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Vol. 8
N° 3 2021
1
Samir OkaSha’S PhilOSOPhy
Walter Veit
In popular culture, evolution is often understood as something
like an agent: ‘mother nature’ is described as ‘choosing’ the
best traits and ‘discarding’ the worst. The behaviour of other
animals is likewise often described in terms of their interests,
strategies, and goals. Emperor penguins (Aptenodytes
forsteri) are described as huddling in order to stay collectively
warm. The European honeybee (Apis mellifera) uses a
waggle dance because it wants to communicate information
to others in the hive. And the behaviour of chimpanzees
(Pan troglodytes) is compared to human strategizing over
mates, resources, and their position in social hierarchies and
networks. One need go no further than a David Attenborough
documentary to see the abundance of this intentional
language in our folk understanding of biology. In 2018,
Samir Okasha nally released his long-awaited book Agents
and Goals in Evolution [henceforth Agents and Goals] with
Oxford University Press – a book aimed at addressing the
status of these puzzling, yet strangely successful, intentional
idioms.
Many non-biologists may be surprised to nd that
evolutionary biologists frequently engage in this talk of
reasons, strategies, goals and wants at levels where we
would usually deny the existence of a mind, such as groups
or genes. Indeed, evolutionary biologists readily admit
that scientists – including many of their colleagues within
the biological sciences – nd their tendency to use such
agential language ‘unnerving, if not downright embarrassing’
(Ågren 2020, p. 266). It is seen as dangerous and unhelpful
anthropomorphism to describe not only animals but also
cells, (selsh) genes and even groups as having goals and
intentions – the very opposite of a useful metaphor. And yet,
evolutionary biologists persist in and even actively encourage
the use of this language. Is there a scientic rationale to
justify the use of what Peter Godfrey-Smith (2009) once
aptly described as agential thinking, or is it merely a way of
thinking particularly addictive to the human mind, expressing
itself as something Richard Francis (2004) called Darwinian
paranoia?
With admirable precision, clarity and knowledge, Okasha
masters a subject-matter balancing act between evolutionary
biology, economics and philosophy that carefully addresses
a set of puzzling questions at the intersection of these elds:
What does it mean to treat an organism as a ‘rational’ ‘agent’
with ‘goals’ and ‘interests’? In economics, this appears to
make sense, but is there more to it in the biological world
than mere metaphor (which is not to say that metaphors
can’t be useful; see Veit and Ney 2021)? Furthermore, how
do these assumptions play out as empirical hypotheses in
the apparently adaptationist framework of those who use
agential thinking? How does evolutionary optimization
relate to optimization in rational choice models? Can tness
maximisation simply be mapped onto the utility maximisation
framework of economics?
Okasha’s ambitious monograph wrestles with these
questions, offering an incredibly rich and condensed work
on a set of interdisciplinary questions neither philosophers
of economics nor philosophers of biology have previously
given much attention to. Indeed, Okasha underplays the
role of economics within his book, a choice that appears
to be motivated by a reluctance, stemming from a British
sense of humility, to overstate his expertise in economics.
The book contains three somewhat independent parts. In
Part I, Okasha discusses the concept of agency and the
possible justications for using agential thinking. Part II
focuses on the connection between agential thinking and the
adaptationist program that has placed the greatest reliance
on this mode of thinking. Finally, Part III addresses the
links between rationality and evolution, tness and utility,
and agency in economics and biology. Time and time again,
Okasha puts great care into supporting his arguments and
not overstating his conclusions, concluding his monograph
with characteristic modesty: ‘I hope that there is an element
of truth in what I have written, and that the journey has been
enjoyable for the reader’ (p. 233). But while this humility
is commendable, it is also unfortunate since many of the
philosophers of economics I know either have not heard
of the book or do not consider it relevant to their eld. Yet
Okasha’s monograph contains contributions to the literature
on irrational risk preferences, payoff discounting and
intransitive choices that would easily nd a home in the best
journals the philosophy of economics has to offer. Indeed,
Essay Review of Samir Okasha’s Agents and Goals in Evolution, Oxford University Press, 2018
This essay offers some reflections on Samir Okasha’s new monograph Agents and Goals in
Evolution, his style of doing philosophy, and the broader philosophy of nature project of trying
to make sense of agency and rationality as natural phenomena.
Keywords: agency, evolutionary biology, Samir Okasha.
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Okasha (2012, 2016) previously published two papers in the
journal Economics & Philosophy urging the combination of
insights from biology and economics. This would have made
that journal another ideal target for a review of Okasha’s book,
but they unfortunately – though not unexpectedly – declined
to have the book reviewed for the very same reason it would
have been valuable there: that it would not be sufciently
central to their readers’ interests.
Here, I hope that this review essay can at least partially remedy
this lack of interest among philosophers of economics in the
sort of interdisciplinary work produced by the likes of Samir
Okasha, Cedric Paternotte, Alex Rosenberg, Don Ross, Armin
Schulz, David Spurrett, Joeri Witteveen, Jack Vromen, myself
and a long list of philosophers using evolutionary models
such as Rainer Hegselmann, Cailin O’Connor, Hannah Rubin,
Brian Skyrms and Kevin Zollman. A conceptual integration
of the biological and social sciences, after all, has long been
one of the goals of our elds, even if some have maintained
that this would not be a very fruitful endeavour (Gintis 2006;
Mesoudi 2007; Ross 2007; Hagen et al. 2008; Khalil 2010;
Callebaut 2011; Earnshaw 2011; Gayon 2011; Hodgson and
Knudsen 2011; Heintz et al. 2011; Nelson 2011; Witt 2011).
Instead of providing a detailed analysis of Okasha’s new
book, which may be impossible due to its breadth and has
been partially attempted elsewhere (see discussion below), I
will take a higher-level perspective in which I aim to cultivate
interest among philosophers of economics in the themes
Okasha is addressing and to locate the role of his new book
in the larger philosophy of nature project that attempts to
naturalise the notions of agency and rationality.
Why is it that the tools of economics often allow us to explain
and predict the behaviour and choices of non-human animals
more adequately than those of the human targets for which
they were originally designed? Bacteria, which have often
successfully been described using the tools of evolutionary
game theory (see Frey and Reichenbach 2011 for an overview),
can hardly be described as mentally engaging in utility
maximisation. The British economist and game theorist Ken
Binmore – a close collaborator of Okasha’s – noted as much:
Maynard Smith’s book Evolution and the Theory of
Games directed game theorists’ attention away from their
increasingly elaborate denitions of rationality. After all,
insects can hardly be said to think at all, and so rationality
cannot be so crucial if game theory somehow manages to
predict their behaviour under appropriate conditions.
– Ken Binmore, foreword in Weibull (1995, p. x)
The question why such agential models are so successful
within both biology and economics is puzzling, since humans
similarly cannot be said to satisfy the increasingly elaborate
denitions of rationality common in rational choice theory.
But neither economics nor the philosophy of economics
appears to have shown much interest in investigating these
interdisciplinary questions in detail (see Ross 2005 for an
exception).
This is partially surprising since the rst contemporary
philosopher of economics, Alex Rosenberg (1976), was quite
interested in this question and, unlike his contemporaries
Dan Hausman (1992) and Uskali Mäki (1992), defended
a highly critical view of the status of economics and its
idealised rationality assumptions, urging the eld to move
closer to actual empirical work in psychology, biology and
neuroscience. Upon realising that ‘economists were not going
to take much notice of the work done in the philosophy of
economics’, Rosenberg left the philosophy of economics
in the 1980s after 15 years of work in the eld in order ‘to
work in the philosophy of biology, a subdiscipline in which
the cognate scientists have shown more sympathy, interest,
and willingness to be inuenced by philosophers’ (Rosenberg
2009, p. 59). Indeed, without Rosenberg’s decision to change
elds, this review essay might not have existed. As Okasha
himself admits: ‘I am also indebted [...] to Alex Rosenberg
whose lectures [as a visiting professor at Oxford] initially
aroused my interest in philosophy of biology’ (Okasha 2006,
p. v).
While Rosenberg’s highly critical stance on economics didn’t
gain him many followers in the subsequent development
of the philosophy of economics as an independent branch
of the philosophy of science, his work underwent a steep
increase in attention as a result of the global nancial crisis.
Re-evaluating his earlier work in the light of his work in
the philosophy of biology, Rosenberg (2009) went so far
as to argue that economics itself should be seen as a sub-
discipline of biology: ‘[a]lmost everything mysterious and
problematical to the empiricist philosopher of science about
economics is resolved once we understand economics as a
biological science’ (p. 59).
The philosophy of science of decades past was often a highly
abstract and general debate regarding science as a whole.
This body of work, with the exception of early pioneers such
as Popper, has largely been ignored by scientists. With the
growth of the eld, however, we have seen the development
of the philosophies of various special sciences as sub-elds
in their own right. But while the philosophers of biology – or
economics for that matter – responsible for that development
have been concerned with the actual work of these sciences,
there has often been a gap between the way philosophers and
more theoretically inclined scientists have talked about the
philosophical issues of their elds, a gap that only widened as
these sub-elds grew and became more established in their
own right. Okasha seemed motivated by similar concerns
in his Evolution and the Levels of Selection, for which he
received the Lakatos Award in 2009 – the most prestigious
reward our eld has to offer. He argued that the growing
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gap between theoreticians and philosophers of science is
one that should be closed, seeing this as the central task of
his book. He argued that ‘[w]ith a few notable exceptions,
philosophers’ discussions of the levels of selection have not
used the language, concepts, and formal techniques used
by the biologists themselves’ and that this explains why
‘most philosophical discussions have not had much impact
in biology’ (2006, p. 1). To achieve this goal of bridging the
elds of theoretical biology and the philosophy of biology,
Okasha was willing to become an expert in the mathematical
tools and formalisms as well as the conceptual debates of
evolutionary biologists. Indeed, he explicitly argued that
his book targeted ‘evolutionary biologists, philosophers of
science, and interested parties from other disciplines’ (p. 2).
Evolutionary biologists responded kindly to his extreme
caution, mathematical rigour and clear conceptual analysis
of the levels-of-selection controversy, promptly making this
work one of the most cited in the philosophy of biology. As
Massimo Pigliucci (2007) rightly predicted in his review of
Evolution and the Levels of Selection, the book could not be
‘ignored by anyone interested in this eld for many years to
come’ (p. 551).
Agents and Goals can be seen simply as a continuation of
Okasha’s work on the conceptual and theoretical foundations
of evolutionary theory. It embodies all the characteristics
that made Evolution and the Levels of Selection such an
important book. It has the same or perhaps even more of
the mathematical rigour that inspired the next generation of
philosophers of biology such as Jonathan Birch (2013, 2017)
and Pierrick Bourrat (2014, forthcoming) to become experts
in the mathematical formalisms of practising biologists.
A lucid philosophical analysis of the contrast between the
agency of evolutionary biology and the agency of economic
agents, it is written with such conceptual clarity and elegance
that it can be understood by economists, philosophers and
biologists alike. Most strikingly, perhaps, it is beautifully
characteristic of the detailed knowledge and care that have
come to be associated with Okasha’s style of philosophy.
The book is largely a result of a European Research Council
grant that Okasha received from 2013–2017 as a Principal
Investigator for his ‘Darwinism and the Theory of Rational
Choice’ project and of his earlier 2008–2011 grant from
the Arts and Humanities Research Council for a project on
‘Evolution, Cooperation and Rationality’, which culminated
in an inuential edited volume with Ken Binmore titled
Evolution and Rationality (Okasha and Binmore 2012).
Agents and Goals is simply the nal synthesis of over 10
years of philosophical engagement with theoretical work in
both evolutionary biology and rational choice theory.
It is thus not surprising that since its release, the book has
amassed a staggering number of reviews by an illustrious list
of philosophers and evolutionary biologists. In their editorial
of an issue centred around a review symposium of Agents
and Goals in the Review journal Metascience, Boschiero and
Wray (2019) praise Okasha’s book as a seminal contribution
to both evolutionary biology and philosophy. The issue
features reviews by Daniel C. Dennett (2019), evolutionary
biologist Andy Gardner (2019) and philosopher/evolutionary
game theorist Hannah Rubin (2019), alongside a reply to all
three by Okasha (2019). Additional reviews of Okasha’s book
have been provided by a long list of philosophers of biology
such as Jonathan Birch (2019) in Mind, Robert A. Wilson
(2019) in Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews, Philippe
Huneman (2020) in Acta Biotheoretica, Cailin O’Connor
(2020) in Philosophy of Science and Adrian Stencel (2020) in
History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences. Finally, we nd
an elegant review by evolutionary biologist J. Arvid Ågren
(2020) in The Quarterly Review of Biology. I have met, or at
least been in contact with, all but one of these commentators,
which is indicative on the one hand of the interest in Okasha’s
book but on the other hand of how unfortunately narrow the
eld of researchers is who are interested in the connection
between evolution and rational choice theory.
In this regard, it should be clear why Agents and Goals will
unfortunately not reach the same status as Evolution and
the Levels of Selection. Unlike the hard-fought debates over
Darwinian individuality, units of selection, kin selection, and
group selection, all of which notably spiked shortly after the
publication of Okasha’s book on the levels of selection, there
simply isn’t a parallel conict regarding the use of agential
language in evolutionary biology. This is not to say that it is
not a good book. In many ways, it embodies all the virtues
of Okasha’s previous monograph; indeed, in my opinion it
surpasses its predecessor. Okasha had the difcult task of
living up to the high expectations of the readers of his previous
book and in many ways has succeeded in this endeavour.
But quality is not the same as impact. Agential thinking
is simply not seen as a controversial topic among many of
the evolutionary biologists Okasha would like to address,
as is emphasized in Gardner’s highly critical and somewhat
uncharitable review. Nevertheless, I consider Agents and
Goals a striking example of the importance of philosophy of
science for addressing questions practising scientists do not
have the time to engage themselves. This is not to say there is
no conict or that there are no differences in opinion on the
status of this language, but rather that it is a comparatively
minor debate that many practising evolutionary biologists
simply ignore (see Tarnita 2017; Veit 2019a). Okasha’s goal
in Agents and Goals, of course, is to argue that this is not the
right stance to take and that evolutionary biologists should be
more careful in how they use this language. But this isn’t quite
the same contribution as Okasha’s previous monograph. In
one case there is a longstanding and theoretically challenging
issue that biologists have wrestled with for decades. There,
Okasha’s work was a welcome contribution since it was
largely able to provide conceptual clarity in a previously
conceptually muddled debate. In the other, however, Okasha
.
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will inevitably appear to practising scientists as someone
who, despite their good intentions, interrupts their work to
tell them that they should be more careful how to use their
concepts – an activity philosophers of biology have long
been engaged in with only marginal success. So, I am highly
sceptical of Dennett’s prediction that Okasha’s book ‘might
well become the consensus classic text for biologists to fall
back on when they nd themselves unable to resist both
function talk and agent talk in the course of their inquiries
and explanations’ (2019, p. 355) or that it will turn out like
Pigliucci’s assessment of his earlier book. Dennett’s view
seems more motivated by his strongly adaptationist stance,
treating natural selection as a universal acid (Dennett 1995),
and obviously by the power of his intentional stance, which
we’ve jointly applied elsewhere (Veit et al. 2019). Thanks to
Okasha, however, I now fear that these intentional stances
may sometimes mislead us when thinking about evolution.
Unlike the concepts of individuality, replicators, units and
levels of selection, which are highly contested in evolutionary
biology as concepts intended to capture scientic phenomena,
agential talk is used merely as a heuristic to better understand
biological phenomena. The goal of biologists is decidedly not
to argue that these biological entities should necessarily be
understood as agents, but that it is a useful (perhaps even
necessary) way to make progress in our understanding of
evolution. This is what Gardner (2019) apparently wants to
express in his somewhat backhanded reply to Okasha that
‘in science it is the usefulness of a concept, rather than its
philosophical tidiness, that provides its ultimate justication’
(p. 359). This, of course, is a widely accepted point among
philosophers of science – and Okasha is no exception. What
matters is how useful this way of thinking is in scientic
practice. That particular models, frameworks or concepts
are used among scientists is, of course, no proof that they
are necessarily useful, and philosophers of science may
sometimes need to take a stance that does not simply embrace
model anarchism in a sort of anything-goes mentality –
though I often think that philosophers err on the wrong side
here and should indeed be more pluralist (Veit 2019b, 2020;
Veit & Browning 2020).
For a long lineage of British theoretical biologists such as
Dawkins, Gardner, Alan Grafen or Maynard Smith, whose
‘neo-Paleyan’ methodology and academic training is the
application of adaptationist thinking, there will naturally
be little question that agential thinking must be useful (see
Gardner 2017; Lewens 2019). Gardner (2019), for instance,
appeals to Fisher’s (1930) fundamental theorem of natural
selection as something like a lawlike proof that ‘reveals the
identity of the adaptive agent, the individual organism, and
pinpoints her agenda, maximization of her tness’ (p. 361).
To which Okasha (2019) elegantly retorts that Gardner is
‘guilty of reading his own [‘]agenda[’] into Fisher’ (p. 378).
Indeed, Gardner merely shows that agential thinking is built
into the practice of many evolutionary biologists. Hiding
behind his characterisation of Okasha as a ‘philosopher’ by
suggesting the ‘empirical to be outwith his purview’, whereas
his own justication is, quote, ‘scientic’ in nature (p. 362),
obscures the fact that it is Gardner – not Okasha – who relies
on a priori arguments for the legitimacy of agential thinking.
Okasha’s book shows that it is right to question whether
this mode of thinking is necessary and helpful or merely
unquestioned dogma.
In his quest to address this problem, Okasha distinguishes
between two different kinds of agential thinking. Type 1
treats organisms as goal-directed agents – rational agents
designed to maximise their own tness. Type 2 treats the
process of natural selection as itself an agent. I agree with
Okasha’s careful conclusion that agential thinking of type
2 is probably more harmful than useful, rightly criticising
Darwin, who likewise felt unease about his talk of nature as
something like an agent. It is not a necessary ingredient for
making sense of evolutionary phenomena, even if helpful as
a heuristic learning tool. Too often has it led to misleading
views of natural selection as itself being a goal-directed
process (though see Rubin (2019) for a defence of type-2
thinking). Type-1 thinking, on the other hand, can often be
useful, which raises the question of why this is so. What makes
agential thinking of this type so successful in understanding
evolution? Discussing a variety of philosophical options,
Okasha draws on discussions of intentional-state attributions
to other humans to argue that it is unity of purpose that
makes agential explanations successful: ‘the organism’s traits
must have evolved because of their contribution to a single
overall goal, so have complementary rather than antagonistic
functions. To the extent that this is not so, it ceases to be
possible to think of the organism as agent-like’ (p. 230).
Both Gardner (2019) and Stencel (2020) argue that the book
would benet from more of a discussion of the connection
between agential thinking and evolutionary disputes over the
levels of selection and the location of Darwinian individuals
as well as a discussion of more biological examples. But
Agents and Goals is already an incredibly rich book. One
immediately notices that Okasha tried to t as much novel
content into his book as possible, leaving much of the
content from his previous papers on the connection between
rationality and evolution in footnotes, rather than merely
presenting us with a collection of papers. This can only be
recommended – doubly so because it appears to have become
increasingly rare for scholars of Okasha’s reputation. So, I
would encourage readers of his book to seek out additional
papers Okasha has written rather than treat the book as a
mere summary of his work (see for instance Okasha 2013;
Okasha & Paternotte 2014).
I fear, however, that Okasha’s analysis may have given an
impression of the sorts of purely conceptual investigations
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that are now often criticised among philosophers of science:
too much focus given to the internal coherence of a concept
rather than to how it is used in practice. Indeed, Okasha’s
philosophy is of a peculiar sort because it embraces the
style of an older tradition. In his Evolution and the Levels
of Selection, for instance, Okasha describes himself as a
‘conservative’ treating clarication of scientic concepts as
the core of his understanding of the purpose of philosophy
of science, thus assuming ‘a fairly sharp distinction between
empirical and conceptual questions, an unfashionable view
in some quarters’ (2006, p. 2). Despite this, Okasha’s work
is celebrated across our discipline (as well as in evolutionary
biology) as some of the best work the philosophy of biology
has to offer. And for good reason. Firstly, Okasha has achieved
mastery of the tools of conceptual analysis, single-handedly
proving that this more traditional style of doing philosophy
of science still has a useful role to play if done well. Secondly,
Okasha has developed an intricate knowledge of both the
philosophical and the scientic literature despite the fact
that each has grown exponentially (and the two have grown
exponentially apart). Okasha, in a way, writes for those who
are already familiar with the empirical work of the sciences
and is extremely cautious not to misrepresent their work. I
thus think that Gardner’s and Stencel’s respective criticisms
are both largely misplaced. Okasha’s suggestion to focus on
the unity of purpose is obviously inuenced by his earlier
work on the levels of selection. To have a conict of interest
between a gene and the organism is both a conict between
two levels of selection and a conict between two levels of
agency. Okasha offers a causal account that attributes agency
as something that comes in degrees and explains why agential
thinking is successful by capturing the shared evolutionary
fate of multicellular arrangements. Once we explicate these
implicitly empirical premises of Okasha’s account by linking
it to work in experimental evolutionary biology, we can turn
his suggestion ‘that once we have identied the relevant
level of selection/adaptation in any particular case, this will
immediately yield the right candidate for the role of agent, if
we wish to apply agential thinking’ (p. 43) into an argument
supported by empirical work. When agency is explicitly built
into theoretical models, it seems hard to deny that this could
be harmful rather than a mere idealisation. But just as in
economics, it is an open question whether and where the kind
of optimising agency can be found in nature that would make
agential thinking useful for understanding actual biological
target systems. The application of models to this empirical
work is a different matter altogether, appearing to function as
a form of ‘plumbing’ (Veit 2021). Indeed, often it is only after
doing an enormous amount of empirical work that we have
understood how selection has shaped ‘super-organisms’,
such as beehives, that make it useful to think of the group
as an agent (see also Tarnita 2017). The empirical work
comes rst – the agential description only later, once we’ve
understood the units of selection. This is why Tarnita (2017)
urges empirical research largely to omit loaded language in
order to approach these target systems with a certain sense
of theoretical neutrality. Once we have understood them,
however, it may be useful to treat them in agential terms.
The justication for agential thinking, as Okasha points out,
should thus ultimately be empirical, not a priori.
This brief overview has left out many of the details and
much of the nuance in Okasha’s discussion, but it offers an
insight into the main arguments Okasha makes in Part I on
agency in evolutionary biology and Part II on agency and
tness-maximisation. The third and nal part of Agents
and Goals nally addresses the topic I was most interested
in: the connection between the maximisation models of
economics and those of evolutionary biology. In many ways,
this is where I see the greatest potential for philosophical
contributions: drawing connections between different
elds, bringing empirical evidence together and building a
single connected picture of the world. Godfrey-Smith (2013)
emphasizes the importance of this work in philosophy with
a comment attributed to Richard Rorty, who noted that
philosophy is in a unique position as the only ‘place in the
university where a student can bring any two books from the
library and ask what, if anything, they have to do with each
other’ (p. 4). But conceptual analysis alone can get us only
so far in achieving this goal. This is unfortunate because the
discussion starts out strong, examining the hypothesis that
adaptive behavioural plasticity could be a precursor to proto-
rationality in non-human animals. However, it then quickly
dives into a discussion of various concepts of rationality.
While Okasha’s discussion usefully distinguishes between
rationality as an evolutionary product and rationality as a
concept, model or heuristic tool for thinking about evolution,
relatively little time is spent on how these concepts would
help us explain the evolution of agency – how they would
enable us to understand the messy and complex nature of
agency in nature.
Here, we nd a rich and still developing interdisciplinary
literature without any stable concepts or consensus. This is
not the same kind of conict that would benet from the sort
of conceptual analysis that made Evolution and the Levels of
Selection so successful. Economists justifying their models by
recourse to evolutionary biology, and evolutionary biologists
doing the same through recourse to rational choice models,
simply do not care very much about whether their models and
modes of explanations t perfectly. It is thus not surprising
that Okasha provides us with an elegant demonstration in
Chapter 7 of the many ways these two forms of rationality
can come apart. Indeed, Okasha’s discussion of behavioural
ecology and ecological rationality nicely demonstrates that
neither evolutionary biologists nor economists can ignore the
mechanisms – both evolutionary and cognitive – that make
agential explanations work in practice. Merely asserting a link
to a different discipline in which the same mode of thinking is
used can no longer be considered enough to justify the use of
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agential thinking. This I see as the greatest accomplishment
of Agents and Goals. Okasha has made astounding progress
on many of the questions that have puzzled me since my
days as an undergraduate in philosophy and economics but
were relegated to niche discussions. The thorough treatment
Okasha offers of the close connections and differences
between the two utility-maximising paradigms offers the best
discussion of this topic – so far – in the extant literature. And
I hope that others in the philosophy of economics will become
interested in engaging with the exciting interdisciplinary
problems Okasha has exposed.
After so much praise, I shall conclude my essay review with a
more critical point of view that targets Okasha’s very style of
doing philosophy. By exploring the concepts of tness, utility
and rationality in such depth, he leaves little space for talking
about the evolution of rationality. Indeed, despite providing
us once again with an A-game in what traditional philosophy
has to offer, Okasha’s work also reects the inevitable
trade-offs inherent in this style of work. What is needed
in this debate is an entirely different style of philosophy –
represented in the work of Dennett, Godfrey-Smith, Ross,
Spurrett, and Sterelny – that can hardly be described as the
careful conceptual analysis found in Okasha and is often
much closer to the sort of messy and speculative science
found at the emergence of new research programs. What
they are doing has been described as integrative philosophy
of science, naturalist philosophy, synthetic philosophy or
philosophy of nature.
They are drawing together empirical results and theoretical
models from a number of different sciences to explain the
evolution of agency, even if their explanations are mere
sketches to be worked out by future empirical research.
This is clearly different from Okasha’s work, which has
deliberately shied away from ‘speculating about empirical
matters on which there isn’t much data yet’ [from personal
conversation], which is not to say that Agents and Goals
doesn’t make contributions to this more scientic project.
In practice, there often isn’t a very sharp boundary between
conceptual and empirical work providing multiple points of
contact, even when one conceives their own work as purely
conceptual. Okasha, for instance, draws on more speculative
work by Godfrey-Smith (1996) and Sterelny (2003) for a
possible explanation of the evolution of behavioural exibility
and rational decision-making as a response to environmental
complexity. But in order to understand how actual decision-
makers evolve in nature, we will have to engage with a much
more uid, messy and gradualist conceptual framework that
maps onto the soft, wet and complex reality of agency in
nature. Having contributed to this literature myself (Veit &
Spurrett 2021; Schlaile, Veit & Boudry forthcoming), I must
say that this work will of necessity look very different from
the contents of Agents and Goals. Indeed, Okasha’s current
and my former institution – the University of Bristol – can
perhaps even be considered the birthplace of this kind of
work, with the likes of Ken Binmore, Alasdair Houston,
Michael Mendl and John McNamara long challenging us
to investigate the actual evolution of decision-making and
agency.
But this should not be understood as a criticism of Okasha’s
excellent book. Quite the opposite, in fact. In many ways,
Okasha removes the conceptual stumbling blocks and
confusions that have plagued those who sought to unite the
insights of economics and biology. Still, more work is to be
done. This is why Okasha’s urge to caution in the use of agential
thinking, while perhaps not inuencing evolutionary biology
as a whole, will surely leave a mark on the interdisciplinary
work of those trying to explain agency and rational decision-
making as an evolutionary product. When and why do
agents evolve with preferences whose forms make economic
explanations successful? To bridge this gap is to naturalise
the sense in which Rosenberg described economics as a
biological science. For those interested in engaging in this
project, Okasha’s conceptually clear and careful book will
provide the ideal entry point into and foundation for this vast
and complex literature. Indeed, perhaps no one could have
done this better than Okasha himself, a proof that this style of
doing philosophy is not so ‘conservative’ after all.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would very much like to thank Samir Okasha, Ken Binmore,
Heather Browning, Alex Rosenberg, Don Ross, David
Spurrett, Adrian Stencel, and an anonymous reviewer for
taking the time to read through my essay review draft.
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CONTACT ET COORDONNÉES :
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HISTORIQUE
Compte rendu critique initialement soumis le 11 mars 2021.
Soumission d'une version amendée le 27 mai 2021.
Compte rendu critique accepté le 21 juin 2021.
SITE WEB DE LA REVUE
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ISSN 2295-8029
DOI HTTP://DX.DOI.ORG/10.20416/LSRSPS.V8I3.1
Vol. 8
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Samir OkaSha’S
PhilOSOPhy
