The Pan Cue Community as a Subculture
Merceditha C. Alicando
This study discusses the pan cue or pan Q community in Brgy. San Miguel, Iligan
City as a subculture. It describes the community and its members, explains the commonality
among them, and illustrates the kind of behavior/interaction produced in such community.
Participatory-observation and interview methods were mainly employed and a non-
standardized survey questionnaire was used as a tool to gather customer-related information.
The findings reveal that the pan cue community has a system of rules of its own and
that some members could swap roles. Customers are mostly college students drawn together
because of the pan cue’s affordability and mouth-watering taste. The community clearly
reflects members’ different adaptation strategies, depicting their class struggle and resistance
or rebellion against the nearby dominant fast food chains and other established foodhouses. It
also exemplifies Filipinos’ communal behavior and need of sense of belongingness and
reveals the members’ cultural sensitivity and awareness.
Key words: subculture, pan cue, popular culture, community, class struggle
1. Introduction about the Pan Cue Community
Pan cue refers to a combination of a pan, the Spanish term for bread, with either a
hotdog or an isaw (skewered chicken intestine) as its filling. Pan is the Spanish term for
bread. In this paper, it particularly refers to the hotdog bun type of bread. On the other hand,
isaw is a famous Filipino street food made from skewered chicken intestine. It is used as one
of the fillings of the pan. The term cue in pan cue is based on the fact that the pan and the
filling are grilled first over hot charcoals just like in the process of barbecuing.
As observed, these two pan cue stores in Children’s Park of Brgy. San Miguel, Iligan
City have become the favorite hub of customers of all ages, most of whom are students from
the neighboring schools like Mindanao State University-Iligan Institute of Technology
(MSU-IIT), MSU-IIT Coop Academy, St. Michael’s College (SMC), and Adventist Medical
Center College (AMCC). Even students from distant schools in Iligan City visit Brgy. San
Miguel, not just to roam around Children’s Park but also to taste the pan cue.
As defined by Gordon (1947,40), subculture is a term referring to a “ subdivision of a
national culture, composed of a combination of factorable social situations such as class
status, ethnic background, regional and rural or urban residence, and religious affiliation, but
forming in their combination a functioning unity which has an integrated impact on the
participation individual”. Based on this definition, the pan cue community is without a doubt
a subculture. Most of the members of this pan cue community are from the same
underprivileged class who have little budget for their snacks and are coming from the nearby
residences in Brgy. San Miguel. However, religion is not part of these shared demographic
characteristics because customers from all religions (Seventh Day Adventist (SDA),
Muslims, Christians) come together for this pan cue. This is also due to the fact that the
sellers do not sell pork barbecues because of their cultural awareness that non-pork eaters
would not surely go to their stalls if they see pork or other haram or forbidden foods.
Milton Gordon’s demographically based definition of subculture is contested by
Albert Cohen (Williams 2013, 6-7), who proposes that it is behaviourally based. As pointed
out by Albert Cohen, when groups that are somehow limited in their access to dominant
cultural resources try to collectively solve their problems by alternative methods, a subculture
is likely to emerge. In this pan cue community, this is very true to common customers,
especially students who are in tight budget, to prefer to have pan cues rather than the
spaghetti and burgers in Jollibee and McDonalds. It is their own way of coping with their
limited allowance because they will only spend P20.00 pesos or less for a modest merienda.
On the part of the sellers, the pan cue is their alternative method of enticing customers
knowing that they cannot really compete with these established fast food chains.
So, combining Gordon’s and Cohen’s ideas of subcultures, Howard Becker (in
Williams 2013, 9) then describes subculture as a term that can refer to groups of individuals
who are connected to one another through interaction and shared interest rather than through
arbitrary characteristics such as locality or skin color. Subcultural members’ shared interests
also lead them to identify themselves as different from – usually in some form of antagonistic
relationship with – normal, “square” society. In the pan cue community, this shared interest
on the part of the customers is on the fact of having a palatable snack in a slightly similar way
to those of the fast food chains in a very affordable manner. It is to be noted that these pan
cue stores have waiters who will entertain and take the customers’ orders. In other words,
they are still treated similarly or even better in the pan cue stores because they do not have to
fall in line just like when they go to McDonald’s, Jollibee or Chowking.
This paper principally makes use of descriptive design. The primary methods used in
gathering data of this paper were participatory-observation and interview. The researcher
really went to the place several times and observed how the pan cue community operates.
Store owners and their staffs were interviewed and a non-standardized survey questionnaire
for the customers was also made to gather information particularly on topics like the
frequency of going to the pan cue store, their favorite pan cue combos and the reasons for
eating pan cue snacks. Forty (40) respondents were able to answer the said questionnaire.
Aside from the customers’ profiles, the main questions are as follows:
1. How often does a customer visit the pan cue store?
2. Is she/he usually alone or with friends when going to the pan cue store?
3. What is his/her favorite pan cue combo?
4. How much does he/she usually spend?
5. Why does he/she prefer pan cue snacks over snacks in Jollibee, McDonalds and the like?
3. Results and Discussion on the Pan Cue Community
3.1. Location and Brief History
The famous Children’s Park is found in Brgy. San Miguel, Iligan City. It is located
after Tibanga Seventh Day Adventist Church. It has amenities like basketball court, tennis
court, playground with seesaw, swing and slides for kids, and a covered stage. There are also
benches where people can sit after playing, jogging or strolling around the park.
The idea of selling pan cue started with Auntie Dada, the owner of Imelda’s store.
Her family used to eat out every Sunday at Juart Barbecue below the DXIC station.
Whenever they had leftovers of barbecue, they would bring them home and in the morning,
their son would love to fill the leftovers in bread. This gave her and her late husband an idea
of putting up a special sauce to make the bread with barbecue more delicious and palatable.
It was June 2002 when Auntie Dada and her late husband started the pan cue in
Children’s Park. No store could then be found in the place except theirs. It took 2 months for
their pan cue to gain popularity to the neighboring schools. When it was booming already and
there were other vendors putting up small tables in the park, the barangay council provided
stalls where the interested vendors could put up their small stores with a daily rental fee of
P5.00. Because of the many customers of the pan cue, the other store which is just beside
Auntie Dada’s store also started selling pan cue.
Specifically, only isaw and hotdogs are sold as pan fillers. This is because there are
customers who are non-pork eaters like those who come from the AMCC, an Adventist
school, and those who are Muslims like the Maranao, Tausug, and Maguindanao.
3.2. Pan Cue and its Different Combo
The three main ingredients of the pan cue are the pan, the isaw and the hotdog. The
pan is ordered in just a local bakery in Iligan while the isaw is bought from Swift or
Magnolia delivery trucks that deliver frozen products. On the other hand, the hotdog used is
Bingo, another locally made product.
Customers can have a range of pan cue combos to choose from. There is the P5.00
pan cue with two isaw, the P7.00 pan cue with small hotdog, and the P12.00 pan cue with
jumbo hotdog (see Figures 1 to 3). There are also available isaw-on-stick for P1.00, small
hotdog-on-stick for P4.00 and the jumbo hotdog-on-stick for P8.00.
Figure 1. With Isaw (P5.00)
Figure 2. With Small Hotdog (P7.00)
Figure 3. With Jumbo Hotdog (P12.00)
On the other hand, Figure 4. is a signage containing the pan cue combos and their
respective prices. The customer can also have add-ons for their order. For example, you can
have additional isaw or hotdog to your pan cue but with additional payment.
Figure 4. Pan Cue Combo and their Prices
To quench the thirst after taking a bite of the freshly grilled pan cue, customers most
often take either the regular-sized mango shake or the large one. It is very seldom to see
customers drinking soft drinks as partner for the pan cue. Thus, the pan cue combo is not
complete without the mango shake. Figure 5. shows a P13.00 pan cue snack which is
certainly enough to fill your stomach after work or school.
Figure 5. Pan Cue with Isaw and Mango Shake
3.3. The Pan Cue Community Members
The members of the pan cue community do not only include the customers but also
the sellers. Even included are the suppliers of the Bingo hotdogs and of the pan who regularly
visit the two stores selling pan cue. But let me focus on the customers and the sellers only.
3.3.1. The Sellers
The sellers include the store owners and their assistants, normally two of them. Unlike
in big establishments where the store owner just oversees his/her workers, in the pan cue
store, the store owners have tasks of their own. In Imelda’s store, Aunt Dada, the store owner
is the one who prepares the mango shake. This means that she mixes the ingredients and
blends them to have a mango shake and put the shake on the plastic cups if there are orders
(see Figure 6.). She then hands the servings of mango shake to Assistant A, the waiter, so that
he can deliver them to the customer. Aunt Dada also takes charge of receiving the payment.
She also oversees the overall transactions like checking if the customers’ order is served or if
their order is taken already. And during free time, she helps in the slicing of pan and even in
cleaning the area. In other words, she shares responsibilities with her assistants.
Figure 6. The Store Owner Making Mango Shake
As observed, the store owner has two assistants. Assistant A serves as the waiter
while Assistant B as the cook. Specifically, Assistant A takes the customers’ order and
forwards it to Assistant B. He is also responsible for the cleaning of the table when the
customers are gone. He has to wait till the customers leave the table before he can clean it. It
is because sometimes, even if they are done eating, they will still sit there and talk or watch
those who are playing basketball. It is considered impolite if Assistant A would clean the
table if the customers are still there. Aside from that, he also serves the ordered snacks and
most of the time, he receives the payment from the customer and forwards it to the store
owner. Most often, he is also in charge of giving the “change” or sukli back to the customers
if there is any. However, he may also help Assistant B in the barbecuing process.
Figure 7. Assistant A (The Waiter) Figure 8. Assistant B (The Cook)
On the other hand, Assistant B is tasked in the grilling. He is the one who prepares the
grill with charcoal. Once he receives the order forwarded to him by Assistant A, he then puts
the pan and the isaw or hotdog in the grill, spread them with sauce and see to it that they are
just rightly grilled (see Figure 8). He then fills the hotdog or isaw inside the sliced pan, wraps
the pan cue in a thin paper bag and forwards it to Assistant A who will serve it to the
customer. Sometimes, he also helps in other chores especially in cleaning the tables or
preparing the isaw and hotdog on sticks.
To put it simply, there are tasks which are exclusive to each of them while there are
also those which can be shared among them. For instance, money matters and the making and
preparation of mango shake are exclusively done by the store owner, while the barbecuing of
the pan, the isaw and the hotdog are specially relegated to Assistant B, the cook. In addition,
Assistant A is mainly responsible for taking the customers’ orders and for delivering the
orders to them when ready. The rest of the work like cleaning the table and the place, putting
the isaw, hotdog and pan on sticks, and others are tasks that can be done by any of them.
This scenario just reflects a typical Filipino value of sharing responsibilities, of
bayanihan or pagtutulong-tulong concept. One cannot just sit and stare at somebody busy
doing things. He has to extend a hand and he does this happily and wholeheartedly.
3.3.2. The Customers
The customers range from children, basketball and Frisbee players, joggers, dancers
who practice at the park, families, group of friends and others. But most of them are students
who mostly come from MSU-IIT, AMCC and SMC. Children’s Park is just near to these
schools, that is why most of the students come from here. But other students from other
distant schools in Iligan City are also regular customers of the pan cues. These include
Lyceum of Iligan Foundation (LIF), Iligan City National High School (ICNHS), St. Peter’s
College (SPC), La Salle Academy (LSA) to name a few. And because there are no pork
barbecues, Muslim customers are very visible in these pan cue stores. Even those students
from AMCC, who are mostly Seventh Day Adventists, spend their time in the pan cue store.
Figure 9. on the next page shows some of the photos of the pan cue customers. It shows that
even families visit the pan cue stores.
Figure 9. The Customers
As mentioned, a survey questionnaire (please refer to Appendix A) was made and
distributed to forty (40) respondents to really present quantitative data on the pan cue
community, aside from the participatory-observation approach and interview.
More than half of the respondents (57%) are 16 to 20 years old and most are college
students (71%). Also, half (50%) of them come from MSU-IIT while a few of them are high
school students from LSA (19%) and college students from AMCC (12%). (Please refer to
Table 1. to Table 3. in Appendix B for the details of the data). These findings depict that most
of the customers are college students since they are the ones who have more free time to take
their snacks out. Surprisingly, even those who are in private schools (like AMCC and LSA)
still go to these pan cue stores. With regards to the frequency of coming to the pan cue store,
most of them (62%) respond that they “sometimes” visit the place. The probable reason for
this is that if these customers have more budget, they would occasionally go to these famous
establishments like Jollibee and tea shops. And once they are out of budget, then they go back
to these pan cue stores.
In addition, almost all (97%) of the respondents go to the pan cue store with
company, i.e., they do not go alone to eat pan cue. They go there with their friends and
classmates during free time or after their classes. This is very obvious since in the Filipino
culture, it is always more fun to go out, specially to eat out with friends and company, than to
be alone. Besides, this is the best time where they can talk, share and laugh about their day.
As observed, it is really very unusual seeing people eating alone.
And as expected, the sought-after combos are the pan cue with isaw and mango shake
(38%) and the pan cue with hotdog and mango shake (35%). (Kindly refer to Table 5. and
Table 6. for the specific data of these findings). This only shows that the customers really
love pairing their pan cues with mango shakes. According to the seller’s observation, it is
very rarely that customers would have soft drinks as partners for their pan cues. When asked
if they have tried making other flavors of shake, the store owners said that they had tried
making guyabano and avocado shake but only few people would order for them. So they stick
to the mango shake.
Furthermore, it is also found out that more than half (58%, see Table 7. on Appendix
B) of the respondents spend P10.00 – P20.00 only per pan cue snack. This is clearly because
the highest price for a pan cue combo is P18.00 (pan cue with jumbo hotdog and regular
mango shake). This is then followed by P20.00 – P30.00 (15%) budget. If the customer wants
the large mango shake that is worth P10.00, then he/she would spend more than P20.00 but
not a maximum of P30.00. However, this could still go higher if the customer wants add-ons
like more isaw or hotdogs as fillings. Nevertheless, these amounts are still very little as
compared to the expenses if the customers take their snacks in fast food chains like Jollibee
And finally, for the open-ended question on why do they prefer taking snacks in pan
cue stores over other established food chains like McDonalds and Jollibee, the topmost
reason is the pan cue’s affordability (58%), followed by the location or the place and the pan
cue’s luscious taste (21% respectively, refer to Table 8. on Appendix B). Pan cues are indeed
very affordable because one can have a decent and mouth-watering merienda for as low as
P10.00 (pan cue with 2 isaw and a mango shake) only. In food chains, you have to spend a
minimum of P50.00 or more. The second reason has something to do with the place/location.
The park is big and has amenities like basketball court, tennis court and a covered stage that
is why a lot of people come to the place. It has also several benches where people can sit, talk
and eat their pan cue snacks while watching teens playing Frisbees or dancers practicing
hiphop dance on the ground. It is also conducive for family since the park has a playground
with swings, seesaws and slides for children. Equally important with the place and location is
of course the unique taste of the pan, hotdog and/or isaw brushed with a localized sauce
(which could be hot and spicy or plain) with the refreshingly cold mango shake.
3.4. The Community’s Systematic Process
The pan cue community has a system of its own. If the customer is alone, he just
immediately proceeds to the store counter to order for himself. But most of the times,
Assistant A would automatically ask the customer what he/she wants if the former sees
him/her approaching the store. But if they are a group, they just usually sit on the bench with
table and Assistant A would come and give them a piece of paper and a ballpen to write their
orders. Then Assistant A would ask if the customers prefer a hot sauce or not. After this,
Assistant A would give the order slip (see Figure 10) to Assistant B who grills the ordered
isaw or hotdog and the pan. If the customer chooses the sauce to be spicy, then he would
brush the isaw or hotdog and the pan with a hot sauce. After the hotdog or isaw and the pan
are grilled, the isaw or hotdog would be embedded in the bun, serving as fillings, then
wrapped with a bulsita and is immediately served to the customer. While the Assistant B is
busy grilling the hotdog/isaw and the bun, Assistant A would go to the store counter to get
the mango shake from the store owner, who is in charge of making and serving the mango
shake. In other words, the mango shake is served first. The payment then is made after the
customers have consumed their ordered snacks. They can choose to stay on their tables or
leave after they have taken their snacks.
Figure 10. The Order Slip
3.5. Emergence of the Pan Cue Subculture
Taking the functionalist’s view, the pan cue as a subculture arises as a consequence of
urbanization and commercialization. To cope with these things, vendors try to survive by
modifying the famous hamburgers and hotdog snacks found in establishments like Jollibee
and McDonalds. And despite the facts that these establishments and other snack houses are
visible in Tibanga where MSU-IIT is located and the neighboring place of Brgy. San Miguel,
it still cannot be denied that most of the students especially from IIT do not come from high-
earning families. In fact, most of them are enrolled there because of its low tuition fee and
because of scholarships. The reason why I am particularly citing IIT students is because they
are the number one customers of these pan cue stores in the Children’s Park of Brgy. San
Miguel. And even those students who are from the Adventist School are not all rich kids;
some of them are just working students and some are even forced to enroll there because the
school offers a lot of medical courses. In short, these students still have to budget their
money wisely and taking pan cue snacks is preferable for them than going to McDonalds or
Jollibee. This then leads to the popularity of these pan cue stores.
3.6. Adaptation Strategies in the Pan Cue Subculture
As explained by Howard Becker (Williams 2013, 9), a collective deviant behavior is
most likely to become subcultural when members of a group consciously identified
themselves in contrast to the broader mainstream society. And this is clearly reflected in the
pan cue community which is basically against the usual norm of taking meriendas in fast
food chains like Jollibee, McDonalds and Chowking – the so-called broader mainstreams.
Aside from that, it goes against the normal function of pan as a Filipino snack food that is
normally paired with spreads, butter, or margarine. Also, the isaw which is usually paired to
rice is used as fillings of the pan. So considering these, we can say that this pan cue
community really informally deviates from the standard norms set by the society.
As a subculture, the pan cue community shows some adaptation strategies to
environmental pressures. Allow me to use three of the five terms in Merton’s typology of
individual adaptations (in Thompson, Bynum, and Thompson 2020, 78-79). These terms are
innovation, conformity, and rebellion. It is to be noted that Merton’s typology is basically
based on his strain theory, one of the two main concepts utilized by the Chicago School in its
study of subcultures. It asserts that some disadvantaged individuals would experience a kind
of psychological tension because they lack the means to achieve mainstream goals. And these
people who experience strain would either reject society’s goals altogether or utilize
alternative means to achieve these goals. But in this paper, it does not have to do with crimes
or social movements. The succeeding paragraphs show how the pan cue community members
adapt to these societal and environmental pressures.
Basically, the pan cue community shows innovation as an adaptation strategy.
Merton proposes that innovation is particularly characteristic of the lower class whose access
to legitimate means is especially limited and the “strain toward anomie” is most severe. In the
case of the pan cue culture, it is the sellers who are the innovators. Driven by the fact that fast
food chains like Jollibee, McDonalds and Chowking are very in demand to the customers,
they try to innovate something that is somewhat similar but is uniquely different from what is
famous. Specifically, they innovate Jolly hotdog of Jollibee by making isaw or locally made
hotdogs as fillings of the buns. In terms of size, the pan cue is a bit smaller and the hotdog
used is Bingo which is a local brand (please refer to Figures 11 and 12). Instead of tomato
catsup, the pan cue has a specialized sauce that can either be hot and spicy or regular. The
customer also cannot have cheese topping that is present in the Jolly hotdog classic.
However, like the Jolly hotdogs of Jollibee, this pan cue is eaten warm because after the pan
and the filling (which could be isaw or hotdog) are grilled, they are directly served to the
customers. They can really taste the freshly grilled pan cue and the hot and spicy sauce
spread over it. And on top of that, they only spend only at least P12.00 in contrast to the
P25.00 or P42.00 Jolly hotdogs from Jollibee. In short, the sellers are able to provide the
customers a slightly similar treat that Jollibee can offer but in a very affordable price that is
just enough for those who have tight budget, especially the students.
Figure 11. Jollibee’s Jolly Hotdogs
Figure 12. Pan Cue Combos
Another adaptation strategy present in the pan cue culture is conformity to
environmental pressure, especially peer pressure, considering that most of the customers are
students. To those customers who have the money but still go to the pan cue store, they are
trying to conform to their friends who have lesser budget and can only buy the affordable pan
cue snacks. For instance, Shiela, one of the respondents, comes from a well-off family. But
since most of her classmates and friends have tight budget, they prefer to take their snacks at
Children’s Park. And because of this and the idea that she will miss the chitchat and the
laughter, she would just go with them, instead of going to McDonalds, Jollibee or Chowking.
Aside from that, going to the pan cue store is also a way of conforming to what the majority
is doing. If people know that a lot of people are enjoying the pan cue or if they are able to
pass by at the Children’s Park and notice the crowd, then they would be curious about it.
Once they find out what it is, then there is this eagerness to try it especially if their friends
talk about it that much. Thus, they conform to what the majority has been doing, and that is
taking pan cues as their snacks instead of going to the fast food chains.
Moreover, the pan cue community can also be considered as a form of rebellion, one
of the terms used by Merton in his typology of adaptations (in Thompson, Bynum, and
Thompson 2020, 78-79) to environmental pressure. According to him, the rebel not only
rejects the goals and means of the established society but actively attempts to substitute new
goals and means in their place. Considering the pan cue community, both the sellers and the
customers here are unconsciously rebelling against the established fast food chains which
only the middle- and upper-class family can usually afford. On the part of the sellers, since
their small business of selling barbecues and bread is threatened by these nearby fastfood
chains, they have to find alternative means to survive against the competition. And knowing
that not everybody can afford these big establishments, they modify and innovate a product
that is somewhat similar but more affordable. On the part of the customers, it is their way of
telling the society that they still can survive without following what the mainstream society
usually does. It is because there is this pan cue that is more practical and more economical. It
is to be noted that this form of rebellion is not active and violent as in the case of social
movements whose main aim is social change.
3.7. Other Implications of the Pan Cue Subculture
Aside from those mentioned above, pan cue community is also a form of class
struggle, a style and a resistance, concepts which are commonly used by the Center for
Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) of the Birmingham School (Baker, Robards, and
Buttigieg 2016, 45-46.). It is to be noted that CCCS and Chicago School are the two
foundations in the study of subculture. Specifically, class struggle happens between the
lower class and the dominant class: between the pan cue sellers and these popular
establishments and between those who can afford to have their snacks in these fast-food
chains and those who cannot. It can then also be said that the pan cue snack is a style adopted
by costumers to distinguish themselves from the mainstream society. But of course, this
operates in a subconscious way. Aside from this, it is also a form of resistance – a term
synonymous to Merton’s rebellion (Inderbitzin, Bates, and Gainey 2018, 134-135) in the
sense that the members of this pan cue subculture resist the dominant norm of going to fast-
food chains by having pan cue snacks in Children’s Park instead. But again, unlike social
movements which aim for concrete social change, this resistance is for survival purpose only.
On the brighter side, this pan cue community also shows sense of belongingness. The
customers feel secure and comfortable to eat in this pan cue store because they know that
they have nothing to hide there. This is because they know that the people there are of the
same likes, the same beliefs and mostly the same economic status as theirs. In other words,
they will have no inhibitions and pretension. The said pan cue community also shows
cultural awareness and sensitivity on the part of the sellers. Being aware of the diversity of
their customers, these sellers learn how to modify or to suit the needs of the general
consumers. This is done by selling only isaw instead of having also pork barbecue and pork
intestines. With these, they are not only gaining more customers, but they are also making the
community less exclusive.
Aside from these, the pan cue subculture is also reflective of some Filipino cultural
traits, especially of the Filipino’s bayanihan concept. The store owner, the waiter, and the
cook – though each has exclusive tasks – still help one another in the chores. The store
owner does not put herself above her workers, for she too does their tasks every time she has
a free time. There is also the sharing of table even if the customers do not know each other,
the patience of waiting for the orders to be served, and the warmth and affability of the sellers
of welcoming the customers and offering them seats and tables. These are just but a few of
these Filipino traits reflected in the pan cue community as a subculture.
The pan cue community has a system of rules of its own. Although the pan cue sellers
have respective roles, still they can be expected to swap roles in many circumstances. In other
words, their roles are not fixed and definite. On the other hand, the customers, who are
mostly students, are hooked with the pan cues because they are affordable and delicious and
the location provides a good place for sight-seeing, gaming and relaxation. And most
importantly, the common denominator of the pan cue community members is their economic
status and this is attributed to the fact that their main reason for going to these pan cue stores
is its affordability. In other words, they are economically-challenged and all they can do is to
resort to pan cue snacks.
As a subculture, the pan cue is a form of informal deviant behavior that provides
some adaptation strategies (conformity, innovation, rebellion) for its members. It is also a
form of class struggle, a style and a resistance to the dominant and established norm of going
to fast-food chains. However on the lighter side, it shows bayanihan spirit and communality,
sense of belongingness, cultural awareness and sensitivity and other Filipino cultural
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