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ÇİN'İN ENERJİ GÜVENLİĞİ POLİTİKASI: Kuşak Yol İnisiyatifi ve Avrasya'da "Yeni Büyük Oyun"

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p>Artykuł dotyczy oceny szans powodzenia strategii Nowego Jedwabnego Szlaku w kontekście relacji Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej z państwami poradzieckiej Azji Centralnej. Bliższe spojrzenie na trajektorię wzrostu chińskiej obecności gospodarczej i politycznej w regionie pozwala zdefiniować szanse jak i wyzwania jakie stoją przed Państwem Środka. Perspektywy Nowego Jedwabnego Szlaku są obiecujące. Stare problemy, jak brak integracji poradzieckiej Azji Centralnej, czy gospodarczo trudne środowisko obszaru poradzieckiego – wciąż jednak stanowią realne zagrożenie dla każdego projektu politycznego w tej części świata.</p
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The US President Obama is well known for giving priority to the South and East Asia in the US foreign policy. The increasing importance of Asia-Pacific region is the main reason for the US declaration the region as “pivot”. Asia-Pacific economically and politically is taking central place in world politics. China’s active involvement and growing influence in the region and its stand on the South and East China Sea disputes are considered as challenge by the US administration. The US rebalancing strategy aimed at strengthening the US ties with its regional allies and expanding the US military presence in the region. There are economic, politic/diplomatic and military aspects of the strategy. Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) includes countries that encompassing 40 % of global GDP is one of the most important economic aspects of rebalancing strategy. In the diplomatic field the US administration followed policy of deepening engagement with regional multilateral organizations like the ASEAN Regional Forum. The military aspect is an important part for rebalancing strategy. The US conducted joint military exercises with its allies and took serious steps to increase its naval presence in Asia-Pacific. In this paper the US rebalancing strategy will be analyzed dealing with its shortcomings and the US relations with key regional actors. The US position regarding the South and East China Sea problems will also be evaluated with the parameters of rebalancing strategy.
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The chapter examines the political economy of energy security and tries to explain how this situation affects international conflicts.
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The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is a well-known financial institution operating in the Asia-Pacific region since 1966. The rise of this multilateral organization was sponsored mainly by Japan, for which, no doubt, it is still an important instrument of external policy. However, nowadays the ADB constitutes 67 members (48 regional and 19 non-regional), including PR China. With an impressive budget (ca. $20 billion) and focus areas ranging from social development to information technologies, the ADB is an important source of development funding. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a rather new initiative, only opening up for business in January 2016. Based in Beijing, it is a multilateral organization comprising 57 founding members (37 regional members and 20 non-regional partners), excluding Japan and the United States. The creation of the AIIB is a reaction to the fiasco of the transformation of global financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank Group. China's intentions in initiating the AIIB are clearly something other than altruism. It might be seen as part of a win-win economic cooperation strategy that could benefit both regional and national development processes. Like the ADB, the AIIB focuses on the development of infrastructure and other productive sectors in the Asia-Pacific region. The question is, should we anticipate strong rivalry between these two institutions, as political realism would suggest, or will the ADB and the AIIB find a way to offer their best to the Asia-Pacific countries without any major conflict?
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BRI is an ambitious and unprecedented project that could have a cathartic effect on China’s impoverished neighbors while helping Beijing advance its political goals and economic interests. Although BRI is, as yet, an evolving model of regional integration, there are real and existential threats that can jeopardize the successful implementation of Chinese-led projects in Central Asia. Powerful individuals and special interest groups are infamously experienced at capturing the state through corrupt and nefarious practices. As such, BRI runs the risk of becoming a new source of rent for Central Asia’s kleptocratic elites.
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Uzbekistan holds a central position in the political, economic, security and demographic structure of the Central Asian region. Without the cooperation of Tashkent, efforts for regional integration have failed during the past. The first president Islam Karimov, who ruled the country for 25 years 1991-2016, was reluctant to integrate Uzbek economy to regional and global markets. Uzbekistan had one or the other issue with all its neighboring states, thus hindering prospects for the regional cooperation and integration. However, the new president Shavkat Mirziyoyev is proactive towards regional integration. He is following a policy of 'Central Asia First' which has warmly been welcomed by all the regional states. The process of regional integration has also been facilitated by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) of China as well as Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) in the form of development of physical infrastructural and transportation network. Objectives of this research are; to look into the dynamics of Central Asian region; to understand the central position of Uzbekistan in the region; to explore the areas of convergence for the regional states; and to analyze the prospects for regional economic integration after change in Uzbekistan's leadership. This research aims to address the questions such as: What is the future economic potential of Central Asia? How the foreign policy of Uzbekistan has influenced the regional dynamics under What are the impacts of Belt and Road Initiative and CAREC in Central Asian region? And with the recent change in Uzbekistan, what are the evolving prospects for regional economic integration in Central Asia? This research is primarily descriptive, exploratory, and analytical in nature. It relies on both primary (including interviews with Uzbek embassy officials and official data) and secondary sources.
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This study is the first to estimate a system of simultaneous gravity equations for Chinese exports, imports and foreign direct investment (FDI) using a sample of 167 countries over the period 2003–2012. The main results indicate that trade and outward FDI are complementary. In particular, the authors show that outward Chinese FDI is related to higher exports and imports and that China trades more with countries hosting Chinese FDI. Results are also robust to the use of instrumental variables. Therefore, Chinese investment seems to foster trade.
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The Belt and Road Initiative is broadly misunderstood. There is an argument, frequently made, that BRI is China's geopolitical strategy, like the Marshall Plan or the New Silk Road Project/Program. However, BRI, in fact, is a strategy for Chinese domestic development as well as an initiative for inclusive globalization and global governance. With the goal to build Community of Shared Future, BRI with the theme of mutual connectivity, aims to embrace peace, security and prosperity globally while at the same time being confronted with some serious challenges. The misreading of BRI stems from a wide range of reasons, especially BRI reflects Chinese He-he(和合)culture going beyond the Western divide and rule culture. BRI is a geo-economical and geo-civilizational rather than a geo-political strategy.
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China’s embrace of a comprehensive and aggressive economic statecraft as part of its grand strategy indicates a paradigm change in its foreign policy. This change has captured scholarly attention – a growing body of research on China’s economic statecraft has emerged in recent years. This special topic presents a fresh selection of four research essays examining China’s economic statecraft practiced in a wide range of countries and regions in the world, including Latin America, Africa, Europe, Canada, and New Zealand. Collectively, these essays explore two important questions: (1) How successful has China’s economic statecraft been? (2) How do domestic variables (e.g., domestic politics, political institutions, interests, and public opinion) of the target states (in which China practices economic statecraft) affect the outcome of the Chinese strategies?