigenization. This study concludes that: a.) English lexical borrowings in the opinion section of three newspapers seems not extensive since there are only 677 borrowings out of the 27,100 words used, b.) writers perhaps borrow English words/phrases if there are no equivalent Sebuano terms and if the terms would be better understood than the terms used in the Sebuano language, c.) only affixations and indigenization are present, d.) most borrowings are direct borrowings, e.) writers tended to borrow more nouns than verbs, and more verbs than adjectives, f.) there are no adverb borrowings probably because the Sebuano language is
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ENGLISH LEXICAL BORROWINGS IN THE SEBUANO OPINION
SECTIONS OF SELECTED LOCAL NEWSPAPERS IN ILIGAN CITY:
CATEGORIES, PATTERNS, AND MORPHEMIC STRUCTURE
CHANGES
A THESIS
Presented to
the Graduate Faculty of
Master of Arts in English Language Studies
MSU- Iligan Institute of Technology
Iligan City
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES
MERCEDITHA D. CARREON
November 2005
ii
ABSTRACT
This study analyzed the categories, patterns, and morphemic structure
changes in the English lexical borrowings found in the opinion sections of three
selected local newspapers in Iligan City: Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The
Philippine Post.
After the English lexical borrowings were underlined, encoded, and cross-
checked by the panel of experts, they were classified by the lexical categories and
patterns of borrowing and the frequency was determined using frequency and
percentage tests. Morphemic structure changes were also studied.
Out of 27,100 words used in the opinion sections of the three newspapers,
there is only a total of 677 English lexical borrowings found. It reveals that there
are more nouns (582 or 85.97%) than verbs (55 or 8.12%), more verbs than
adjectives (40 or 5.91%), no adverb borrowings, and that more word-level
borrowings (424 or 62.63%) than phrase-level ones (253 or 37.37%). Aside from
this, the study shows that there are affixations and indigenization.
This study concludes that: a.) English lexical borrowings in the opinion
section of three newspapers seems not extensive since there are only 677
borrowings out of the 27,100 words used, b.) writers perhaps borrow English
words/phrases if there are no equivalent Sebuano terms and if the terms would be
better understood than the terms used in the Sebuano language, c.) only
affixations and indigenization are present, d.) most borrowings are direct
borrowings, e.) writers tended to borrow more nouns than verbs, and more verbs
iii
than adjectives, f.) there are no adverb borrowings probably because the Sebuano
language is very rich with adverbs and adverbial modifiers, and g.) there are more
word-level borrowings than phrase-level ones possibly because lexicon is the
most visible part of the language, thus word can be the most easily borrowed.
Finally, the recommendations made are: a.) writers of the opinion sections
should not consider English borrowing an issue as long as the message is
conveyed accurately, b.) Sebuanos should not take negatively any language
change brought about specifically by English lexical borrowing c.) people should
conduct researches about the Sebuano language which would, in some way, help
in the realization of the Cebuano's long-dreamed standardization of this language,
and d.) a similar research would be made to: i.) examine borrowings from other
languages to have a broader picture of the Sebuano language's lexicon, ii.)
compare the borrowings between the Sebuano and Tagalog write-ups including all
the sections, iii.) study the morphological rules on affixations involving borrowed
English words/phrases, iv.) look into the mostly borrowed semantic domains, and
v.) analyze the articles' level of formality/informality.
iv
This work is lovingly dedicated to
GOD JEHOVAH
My Papang
and
My Children
Gon Vincent
Gwyn Venus
Gian Vanz
You are all my inspiration and strength...
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to express my heartfelt and sincere thanks to the following for their
valuable contribution and support during the making and completion of this study:
to my ever-charming, zealous, and patient adviser Dr. Lerry G. Lao-Valdez,
for her guidance and supervision;
to many of the faculty members of the English Department (MSU-IIT), for the
encouragement everytime I set foot in the department;
to my Thesis Guidance Committee, Dr. Lerry G. Lao-Valdez, Dr. Rhodora S.
N. Englis, Dr. Luvizminda C. Dela Cruz, and Prof. Nancy Q. Echavez, whose
comments and suggestions made this study a success;
to my panel of experts, Prof. Ma. Theresa Villabona and Mr. Alexander T.
Galleposo, for cross-checking my data;
to the Board of Trustees, Executive Committee, and Faculty and Staff
Association of St. Peter's College, for giving me the opportunity to avail of the
Faculty Development Fund Scholarship Program;
to Mr. Raymundo G. Alfar and Prof. Tito M. Mariquit, my immediate bosses,
who always approved without thinking my exemption and request letters
(exemption from DTR punching, leave with pays, etc.);
to Ms. Mary Faith C. Balmatero, for always acting as my proxy everytime I
was on leave;
to the Carreon and Alicando family, for their endless love and prayers for me;
to my Papang, who is not only my encoder but also my statistician, and to my
cutie little angels Gon-gon, Gwyn, and Gian, for revitalizing and energizing
me (through their hugs and kisses) when I was burnt out;
above all, to God Jehovah, for the knowledge, wisdom, patience, and strength
He bestowed upon me, and for His boundless love and guidance though I am a
sinner.
Merceditha D. Carreon-Alicando
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TITLE PAGE ................................................................................................. i
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................... ii
DEDICATION ................................................................................................ iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................. v
TABLE OF CONTENTS .............................................................................. vi
LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................... viii
LIST OF APPENDICES ............................................................................... ix
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................... 1
1.1 Statement of the Problem ............................................. 7
1.2 Significance of the Study ............................................. 8
1.3 Theoretical Framework ................................................ 8
1.4 Conceptual Framework .............................................. 10
1.5 Scope and Delimitation of the Study ............ ............... 13
1.6 Definition of Terms Used ............................................. 14
2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES ... 18
2.1 Related Literature ............................................................ 18
2.2 Related Studies ................................................................ 24
3 METHODOLOGY ................................................................... 31
3.1 Sources of Data and Instruments Used ........................... 31
3.2 Data Gathering Procedure ............................................... 31
3.3 Data Analysis .................................................................. 32
4 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA ................... 34
4.1 Lexical Categories and their Frequency ......................... 34
4.2 Patterns of Borrowings and their Frequency .................. 38
4.3 Morphemic Structure Changes ....................................... 40
4.3.1 Affixations ......................................................... 41
4.3.2 Indigenization .................................................... 46
5 SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS .......................................................... 48
5.1 Summary of the Findings .............................................. 48
5.2 Conclusions .................................................................... 49
5.3 Recommendations ......................................................... 50
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................... 52
APPENDICES ........................................................................... 56
vii
A Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of
Borrowing in Lanao Mail Newspaper ............................ 56
B Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of
Borrowing in Mindanao Scoop Newspaper .................. 61
C Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of
Borrowing in The Philippine Post Newspaper ............ 76
D List of English Lexical Borrowings with
Sebuano Affixations ..................................................... 79
E Sample Sentences of Some English Borrowings
Which are Used as Nouns and Verbs ………………… 87
CURRICULUM VITAE ................................................................................ 89
viii
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1 Frequency of Occurrence of the Lexical Categories in the
Three Newspapers 35
2 Frequency of Occurrence of the Patterns of Borrowing in
the Three Newspapers 39
3 Total Number of Sebuano Affixes Attached to the English
Lexical Borrowings 41
4 English Lexical Borrowings Which are Indigenized 46
ix
LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix Page
A Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of
Borrowing in Lanao Mail Newspaper 56
B Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of
Borrowing in Mindanao Scoop Newspaper 61
C Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of
Borrowing in The Philippine Post Newspaper 76
D List of English Lexical Borrowings with
Sebuano Affixations 79
E Sample Sentences of Some English Borrowings
Which are Used as Nouns and Verbs 87
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
One characteristic of language is that it changes as time goes by. In the
Philippine setting, there have been language changes even long before other
countries colonized ours many years ago. Aside from that, media as well as
science and technology have brought changes to our language. But nowadays,
most of the changes in our language are brought about by the English language
especially when it was adopted as one of the official languages of the Philippines.
However, Holmes (1993) says that language change should not be taken
negatively since it is not necessarily deterioration but merely a process of
development in the life of a language in a new milieu.
One of the factors that seem to complicate the language situation in the
Philippines is its diversity. The Philippines is a Southeast Asian country of some
7,100 islands and islets off the southeast coast of mainland China. It is populated
by about 70 million Filipinos. It is said in Teresita V. Ramos's online essay
(www.seasite.niu.edu./) The Tagalog Language that there are as many as 300
languages and dialects in these islands which belong to the Malayo-Polynesian
family of languages.
In her another online essay (www.seasite.niu.edu./) entitled Tagalog,
Pilipino, and Filipino, it is stated that there are 75 to 150 native languages
spoken by Filipinos. In another online essay by Roxas, R.E.O and Borra, A.
entitled Philippine Languages (www.cs.mu.oz.au/), it is mentioned that the
2
nationwide 1995 census conducted by the National Statistics Office of the
Philipppine Government (NSO, 1997) showed that there are about 101 languages
that are spoken within the 7,200 islands of the Philippine archipelago. The
languages that are spoken by at least one percent of the total household population
include Tagalog, Sebuano, Ilocano, Hiligaynon, Bikol, Waray, Pampanggo or
Kapangpangan, Boholano, Pangasinan or Panggalatok, Maranao, Maguindanao,
and Tausug. However, there are still other languages which are variants of these
major languages. In addition to that, it was mentioned in Ramos's essay
(www.seasite.niu.edu) that because of immigration, Pampango and Pangasinan as
well as these major Philippine languages are represented in the U.S. as other
languages.
When Tagalog was used as the basis for Filipino, it drew criticism from
other Philippine linguistic groups. To some extent, there was even an active
resistance shown against its usage. For instance in the eighties, the article
Cebuano Language in the Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia
(www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano) stated that after an attempt by the central
government to enforce the use of Tagalog as the language of instruction in all
public schools, the governor of Cebu initiated the singing of the Philippine
national anthem in Sebuano rather than in Pilipino (Tagalog) in the island
province of Cebu. On the part of the Cebuanos, this resistance was not intended to
undermine the countrys national unity but to express a protest against imperial
Manila in its implementation of Tagalog to be used as the national language and
a clamor for linguistic and regional recognition.
3
In the article The Clamor for Recognition of Cebuano
(www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano), four arguments are given supporting the
Cebuanos desire for special recognition of their language. The first argument
given is that historically, Cebu is the first and oldest city in the Philippines. Long
before Manila fell into the hands of the Spanish Conquerors in the 16th century,
Cebu was already an established trading and military post for the Spaniards. It
was an ancient trading hub with the Arabs and the Chinese. It was the first city
established by Legazpi.
The next argument pointed out is that linguistically, Sebuano, the lingua
franca of the south, is at present the countrys second most widely used language.
During the 1898 independence, it was the first largest linguistic group. Sebuano,
though originally spoken only in the island of Cebu, is now being spoken in many
parts of Mindanao, the eastern part of Negros island, and Bohol.
The third argument given in the article The Clamor for Recognition of
Cebuano (www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano) is that due to its geographic
location, Cebu is strategically and commercially the alternate gateway to Manila
which therefore gives more significance to its language. Sebuano is the native
language of more regions than Tagalog is, it being the language with the most
native speakers in Region VII, IX, X, XI, XII, and the CARAGA Region. There is
also a significant number of Sebuano speakers in Region VI and Region VIII. By
comparison, Tagalog is the language of the majority in the NCR, Region IV-A,
Region IV-B, and Region III (Central Luzon, where Kapampangan and Ilocano
also dominate some areas).
4
The last argument given is that politically, since the colonial days of the
Spanish and Americans, the Cebuanos have always resented the arrogance of
Manila. In the Marcos years, Cebu, with the exception of Durano-held Danao,
was regarded as a staunch center of opposition.
But what is Sebuano? In the Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia, Sebuano (also
known as Sugbuhanon or Sugbuanon) is described as an Austronesian language
spoken in the Philippines by about 18 million people. In addition, the Explore
Dictionary of World Languages describes it as the most well-known subgroup of
the Visayan languages. The name came from the Philippine island of Cebu, with
the Spanish suffix ano meaning native of a place, added at the end. Many people
refer to Cebuano as Visayan because Cebuano is the most prominent language in
the Visayas region (www.filipinolanguages.com/visayan new.htm).
Furthermore, Cecilio Lopez (in Constantino, 1977) states that Sebuano or
Sugbuanon is the language of the island of Cebu and is spoken also in Negros
Oriental, Bohol, southern Leyte , northern Mindanao, and the minor islands of the
Visayan islands. It is also spoken in a few towns and islands in Samar. The
language is the second-most spoken language in the Philippines after Tagalog.
Just like other languages, there are also changes occurring in the lexicon
of Sebuano, most of which is the addition of new words. Fromkin (1998) states
that borrowing words from other languages is an important source of new words.
This occurs when one language adds to its own lexicon a word or morpheme from
another language, often altering its pronunciation to fit the phonological rules of
the borrowing language.
5
Sebuano has long borrowed words from Spanish such as krus [cruz]
(cross), pista [piyesta] (fiesta), brilyante [brillante] (brilliant), lamisa [la mesa]
(table) though borrowing from this language has now somewhat waned. What is
worth noting however, is its growing propensity to borrow from the English
language. It has several hundred loan words from English which are altered to
conform to the limited phonemic inventory of Cebuano
(www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano), for example: brislit (bracelet), hayskul
(high school), syaping (shopping), dikstrus (dextrose), sipir (zipper), bigsyat (big
shot), or prayd tsikin (fried chicken). Similarly, Wolff, in his A Dictionary of
Cebuano Visayan (1972), treated as main entries a number of English words
which he respelled to conform with Cebuano orthography where he adopted a
three-vowel system a, i, u.
Rubrico (1998), in her essay entitled The Metamorphosis of Filipino as
National Language, states that tabloids, dailies, weeklies, showbiz magazines,
and even the Sebuano weekly Bisaya (which has been around for more than 73
years) have now printed on its pages loan words from English which, more often
than not, retain their original spelling despite their being subjected to the Sebuano
rules of grammar. Rubrico (1998) further states that one can safely say that
Sebuano, like Tagalog, is undergoing linguistic change through lexical borrowing
from English. Right now, the Cebuanos adopt two alternate forms the original
spelling and the modified. She adds that soon only one form will be retained, by
theory of simplification as embodied in the universals of language.
6
It is not surprising that people borrow from English because it is the new
global prestige language. But Tan (1998) states that the Americans and English
are now alarmed that the Filipinos are colonizing the Queens English, gobbling
up words and regurgitating them in new forms. Just look at how English nouns
have been transformed into Tagalog verbs, complete with conjugation: mag-text,
mag-che-chess, makikipag-Internet, and so on. In Sebuano, we already have mag-
foot patrol, mag-operation, mag-mall, mag-rice and many others.
Unfortunately, there is not much borrowing from other Philippine
languages. Maceda (in Constantino, 1996) however, in his discourse entitled
Wikang Pambansa: Pagpapalaya kay Bighani introduces some Sebuano words
and phrases. The insertion was so natural that the reader can easily contextualize
the meaning. Atienza (in Constantino, 1996) included in his text
pakikipaglakipan the rootword of which, lakip, is found in the Sebuano
lexicon. Rubrico (1998) said that at the UP campus, one sees Sebuano signs like
Balay Kalinaw and Ugnayan sa Pahinungod. Being a Cebuano, Rubrico
feels proud that some Sebuano terms are now significantly used in the national
context. Probably members of disparate ethnolinguistic groups would most likely
feel the same when some of their lexicon would also be used in the national
context, too.
It is clear now that English borrowing has a dominant and pervading
influence in the shaping of the lingua franca. But will this trend continue?
Rubrico (1998) says that for as long as English remains the official language of
commerce, science and technology, this trend will continue.
7
The aim of this paper is to study the lexical categories, patterns, and
morphemic structure changes of the English lexical borrowings in the Sebuano
language to find out if its borrowing of English words and/or phrases is extensive
or not. This study focused on the borrowings from the opinion sections of the
three selected local newspapers in Iligan City namely Lanao Mail, Mindanao
Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post.
1. 1 Statement of the Problem
This study was conducted to analyze the lexical categories, patterns, and
morphemic structure changes of English lexical borrowings in the opinion
sections of the three selected local newspapers in Iligan City namely Lanao Mail,
Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post.
Specifically, this study aimed to answer the following questions:
1. What English lexical borrowings occurred in the opinion sections of Lanao
Mail, Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post?
2. What lexical categories were borrowed?
2.1.Which categories were more frequently borrowed nouns? verbs?
adjectives?
3. What patterns were used in the borrowings word-level? phrase-level?
3.1. Which pattern was the more frequently used - word-level or phrase-
level?
4. What morphemic structure changes occurred in the lexical borrowings?
8
1. 2 Significance of the Study
This study was conducted to study Sebuanos current lexicon, particularly
its borrowings from the English language. The result of this study may be very
significant since there are only few researches conducted in lexical borrowings in
Sebuano, specifically on the patterns, elements, and morphemic structure changes
of lexical borrowings from the English language. This may also encourage others
to do a study on the Sebuano language.
Moreover, the findings of this study would be of great help to researchers,
students, as well as language planners who are interested in language analysis
since they would be given ideas and views on what and how to analyze data on
borrowing. This would also provide additional information to those who will do
further research on the categories, patterns, and morphemic changes in the
borrowing of vocabulary from English by other Philippine languages.
1. 3 Theoretical Framework
Victoria Fromkin (1998) states that borrowing words from other language
is an important source of new words. She adds that borrowing occurs when one
language adds to its own lexicon a word or morpheme from another language,
often altering its pronunciation to fit the phonological rules of the borrowing
language. Since the borrowed words remain in the source language, there is no
need for them to be returned.
For instance, Gleason (1976) states that the loan words sometimes carry
characteristics by which their foreign origin can be readily discerned as in the
case of bwana, a recent introduction to American English whose Swahili origin is
9
marked by the peculiar initial cluster /bw/. In other cases, loan words are made to
conform more closely to the phonologic or morphologic patterns of the language,
but tracing their etymology can usually identify such cases. Thus, this study
assumed that the same morphemic conformity would happen to the English
lexical borrowings in Sebuano language.
In addition, Pascasios (1978) concept of patterns of borrowing was also
considered for this study. She found out in her study that there are two patterns of
borrowings: word level and phrase level. Based on her study, most of the
borrowings are English words and phrases. Of the verb form borrowings, the most
common structure is rootword (base) + affix as in the example nakapag+ fill up.
Likewise, Valdez (2001) in her research finds out that there are more
word-level borrowings than phrase-level ones in her study of the borrowings done
by the hosts and guests of ten TV programs of ABS-CBN and GMA Networks.
Also, she finds out that at the word-level borrowings, nouns are more easily
borrowed than verbs, verbs more easily than adjectives, and adjectives more
easily than adverbs. This study wanted to know if these levels of borrowings are
also true of the lexical borrowings in three selected Cebuano newspapers.
Moreover, Rubrico (1998) states that tabloids, dailies, weeklies, showbiz
magazines, and even the Sebuano weekly Bisaya (which has been around for
more than 73 years) have now used loan words from English which, more often
than not, retain their original spelling despite their being subjected to the Sebuano
rules of grammar.
10
Rubrico (1998) further says that Sebuano, like Tagalog, is undergoing
linguistic change through lexical borrowing from English and that right now,
Cebuanos are adopting two alternate forms the original spelling and the
modified. In addition, she adds that soon, only one form will be retained by theory
of simplification as embodied in the universals of language.
Similarly, Wolff (1992), in making his Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan
treats as main entries a number of English words which he respelled to conform
with Cebuano orthography where he adopted a three-vowel system - a, i, u.
Lastly, Rubricos statements in her Cebuano-English Sample Dictionary
(1998) were also taken into consideration. It is reflected there that by affixations,
nouns could become other nouns, adjectives, or verbs and that in the Sebuano
language, almost all words can become verbs by affixation.
All of these theories and notions served as the guide of this study.
1. 4 Conceptual Framework
This study focused mainly on the English lexical borrowings used in the
opinion sections written in Sebuano of three selected local newspapers in
Iligan City specifically Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The
Philippine Post. It aimed to find out if the writers in these newspapers borrow
from English when they write their opinion articles using the Sebuano language.
The English lexical borrowings found in the writings were categorized in
terms of the lexical categories to which they belong whether they are nouns,
verbs, adjectives, or adverbs and the frequency of their occurrence was also
computed. Moreover, the data was studied by identifying the patterns of
11
borrowing used whether they are word-level or phrase-level borrowings. Then
the frequency of the use of their patterns was computed. After that, the English
lexical borrowings were studied in terms of the morphemic structure changes
occurring in them whether they are affixations, partial reduplications, or total
reduplications.
The diagram on the next page shows the conceptual framework of this
study:
12
A Schematic Diagram Illustrating the Conceptual Framework of the Study
Opinion Sections of Selected Local
Newspapers in Iligan City
Lexical Categories
Morphemic
Structure Changes
a. nouns
b. verbs
c. adjectives
English Lexical Borrowings
a. Affixation
1. prefixation
2. suffixation
b. Indigenization
Frequency
13
1. 5 Scope and Delimitation of the Study
This paper studied the opinion sections (written in Sebuano) of selected
newspapers in Iligan City specifically Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop (Bahing
Bisaya), and The Philippine Post. All in all, there were 26 issues that were
examined in this study. The opinion section in the three newspapers that were
published during the months of August and September 2005 was the only section
studied since it is the only section that is commonly written wholly in the Sebuano
language; the rest of the sections are written in English.
The opinion sections identified in each of the newspaper were as follows:
1. Lanao Mail
a. Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)
b. Sayri/Sultihi ang Katawhan (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)
c. Mr. Public Service (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)
2. Mindanao Scoop
a. Pangutana (by Mr. Salem Arellano)
b. Makitang Kisaw (by Mr. Michael Kundiman)
c. Andoy & Bosyong (by Bro. Jerub-Baal)
3. The Philippine Post
a. Barangay Affairs (by Kag. Lorna E. Pasco)
More specifically, this study examined the lexical categories, patterns, and
morphemic structure changes of the lexical borrowings from the English language
found in the said reading materials. However, in the discussion of the morphemic
14
structure changes, it only identified the affixes used (whether they are noun-
forming, verb-forming, adjective-forming affixes as well as prefixes or suffixes)
and what lexical categories they form when they are attached to the English
lexical borrowings. An in-depth discussion of their usage however, was not
included.
1. 6 Definition of Terms Used
The following terms are defined here for a better understanding of this
study:
Affixation. It is the process of word formation in which the stem is expanded by
the addition of an affix (Routledge Dictionary of Language and
Linguistics, 1996 in Valdez, 2001).
Affixes. These are bound morphemes that when attached to other morphemes,
they change the meaning or the grammatical function of the word in some
way (Clark, 1985).
Bilingual. It refers to any individual possessing at least one of the four language
skills (reading, writing, speaking, or listening) in two languages, even to a
minimal degree (Pascasio, 1997).
Borrowing. It occurs when one language adds to its own lexicon a word or
morpheme from another language, often altering its pronunciation to fit
the phonological rules of the borrowing language (Fromkin, 1998).
Code switching. It refers to a change from one language to another in the same
utterance or conversation (Hamers and Blanc, 1989 in Malmkjær, 1991).
English. It is the international language and in this study, the donor language.
15
Indigenization. As used in this study, this refers to the conformity of the English
lexical items with the Sebuano phonology and morphology. It is classified
as partial indigenization and total indigenization.
Lanao Mail. It is a local publication in Iligan City, which was founded by Emilio
G. Alcuizar on 1946. This publication is registered with the Philippine
Council for Print Media Certificate of Registration No. 229 dated March
31, 1975. In this study, it is a source of data on Cebuanos lexical
borrowing from English.
Language. It is a system of arbitrary vocal symbols which permit all people in a
given culture, or other people who have learned the system of that culture,
to communicate or interact (Brown, 1980).
Lexicon. It refers to the mental storehouse of information about words and
morphemes. It represents the knowledge speakers have about the
vocabulary of their language, including the syntactic category of words
and what elements may co-occur together (Fromkin, 1998).
Lexical Category. As operationally used in this study, this refers to the type of
lexicon being borrowed from the donor language whether it is a noun,
verb, adjective, or adverb. It is also called lexical content which
constitutes the major word classes nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs
(Fromkin, 1998).
Loanword. It is a word which is adapted phonologically and morphologically,
e.g. pizza,czar (Haugen, 1953 in Valdez, 2001). It is a word of one
language taken into another and naturalized (Websters New World
16
College Dictionary, 1997). In this study, loanwords refer to those English
words which are directly borrowed and those which conform with the
Sebuano morphology.
Mindanao Scoop. It is a local newspaper, known as Iligans Guardian of Human
Rights and Exponent of Progress. It is a member of the Philippine Press
Institute, the national association of newspapers.
Morpheme. It is the most elemental grammatical units in a language (Fromkin,
1998).
Morphemic structure changes. As used operationally in this study, these are the
changes occurring in the lexicon being borrowed (affixation, partial
reduplication, total reduplication).
Newspaper. It is a paper printed and distributed at regular intervals (Baraceros,
2000).
Opinion Section. As used operationally in this study, it refers to a column in the
newspaper/magazine where the writers opinions about business,
economics, sports, politics, etc. are presented.
Partial Indigenization. As operationally used in this study, this refers to the
partial conformity of the English lexical items with the Sebuano
phonology and morphology (e.g. makober up where the word up, which is
supposed to be spelled ap, is retained in its original English spelling).
Pattern. As used operationally in this study, it refers to how the borrowing
occurs, whether in a word-level pattern or phrase-level pattern of
borrowing.
17
Philippine English. It is the English language as used in the Philippines
(Gonzalez, 1992 in Bautista, 1997).
Prefixation. As used in this study, this is the process of attaching prefixes to the
root.
Prefixes. These are affixes which precede the root with which they are most
closely related (Gleanson, 1976).
Sebuano language. It is the second largest linguistic unit in the Philippines next
to Tagalog (Constantino, 1977). It is an Austronesian language - known
also as Sugbuhanon, Sugbuanon, or Bisaya - spoken in the Philippines by
about 18 million people and is a subgroup or member of Bisaya, Visayan
and Binisaya (Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia).
Suffixation. As used in this study, this is the process of attaching suffixes to the
root.
Suffixes. These are affixes which follow the root with which they are most
closely related (Gleanson, 1976).
The Philippine Post. It is a local weekly publication in Iligan City which is said
to be the local weekly with a global perspective.
Total Indigenization. As operationally used in this study, this refers to the total
conformity of the English lexical items with the Sebuano phonology and
morphology (e.g. drayber, which conforms with the Sebuano language
phonologically and morphologically).
CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES
This chapter presents the related literature and studies relevant to this
research. This is divided into two parts: a) Related Literature, and b.) Related
Studies.
2. 1 Related Literature
Language mixing is a common occurrence in all Philippine languages.
Zorc (in Bautista, 1997) defines it as the blending of two or more languages
within any given word, phrase, or sentence.
According to Malmkjær (1991), bilinguals often engage in language
mixing when communicating with another person who also speaks both
languages. This may happen for a number of reasons. For instance, the bilingual
may have forgotten the term for something in the language he is currently
speaking, and use the other languages term instead; or the other language being
spoken may not have a term for a particular concept the bilingual wants to refer
to.
In other cases, a word, which is similar in both languages, or a name, may
trigger a switch. A bilingual can obviously also choose to quote a speech of
another person in the language the person was speaking, even when the bilingual
is engaged in speaking another language. Malmkjær (1991) also adds that
19
language mixing can also be used to express emotion, close personal relationships
and solidarity, and to exclude a third person from being a part of the conversation.
2.1.1 Borrowing and Code Switching Differentiated
Borrowing, synonymous to code mixing, is also a characteristic of
bilingualism. According to Pascasio (1978), it is a process of lexical insertion or
branching of the lexicon of one linguistic system; the process involves the use of
only one linguistic system which is that of the borrowing language, in the case of
this study, Sebuano/Bisaya.
Similarly, Fromkin (1998) states that borrowing words from other
languages is an important source of new words. This occurs when one language
adds to its own lexicon a word or morpheme from another language, often altering
its pronunciation to fit the phonological rules of the borrowing language. And
since most of the languages are borrowers, then the lexicon can be divided into
native and nonnative words or loan words. A native word is one whose history or
etymology can be traced back to the earliest known stages of the language.
In addition, Fromkin (1998) adds that a language may borrow a word
directly or indirectly. A direct borrowing means that the borrowed item is a native
word in the language from which it is borrowed. For example, feast was borrowed
directly from French and can be traced back to Latin festum. On the other hand,
the word algebra was borrowed from Spanish, which in turn had borrowed it from
Arabic. Thus algebra was indirectly borrowed from Arabic, with Spanish as an
intermediary.
20
Pascasio (1978) lays down the differences between borrowing and code
switching. Borrowing consists of introduction of single words or frozen idiomatic
phrases from one language into the other. The items in question are incorporated
into the grammatical system of the borrowing language, treated as part of it
lexicon, taken on its morphological characteristics, and entered into its syntactic
structures. On the other hand, code switching relies on the meaningful
juxtaposition of what speakers must process as strings formed according to the
internal syntactic rules of two distinct systems. It is putting together in a single
utterance or exchange two or more meaningful strings belonging to two linguistic
codes.
Furthermore, Malmkjær (1991) draws a distinction between two types of
linguistic mixing. Code mixing (borrowing) is the use of elements, most typically
nouns, from one language in an utterance predominantly in another language.
Hamers and Blanc (1989 in Malmkjær, 1991), on the other hand, defines code
switching as a change from one language to another in the same utterance or
conversation.
2.1.2 When Does Linguistic Borrowing Occur?
Linguistic borrowing occurs when a community of speakers incorporates
some linguistic elements into its language from another language. The borrowing
language may incorporate some cultural item or idea and the name along with it
from some external source. For example, the Hungarian goulash and Mexican
Spanish enchilada (Malmkjær, 1991) were taken into English through
borrowings, and the words llama and wigwam were derived from American
21
Indian languages. When words are borrowed, they are generally made to conform
to the sound patterns of the borrowing language.
Malmkjær (1991) identifies three social contexts in which linguistic
borrowings occur. They have been referred to as the substratum, adstratum, and
superstratum. Substratum influence occurs when a community of speakers learns
a new language, which has been superimposed upon them. This would have been
the case when Latin was spread to the provinces of Spain or Gaul, and carry traces
of their native language into the new language. On the other hand, adstratum
influence refers to linguistic borrowing across cultural and linguistic boundaries
as would be found, for example, between French and Spanish or French and
Italian or German. Influences emanating from the superstratum are those in which
linguistic traits are carried over to the native or local language of a region as the
speakers of a superimposed language give up their speech and adopt the
vernacular already spoken in the area.
2.1.3. Characteristics of Borrowing
Malmkjær (1991) states that while borrowing across linguistic boundaries
is primarily a matter of vocabulary, other features of language may also be taken
over by a borrowing language. It has been suggested that the employment of the
preposition of plus a noun phrase to express possession in English, e.g., the tail of
the cat versus the cats tail, resulted from French influence: la queue du chat. In
parts of France adjoining Germany, the adjective has come to precede the noun,
unlike the French normal word order. This is due to German influence, e.g. la
voiture rouge has become la rouge voiture cf. German das rote auto.
22
Furthermore, he adds that sometimes, only the meaning of the foreign
word or expression is borrowed and the word or words are translated in the
borrowing. Such conditions are referred to as loan translations. For instance, the
English expression lightning war is a borrowing from German Blitzkrieg. Also,
the word telephone was taken into German as a loan translation in the form of
Fernsprecher combining the elements fern distant and Sprecher speaker.
2.1.4. Importance of Studying Borrowings
According to Wolff (in Bautista, 1997), there are several reasons why we
have to study borrowings. Primarily, it is an important source for determining
sociolinguistic facts.
Aside from that, borrowings are a way to recover information, which
would otherwise be lost. Our Spanish loan words in the Philippine languages will
provide information on facts otherwise unrecorded. Similarly, information on the
role of Malay in the Tagalog speech community in the years prior to the Spanish
conquest can be gained from a study of the Malay loan words in Tagalog.
Wolff (in Bautista, 1997) further states that a comparison of the type of
forms borrowed from Spanish as opposed to those borrowed from English will
elucidate the difference between the nature of the Spanish and the English
contact. The analysis of the domains indicates the roles of English and Spanish as
communicative codes. Aside from that, it is good corroboration of what we know
independently about social changes, which occurred in the Philippines following
the demise of the Spanish colonial regime.
23
Moreover, Wolff (in Bautista, 1997) finds out that there are differences in
the characters of the borrowings from Spanish and from English. But the most
interesting is that this difference in character closely reflects the strongly different
influences which the Spanish and American colonial regimes had on the
Philippines.
According to Malmkjær (1991), borrowing is one of the forces behind
changes in the lexicon of many languages. In English, its effects have been
substantial. It is particularly evident in the extent to which the common language
was influenced by the Norman French, which brought hundreds of words into the
language relating to every aspect of social and economic spheres.
He also adds that the historical linguists believe that borrowings often
supply evidence of cultural contacts where vocabulary items cannot be accounted
for by other means. The ancient Greeks, for example, acquired a few words such
as basileus king and plinthos brick, and others.
2.1.5. Reasons Why People Borrow From Another Language
Linguistic borrowing might appear to indicate speakers high regard for
the donor language. But Hill (1993 in Schieffelin, 1998) argues that socially
grounded linguistic analysis of Anglo-American borrowings and of humorous
misrenderings of Spanish reveals them as racist distancing strategies that reduce
complex Latino experience to a subordinated, commodity identity.
Malmkjær (1991) stipulates that the degree of borrowing from language to
language, or dialect to dialect is related to the perceived prestige of the lending
speech. Romans, great admirers of the Greeks, borrowed many words from this
24
source, while the German tribes in contact with the Romans, took up many Latin
words. English borrowed greatly from French after the Norman Conquest when
the French aristocracy was the overlord of England.
In the Philippines sometimes, borrowing happens when there are no
equivalent Filipino terms. But there are also cases of English borrowings even
when there are equivalent Filipino terms.
Weinrich (1953, as cited in Valdez, 1998) as well as Appel and Muysken
(1987 in Valdez, 1998) points out a number of reasons why lexical borrowing
happens. Based on findings, borrowing occurs (a) through cultural influence; (b)
because rare native words are lost and replaced by foreign words; (c) because two
native words sound so much alike that replacing one by a foreign word resolves
potential ambiguities; (d) because there is constant need for synonyms of affective
words that have lost their expressive force; (e) through borrowing, new semantic
distinctions may become possible; (f) because a word may be taken from a low-
status language and used pejoratively; and (g) because a word may be introduced
almost unconsciously through intensive bilingualism.
2. 2 Related Studies on Lexical Borrowings
Macansantos' (1996) study on Sociolinguistic Patterns of English Lexical
Borrowings in Filipino Written Texts focuses on the English lexical borrowing
behavior of authors of academic/professional literature and print media articles
written in Filipino language. It sought to find out the patterns or the types and
frequency of English lexical borrowings in written Filipino texts. Its underlying
purpose was to determine how lexical borrowing from English is influencing the
25
elaboration or intellectualization of Filipino in the registers and selected genres of
Filipino for academic/professional use and Filipino for mass communications,
thereby contributing to its standardization and modernization.
Macansantos' findings revealed that English lexical borrowing in Filipino
prose is quite frequent. In addition, using the Haugen's three basic types of lexical
borrowing, it was found out that loanwords were the most frequently used mode
of assimilating lexical imports into Filipino while loanblends and loanshifts were
very infrequently used. Also, the findings reflected that the frequency count of
types of English lexical borrowings by Filipino writers were influenced by three
sociolinguistic variables: a.) the author's professional's academic disciplinal
background, b.) the topic or disciplinal area of the discourse, and c.) the specific
registers and genres of the discourse.
On the other hand, Pascasio (1978) identifies two patterns of borrowing:
word level and phrase level. Based on studies, most of the borrowings are English
words and phrases. Of the verb form borrowings, the most common structure is
rootword (base) + affix as in the example nakapag+ fill up. As for the noun
borrowings, the markers ang, ng, sa or their equivalent personal markers, si, ni,
kay, occur before the noun; mga as a noun marker signifies either plurality or
uncertainty.
Similarly, Valdez (1998) points out that there are two patterns of lexical
borrowings used by the hosts of the eight different TV shows that she studied:
word-level borrowing and phrase-level borrowing. But of the two, word-level
borrowings are extensive than the phrase-level ones. Moreover, she concludes that
26
heavy lexical borrowing of Pilipino from English may, in the future, result in
either of the following: (a) no serious implications for the Pilipino language, (b) a
mix-mix national language, or (c) language loss or eventual language death.
Also, Valdez (2001) in dissertation found out that at the word-level
borrowings, nouns are more easily borrowed than verbs, verbs more easily than
adjectives, and adjectives more easily than adverbs.
On the other hand, Tecsons study on The Occurrence of Lexical
Borrowing in Selected TV Programs and its Role in the Intellectualization of
Filipino (2000) reveals that there is a massive borrowing of technical vocabulary
compared with the borrowing of non-technical vocabulary. In her study, the
technical vocabulary borrowed comprise 59% while the non-technical vocabulary
comprise 41% of the total data which indicates that the Filipino language borrows
more technical lexicon than non-technical lexicon. She further claims that the
constant use of the borrowed technical lexicon will hopefully contribute to the
building up of the registers for use in the different disciplines or field of
specialization.
Additionally, Tecson (2000) finds out in her study that borrowing is part
and parcel of the verbal interactions of newscasters, hosts, and interlocutors.
Foreign terms are being borrowed because these borrowed terminologies can
precisely and accurately identify, describe and explain the concept being
discussed. According to her, this process of lexical borrowing is a positive
movement in the intellectualization of the Filipino language, particularly in the
expansion of its technical lexicon.
27
In Tabers study (1979 in Valdez, 1998), he discovered that the Sango
language had a lot of borrowing from French particularly in non-core vocabulary
items. These non-vocabulary items refer to the element of very specific material
and non-material culture and organization of a group. The study shows that the
reasons for borrowing are: (a) the original vocabulary of the lingua franca, Sango,
was impoverished; (b) the language lacked morphological resources for primary
accommodation. That is why French was needed as a source of lexical expansion.
Rampton (1995) in Schieffelin (1998) however, argues that language
crossing, a limited form of borrowing and mixing used by Asian, Anglo, and
Carribean youths in England, can be a means of ironizing and transgressing
recognized ethnic boundaries and of situationally forging an alternative shared
identity.
Then, Andrews (1993) identifies at least four distinct types of lexical
interference. One is the outright borrowings used to denote new material objects
and concepts. Another is the semantic extension in which the meaning of the
native word expands under the influence of the other language. Examples for this
in émigré Russian are blok as in city block, forma for form, department for
department in a variety of contexts, kredit for credit in academic sense, and many
more. Furthermore, there is what we call loan translations which are related to the
previous type but involving the calquing of an entire word-phrase from one
language to the others such as bratavtobus to take bus and imetklass to have
a class. The last type of lexical interference is the hybrid compounds in which a
28
native affix is joined to a foreign root, as in the émigré verbs drajvit or drajvat
to drive, to shop,and tutorstvovat to tutor.
In his study on the American-Immigrant Russian, Andrews (1993) finds
out that the Russian language has many mechanisms for the incorporation of the
borrowings in an assimilated form. The heritage learner may therefore be unaware
that certain words or expressions are used only in émigré speech. He found out
also that most new nouns conform to one of the three declensional patterns, like
the majority of earlier borrowings into the standard language. Semantic extension
is even more difficult for the heritage learner to detect. Since these are already
bona fide Russian words that students have both heard and read, it is even more
difficult for the students to remember that their use in a particular meaning or
context may have resulted from contact with English.
He also finds out that it still holds true for loan translations, which will
seem perfectly acceptable if they otherwise conform to Russian morphology and
syntax. Even outright neologisms like tutorstvovat are not all that strange, in the
light of similar formations with a foreign root plus a native verbal suffix in
standard Russian for example, organizovat to organize and argumentirovat
to argue (an opinion).
In India, Kachru (1978 in Malmkjær, 1991) has identified three varieties
of code mixing. First, English may be mixed into a regional language. The
resulting mixed code serves as a marker of high social prestige and is
characteristic of the Indian educated middle class, whose members may use it
among themselves, whereas they would speak the unmixed Indian regional
29
language with servants. Second, philosophical, religious, or literary discourse may
proceed in discourse in which Sanskrit or High Hindi is mixed with a regional
language, as a mark of religious or caste identity. This variety may also be a mark
of political conservatism. Finally, Hamers and Blanc (1989 in Malmkjær, 1991)
states that the Indian Law Courts mix Persian vocabulary with Indian, and
Persianized code mixing may also serve as a marker of Muslim religious identity
and of professional status.
Supporting the claim that the negative evaluation of code mixing,
especially prevalent in older speakers, is attributable more to local models than to
xenophobia (Kroskrity, 1978, in Schieffelin, 1998) are two types of telling
observations. Primarily, speakers regulate language mixing from languages that
they highly value and use proficiently. In the study of Arizona Tewa, it was found
out that they have many social identities that are performed in the nonethnic
languages of their linguistic repertoire: Hopi and English. Hopi is an essential
medium of intervillage communication and the appropriate language for relating
to Hopi kinsmen. Command of English has permitted the Arizona Tewa to gain
significant economic and political advantages over the Hopi in their role as
cultural brokers, mediating between Euro-Americans and the more conservative
Hopi. Fluency in these languages is necessary for full participation in Arizona
Tewa society. Though fluency in these languages is never criticized by the Tewa,
language mixing between these languages is routinely and consistently devalued.
Secondly, there is a well-established tradition of song renewal
(Humphreys, 1982 in Schieffelin, 1998) from other linguistic traditions. Entire
30
songs fully encoded in foreign languages are often performed in Tewa Village and
throughout the Pueblos. Schieffelin (1998) concludes that it is difficult to explain
the popularity of this tradition if one wants to argue for a xenophobic
interpretation of ideal speech norms against code switching.
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the methodology that was used in this study. This
chapter is divided into three categories: (a.) Sources of Data and Instruments
Used, (b.) Data Gathering Procedure, and (d) Data Analysis.
3. 1 Sources of Data and Instruments Used
This study analyzed the English lexical borrowings identified from the
opinion sections of the three selected local newspapers namely the Lanao Mail,
Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post.
The instruments used to get the frequency of occurrence of the lexical
categories and patterns were the frequency and percentage tests.
3. 2 Data Gathering Procedure
To get the data, the 26 issues of the three newspapers from the month of
August to September, which were written wholly or partially in the Sebuano
language, were gathered first. Next, the opinion sections were identified. Below
are the opinion sections from each newspaper with their corresponding writers:
1. Lanao Mail
a. Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)
b. Sayri/Sultihi ang Katawhan (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)
c. Mr. Public Service (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)
32
2. Mindanao Scoop
a. Pangutana (by Mr. Salem Arellano)
b. Makitang Kisaw (by Mr. Michael Kundiman)
c. Andoy & Bosyong (by Bro. Jerub-Baal)
3. The Philippine Post
a. Barangay Affairs (by Kag. Lorna E. Pasco)
After the opinion sections were identified, their English lexical borrowings
were underlined, recorded, and encoded. Then the data analysis was conducted.
3. 3 Data Analysis
This study only analyzed the following data; (a) the lexical categories
borrowed in the opinion sections and their frequency of occurrence in the 26
issues of the three newspapers from the month of August to September, (b) the
patterns of borrowings used and their frequency of occurrence, and c), the
morphemic changes that occur in the lexical borrowings.
To analyze the data, the English lexical borrowings in each issue of the
selected local newspapers in Iligan City were recorded. To ensure that the data
were indeed English lexical borrowings, these were given to a panel of experts for
cross-checking. The panel of experts were composed of Prof. Ma. Theresa
Villabona, a graduate of Master of Education in English as a Second Language at
UP Diliman, and Mr. Alexander T. Galleposo, a candidate for Master of Arts in
Linguistics at UP who was once a specialist in the Office of Research and
Coordination at UP Diliman.
33
To identify the lexical categories borrowed and to get the frequency of
their borrowing, the data were categorized as nouns, verbs, adjectives, and
adverbs. After the lexical categories were identified and the frequency of their
borrowing was determined, the pattern of borrowing used was also studied and
differentiated as word-level or phrase-level patterns.
In studying the morphemic structure changes, the use of affixation was
looked into. These affixations were identified either as prefixation or suffixation.
To get the frequency of occurrence of the patterns and lexical categories,
the frequency and percentage tests were used.
CHAPTER 4
PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
This chapter presents and analyzes the data gathered. This is divided into
three major parts namely: a.) Lexical Categories and their Frequency, b.) Patterns
of Borrowing and their Frequency, and c.) Morphemic Structure Changes.
4.1 Lexical Categories and their Frequency
This study primarily aimed to find out what English lexical borrowings
occurred in the opinion sections of three selected local weekly newspapers which
are Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The Philippine Post. For the listing of all
the English lexical borrowings, please see Appendices A, B, and C.
Secondly, this study sought to find out the lexical categories borrowed
whether they were nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs and which of them were
borrowed the most. On the next page is a table showing the frequency of
occurrence of the lexical categories borrowed in all the issues of the three
newspapers published from the months of August up to September 2005.
35
Table 4.1. Frequency of Occurrence of the Lexical Categories in the Three Newspapers
Issues
Total # of
Nouns
Verbs
Adj.
Adv.
Total # of
Words
Borrowings
A. Lanao Mail
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 01
443
12
1
0
0
13
Sayri ang Katawhan- Aug.08
187
6
1
0
0
7
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 15
528
18
0
0
0
18
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 22
669
22
0
1
0
23
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 29
649
9
2
0
0
11
Sultihi ang Katawhan, Mr. Public Service- Sept. 05
1,108
21
4
4
0
29
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Sept. 12
547
22
2
0
0
24
Sultihi ang Katawhan- Sept. 19
597
5
0
0
0
5
-- no opinion section- Sept. 26
0
0
0
0
0
0
Semi-Total A
4,728
115
10
5
0
130(19.20%)
B. Mindanao Scoop
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong- Aug. 7
3,136
58
8
4
0
70
Pangutana, Andoy at Bosyong - Aug. 14
1,796
35
5
2
0
42
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong-Aug.21
3,100
80
9
5
0
94
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Aug.28
2,113
45
6
5
0
56
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Sept.4
2,646
73
8
5
0
86
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.11
2,153
55
1
4
0
60
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.18
1,896
46
2
2
0
50
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.25
1,468
35
1
5
0
41
Semi-Total B
18,308
427
40
32
0
499(73.71%)
C. The Philippine Post
Hangyo sa Inahan-Jul.27 to Aug.02
533
11
0
0
0
11
Kamo ang Magpakaon Kanila-Aug.3-9
442
0
0
0
0
0
Igsoon nga Nakasala-Aug.10-16
448
1
0
0
0
1
PNPA Admission Test-Aug.17-23
404
7
0
0
0
7
Turn-Over Ceremony-Aug.24-30
356
4
1
1
0
6
Mga Tigpakaaron-Ingnon-Aug.31 to Sept.6
710
2
2
1
0
5
P1.4 M nga Livelihood Assistance-Sept.7-12
384
5
1
0
0
6
P6.9M sa Dakbayan, Na-account Na-Sept.14-20
434
6
1
1
0
8
P25M Gihatag sa CAO-Sept.21-27
353
4
0
0
0
4
Semi-Total C
4,064
40
5
3
0
48(7.09%)
Grand Total (Percentage)
27,100
582
55
40
0
677
(85.97%)
(8.12%)
(5.91%)
(0%)
(100%)
36
Table 4.1 in the previous page shows that out of 27,100 words used in all
the issues of the three newspapers namely Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The
Philippine Post, there is only a total of 677 English lexical borrowings. Out of
these 677 borrowings, 580 (85.97%) are nouns, 57 (8.12%) are verbs, and 40
(5.91%) are adjectives. It should be noted that there are no adverb borrowings in
all the three newspapers.
In general, the table reveals that in the three newspapers, there are more
nouns borrowed than verbs, more verbs than adjectives, and no adverbs borrowed
at all.
There are several probable reasons why nouns are the most borrowed
lexical items. For one, nouns are name words and that one cannot use any verb,
adjective, or adverb without a certain noun. In other words, without nouns, other
lexical categories may not be in use. In this study, there are some noun markers
like mga, ilang, sa, nga, ug, ang, usa ka, and others. Note how many English
nouns are borrowed in each of the sentence below:
Ang mga faculty member ug mga head sa MSU-IIT faculty miduaw sa
buhatan kon oficina ni Kag. Orlando Maglinao didto sa bag-ong legisla-
tive building sa city hall ning dakbayan sa Iligan.
Ang mga religious leaders usa ka moral guide ug dili king maker o mu-
pahagba sa usa ka presidente sa usa ka nasod.
Apan ang nagkaproblema pag-una mao ang mga operator sa quarry nga
ang ilang dump truck nga moagi sa dalan magbayad ug toll fees…”
Another reason for having more nouns being borrowed than the other
lexical categories might be the limited Sebuano lexicon; the Sebuano language
probably does not have the equivalent noun terms for some English terms that is
37
why people tend to use the English terms. Examples of terms that may not have
equivalent Sebuano terms are registrar, streamers, supply and demand, street
parliamentary, wiretapping, computer, and others.
In Valdez dissertation (2001) entitled Lexical Borrowing in Selected
Television Programs: Trends and Implications for the Intellectualization of
Filipino, she listed down the following most possible reasons why nouns are the
most frequently borrowed lexical category: a.) nouns are less well-structurally
integrated into the borrowing language, thus facilitating easy transfer, b.) since the
most important reason for borrowing is to extend the referential function of the
language and since reference is freely established through nouns, nouns are easily
borrowed, and c.) since content words have a clear link to cultural content while
function words do not, nouns, which are content words, are thus easily borrowed.
Verb borrowing comes next in rank with noun borrowing. Valdez (2001)
reasoned out in her study that this is because the borrowing of verbs often
introduces the integration of the loanwords into the inflectional morphology of the
borrowing language. In this study, the data reveals that some verbs certainly take
and follow Sebuano morphological rules through the affixation of Sebuano
prefixes and suffixes (e.g. mag-text, gi-feature, ipang-operate, pick up-on, nag-
reevaluate, etc.) (see Appendix D for the listing of English lexical borrowings
with Sebuano affixations).
Furthermore, there are more verbs borrowed than adjectives probably
because a sentence can exist without an adjective but it cannot be called a
38
sentence without having a verb. If there is a noun, a verb is needed to make a
complete sentence. Below are sample sentences with English verb borrowings:
Matud pa sa akong tigpaniid, sila kono, kon maoy mag-follow up sa pa-
peles nila, kusog ra kuno kaayo mangasaba, mura kono ug si kinsa.
I-welcome nato ang mga Iliganon nga moabut karong pista gikan sa USA.
Dayon dili lang si PGMA ang mo-repent, restart, ug reflect, kon mahimo
tanan nga mga Pilipino…”
The table shows that there are no adverbs borrowed by the writers in the
opinion sections of the three newspapers. Possibly, the reason for this is because
the Sebuano language is very rich with adverbs and adverbial modifiers like
hastang, perteng, grabe, etc. Aside from that, it has been observed that English
adverb borrowing is present in spoken language especially those done by
teenagers (e.g. so bastos, very init, etc.) but not in the written texts studied here.
Finally, there are more borrowings in Mindanao Scoop than the other two
newspapers as can be gleaned from Table 4.1. This is because in the Mindanao
Scoop newspaper, there are three opinion writers: Salem Arellano (in Pangutana),
Michael Kundiman (in Makitang Kisaw), and Bro. Jerub-Baal (in Andoy &
Bosyong). On the other hand, there is only one opinion writer in Lanao Mail and
The Philippine Post: Kag. Lorna E.Pasco (in Barangay Affairs) and Mike P.
Gonzalez (in Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang and in few cases, Sayri ang Katawhan),
respectively.
4.2 Patterns of Borrowing and their Frequency
On the next page is a table showing the frequency of occurrence of the
patterns of borrowing in all issues of the three newspapers.
39
Table 4.2. Frequency of Occurrence of the Patterns of Borrowing in the Three Newspapers
Issues
Total # of
Word level
Phrase-level
Total # of
Words
Borrowings
A. Lanao Mail
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 01
443
10
3
13
Sayri ang Katawhan- Aug.08
187
5
2
7
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 15
528
8
10
18
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 22
669
14
9
23
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 29
649
9
2
11
Sultihi ang Katawhan, Mr. Public Service- Sept. 05
1,108
24
5
29
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Sept. 12
547
17
7
24
Sultihi ang Katawhan- Sept. 19
597
4
1
5
-- no opinion section- Sept. 26
0
0
0
0
Semi-Total A
4,728
91
39
130(19.20%)
B. Mindanao Scoop
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong- Aug. 7
3,136
44
26
70
Pangutana, Andoy at Bosyong - Aug. 14
1,796
25
17
42
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong-Aug.21
3,100
64
30
94
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Aug.28
2,113
43
13
56
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Sept.4
2,646
46
40
86
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.11
2,153
31
29
60
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.18
1,896
33
17
50
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.25
1,468
23
18
41
Semi-Total B
18,308
309
190
499(73.71%)
C. The Philippine Post
Hangyo sa Inahan-Jul.27to Aug.02
533
4
7
11
Kamo ang Magpakaon Kanila-Aug.3-9
442
0
0
0
Igsoon nga Nakasala-Aug.10-16
448
1
0
1
PNPA Admission Test-Aug.17-23
404
2
5
7
Turn-Over Ceremony-Aug.24-30
356
3
3
6
Mga Tigpakaaron-Ingnon-Aug.31 to Sept.6
710
4
1
5
P1.4 M nga Livelihood Assistance-Sept.7-12
384
3
3
6
P6.9M sa Dakbayan, Na-account Na-Sept.14-20
434
6
2
8
P25M Gihatag sa CAO-Sept.21-27
353
3
1
4
Semi-Total C
4,064
26
22
48(7.09%)
Grand Total (Percentage)
27,100
426(62.63%)
251(37.37%)
677(100%)
40
Table 4.2 reveals that out of 677 English borrowings, there are 424
(62.63%) word-level borrowings while only 253 (37.37 %) are phrase-level ones.
The data demonstrate that there are more word-level borrowings than
phrase-level ones. Appel and Muysken (1987, as cited by Valdez, 2001) states
that the lexicon of a language is perhaps the most visible part of the language and
thus, it is the word that can be most easily borrowed. In like manner, Edwards
(1994, as cited by Valdez, 2001) states that words fill gaps in another language
and because of this, words are more easily borrowed than phrases by the
borrowing language. And these appear to be the case as this study shows.
Below are sample sentences containing word-level and phrase-level
borrowings (word-level borrowings are italicized while phrase-level ones are
bold):
Adunay carnapping, murder, ug uban pa.
Anyway, mga bradir ug sister, ang midaug ang mahimo natong
ambassador of goodwill.
Kini nga proyekto kinahanglan abagahon sa city government, IMPC
sa MSU-IIT, mga cooperatives sa city government ug tabangan sa pag-
finance...sa mga seedlings, laborers, kanang daghang casual...mahimo
man kini silang magtanum sa land area.
4.3 Morphemic Structure Changes
The English lexical borrowings found in the newspapers have morphemic
structure changes too. The structural changes identified were affixations and
indigenization. Affixation, as defined in Routledge Dictionary of Language and
Linguistics (1996), is the process of word formation in which the stem is
expanded by the addition of an affix. On the other hand, as operationally used in
41
this study, indigenization refers to the conformity of the English lexical items
with the Sebuano phonology and morphology.
4.3.1 Affixations
Below is the table showing the total number of Sebuano affixes attached
to the English lexical borrowings that were found in the study.
Table 4.3.1: Total Number of Sebuano Affixes Attached to the English Lexical
Borrowings
Affixes
# of Words Formed
A. Noun-forming
1. ipang- 1
2. pag- 14
3. pagka- 2
4. pagpa- 1
5. an* 2
Total A 20
B. Verb-forming
1. gi- 5
2. gipa- 1
3. i- 4
4. ipa- 2
5. ma- 6
6. mag- 9
7. magka- 1
8. maka- 2
9. me- 1
10. mo- 7
11. na- 5
12. nag- 10
13. on * 1
Total B 54
Over-all Total 74
Table 4.3.1 shows that there are eighteen (18) Sebuano affixes that are
attached to the English lexical borrowings found in the three newspapers (see
Appendix D for the list of all English lexical borrowings with Sebuano
42
affixations). Of these 18 affixes, sixteen (16) are prefixes (i.e. ipang-, pag-,
pagka-, pagpa-, gi-, gipa-, i-, ipa, ma-, mag-, magka-, maka-, me-, mo-, na-, and
nag-) while only two (2) are suffixes (i.e -an, and -on) those which have the
asterisk (*) symbol.
As can be gleaned from the table, out of the 18 Sebuano affixes used, five
(5) are noun-forming affixes while thirteen (13) are verb-forming affixes. Noun-
forming affixes are Sebuano affixes that when attached to the English words, the
English words become nouns (e.g. parking (verb) + -an = parkingan, which
becomes a noun). On the contrary, verb-forming affixes are those Sebuano affixes
that when attached to the English words, the English words function as verbs (e.g.
gipa- + blotter (noun) = gipablotter, which becomes a verb).
Of these 18 affixes, the prefix pag-, which is a noun-forming affix, is
shown to be used the most, occurring 14 times (e.g. pag-finance, pag-recover,
pag-evangelize, pag-rally, etc). Note how the prefix pag- is attached to the
English lexical borrowings in the following sample sentences:
Ang bag-o nga tambag ni Most Rev. Archbishop Rosales… nga ang
role sa religious leaders mao sa pag-evangelize ug dili pag-politicize.
“Kini nga proyekto kinahanglan abagahon…ug tabangan ang pag-finance
pinaagi sa paglimpyo sa yuta….”
Sa nakalabay pa nga administrasyon ng hugon-hugon sa pag-tax levy nahisgutan
diha sa atong konseho…”
The prefix nag- is the second in the hierarchy of the most used Sebuano
affix in the borrowing of English words. This verb-forming prefix is used 10
times in all the newspapers (e.g. nag-recess, nag-walk-out, nag-increase, etc.).
43
Unlike the Tagalog prefix nag- which denotes only past actions of the verbs, in
the Sebuano language, it denotes either the past or present tense verbs. Below are
sample sentences containing English lexical borrowings with the prefix nag-:
Tinuod ba usab ga kanunay nga nag-increase ang balayranan ug walay
pahibalo ang SCVI ngadto sa kagamhanan ning syudad.
Tungod kay ang US…adunay ginabaligya nga mineral oil ug sila ang
nagkupot kon nag-control sa business production…, sila giila nga labing
gamhanan nga nasud karon sa kalibutan.
Ang mga Kongresista nga pro-impeachment nag-walk-out.
Gikan sa buhatan ni Mr. Nicolo Lluch …nga nag-reevaluate sa mga
sakop sa Philhealth sa 44 ka barangay ning dakbayan sa Iligan.
After the prefix nag-, mag- comes next with nine (9) occurrences. Just
like the prefix nag-, mag- is also a verb-forming affix (e.g. mag-reflect, mag-
retreat, mag-text, etc). But unlike nag-, mag- only denotes future actions. Note
how this verb-forming affix is attached to the English words in the sentences
below:
Basin siguro gusto ni Mayor Cruz nga mag-concentrate na lamang siya
sa iyang mga trabaho isip Mayor sa dakbayan….”
“…aduna siyay political mandate nga ang ato nga pangulo hangtud sa tuig
2010 unless siya mag-resign, becomes incapacitated or dies.
Walay makita nga mag-foot patrol.
Furthermore, in the three newspapers, seven (7) words occur with the
verb-forming prefix mo- (e.g. mo-hire, mo-cover, mo-operate, etc.). This prefix
mo- may also denote planned future actions. The sentences below show some
English lexical borrowings with the prefix mo-:
We are not questioning the ability of the Committee on Tourism and
44
Fiesta Celebration 2005 nga maoy mo-supervise sa mga activities during
our fiesta sa Septiembre.
Hoooyyy, maayo pa nga mo-resign mo kay sa magpabilin mo diha,
walay kaayohan ang maani kay pulos binata kanang inyong kinaiya.
Tinuod kaha nga ang SCVI wala na mo-cover sa session?
The prefix ma-, which is also a verb-forming affix, denotes futurity. It is
used 6 times in the three newspapers (e.g. makober up, ma-private, ma- promote,
etc.). Below are some sentences containing words that have the prefix ma-:
Sa higayong madawat na sa panel ang duha ka mga dokumento ayha pa
dayon ma-schedule ang hearing.
Kini mahimo nga cash dayon ug mahimong data-data hangtud makober up
ang P2,000.00….”
“…usa na kini ka lakang nga ma-promote nato ang atong dakbayan.
Similarly, the prefix gi- (e.g. gi-market, gireport, gi-text, gi-hire) and
prefix na- (na-assign, na-release, na-account, na-bankrupt), which occur 5 times
respectively, are also verb-forming affixes. In this study, these prefixes both occur
five (5) times. The use of gi- and na- may denote past or present actions.
Sentences with words having these prefixes are shown below:
Gi-text kini gikan sa Naawan, Misamis Oriental…”
Pulos miangkon nga ang ilahang gi-hire aron sa pagmatuod nga ang
ilaha nga tape maoy tukma.
Ug gireport usab ni Mr. Vega nga siya ang natudlong chairman sa soap
making…”
Nasinati ako niini nga history sa barangay sa dihang na-assign ako sa
Lugait….”
Pinaagi kaniya, sa iyang tabang, na-release ang maong kwarta ….”
45
In addition, the prefix i- , which occurs four (4) times in the newspapers (i-
welcome, i-feature, i-dismiss, etc.), is also another verb-forming affix. Denoting
future action, the use of prefix i- is exemplified in the following sentences:
Dyandi festival maoy i-feature karon sa fiesta committee kay mao man
kuno kini ang unang mga pasundayag sa mga unang tawo …sa Iligan.”
“…walay mahimo kondili i-dismiss ang kaso kay nagpasabot lamang
kini nga wala silay ebidensya nga mapresentar….”
I-welcome nato ang mga Iliganon nga moabut karon pista gikan sa USA.
Aside from those mentioned above, there are other affixes that are used in
the three newspapers. These are the prefixes ipa- (ipa-increase, ipa-resign), maka-
(maka-parking, maka-withdraw), pagka- (pagka-chairman, pagka-bankrupt) and
the suffix an (parkingan, snackan) which only occur twice. The prefixes ipa- and
maka- are verb-forming affixes while pagka- and the suffix an are noun-forming
affixes. Below are sample sentences containing some of these affixes:
“…unsa ang gisinggit sa inyong mga supporters, dili ba ipabagsak,
ipa-resign, GMA oust ug uban pa?
Ngano nga palargahon man dayon ug badlongon man dayon kon
makaparking kining pipila ka pasaheroan…”
Mi-resign si Konsehal Vicente Varf Belmonte sa pagka-chairman
sa Committee on Carnival Rides and Parlor Games….”
Bisan sa mga parkingan sa buses, jeepneys, trisikad, mga shopping
centers, terminal sa mga barko…”
Other affixes that are used only once are gipa- (gipa-blotter), ipang-
(ipang-operate), magka- (magka-eye to eye), me- (me-resign), pagpa- (pagpa-
introduce), and on (pick up-on). The affixes gipa-, magka-, me-, and on make
46
the words to which they are attached function as verbs while the prefixes ipang-
and pagpa- are noun-forming affixes. Note how these affixes are used in the
following sentences:
Tinuod kaha kining gipa-blotter sa usa ka babaye nga si Geraldine
na siya gikuhaan ug P70 thousand ug duha ka bracelet nga Chinese gold?
Unsa kahay mahitabo kon diha sa stage magkita ang mga sakop sa konseho
nga mitimaan sa GMA Resign ug si GMA mismo magka-eye to eye kaha sila?
Me-resign si Konsehal Vicente Varf Belmonte sa pagka-chairman
sa Committee on Carnival Rides and Parlor Games….”
“…mga batan-on nga mogamit ug rugby ug mahugaw ang sinina anaa
sa dalan pick up-on kini sa polis ug barangay tanod.
“…dili kaha mobiya ang tag-iya sa GSII sa ipang-operate sa planta?
Simbako kon usa kanila ang tahasan sa pagpa-introduce kang GMA
atubangan sa publiko makalitok kaha kini sila sa polong nga pagdayeg
kang GMA?
4.3.2 Indigenization
Below is Table 4.3.2 that shows the English borrowings which are
indigenized.
Table 4.3.2: English Lexical Borrowings Which are Indigenized
Partial Indigenization
Total Indigenization
1. makober up
1. bradir
2. drayber
3. hering
4. hold-apers
5. isyu
6. kidnaper
7. kimikal
8. kontraktor
In addition to affixations, there are some borrowings that are indigenized,
i.e., those which conform to the Sebuano phonology and morphology. In this
study, indigenization is categorized as partial and total indigenization.
47
Based on Table 4.3.2, the only borrowing that changes partially is the
phrase makober up. In the word makober up, the word up is supposed to be
spelled ap but it is retained in its English form. On the other hand, examples of
those borrowings that are indigenized totally are the words kimikal, bradir,
hering, drayber, hold-aper, kidnaper, and kontraktor.
In general, based on the data presented, one can say that some English
borrowings are adapted into the Sebuano phonology and morphology. There is an
assimilation of the borrowed English words at the phonological level as exhibited
by some borrowings which conform to the Sebuano phonology. Likewise, there is
an assimilation of these words into Sebuano, the borrowing language, at the
morphological level as manifested by the affixation of the Sebuano affixes to
these English borrowings.
Finally, this study reveals that some of the English terms borrowed are
sometimes used not only according to how they function in an English utterance
or sentence but also on how these words function after the Sebuano affixes are
attached to them (see Appendices D and E). For example, English adjective
forms, when given Sebuano affixes, function not as adjectives but also as verbs or
nouns already. For instance, when the Sebuano prefix nag- is attached to the
English adjective sorry, the resulting word nag-sorry does not function as an
adjective but as a verb already. In addition, there is also a case where an English
noun snack which functions as another noun after the suffix an is attached i.e.,
snackan which refers to a place where people take their snacks.
CHAPTER 5
SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter presents the summary of findings, conclusions, and
recommendations.
5. 1 Summary of the Findings
Based on the analysis of the data, the following summary of findings is
made:
5.1.1. English lexical borrowings are present in the opinion sections of
the selected local newspapers in Iligan City namely Lanao Mail,
Mindanao Scoop, and The Philippine Post;
5.1.2. There is a total of 677 English lexical borrowings out of the 27,
100 words used in all the opinion sections of the newspapers being
studied;
5.1.3. There are more borrowed nouns (582 or 85.97%) than verbs (55 or
8.12%), and more verbs than adjectives (40 or 5.91%);
5.1.4. There are more word-level patterns of borrowings (424 or
62.63%) than phrase-level ones (253 or 37.37%);
5.1.5. There are no adverb borrowings (0%) present in the newspapers
being studied;
49
49
5.1.6. There are 18 affixes used, 16 of which are prefixes, 2 are suffixes
and 13 are verb-forming affixes while 5 are noun-forming ones;
5.1.7. There are 8 borrowed items that are indigenized, 1 (12.5%) of
which go through partial indigenization while 7 (87.5%) go
through total indigenization.
5. 2. Conclusions
Based on the analysis of the frequency, lexical categories, patterns, and
morphemic structure changes, this study has arrived at the following tentative
conclusions:
5.2.1. The occurrence of English lexical borrowing in the opinion
sections of the three selected local newspapers in Iligan City
(Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The Philippine Post) seems not
so extensive or massive as can be seen in the data. There are only
677 borrowings out of the 27, 100 words used in all the opinion
sections.
5.2.2. The writers perhaps borrow English words and phrases if there are
no equivalent Sebuano terms (e.g. registrar, streamers, supply and
demand, street parliamentary, wiretapping, computer) or if the
terms would be better understood than the terms used in the
Sebuano language;
5.2.3. Partial and total reduplications are not present in the opinion
sections of the selected newspapers. Only affixations have been
used.
50
50
5.2.4. Most of the borrowings are direct borrowings, i.e., those which do
not conform to the Sebuano phonology and morphology;
5.2.5. The writers of the opinion sections in the three newspapers tended
to borrow more nouns than verbs, and more verbs than adjectives;
5.2.6. There are more word-level borrowings than phrase-level ones may
be because lexicon is the most visible part of the language, thus
the word can be the most easily borrowed;
5.2.7. There are no adverb borrowings probably because the Sebuano
language is perceived to be very rich with adverbs and adverbial
modifiers like hastang, perteng, grabe, etc. English adverb
borrowings are observed to be present only in spoken language
especially those used by teenagers (e.g. so bastos, very init, etc.)
but are not seen in the written texts studied here.
5. 3. Recommendations
After the conclusions were made based on the analysis of the data, the
following recommendations are made:
5.3.1. Writers of the opinion sections of newspaper who use Sebuano
language should be aware of the effects of the terms that they use
and that English lexical borrowings would not be an issue for as
long as the intent of the message is conveyed accurately;
5.3.2. People should not take negatively any language change brought
about specifically by English lexical borrowings since it is a form
of enriching the lexicon of the Sebuano language;
51
51
5.3.3. Researchers should conduct similar studies that would:
5.3.3.1. examine not only the English but also the borrowings from
other languages (the lexical categories, patterns, and
morphemic structure changes) to have a wider picture of
the Sebuano language in terms of its lexicon;
5.3.3.2. compare the lexical borrowings between the Sebuano
write-ups and Tagalog/Filipino write-ups to include all
the newspapers sections (editorials, entertainment,
sports, etc.);
5.3.3.3. study the morphological rules on affixations involving
borrowed English words and phrases;
5.3.3.4. look into what semantic domains are mostly borrowed
(politics, science and technology, etc.)
5.3.3.5. analyze the level of formality/informality of the articles
and its relation to the borrowed items;
5.3.4. People should conduct researches about the Sebuano language
which would, in some way, help in the realization of the
Cebuanos' long- dreamed standardization of this language.
52
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Incluye bibliografía e índice
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This is a paper that describes computational linguistic activities on Philippines languages. The Philippines is an archipelago with vast numbers of islands and numerous languages. The tasks of understanding, representing and implementing these languages require enormous work. An extensive amount of work has been done on understanding at least some of the major Philippine languages, but little has been done on the computational aspect. Majority of the latter has been on the purpose of machine translation.
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