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What has become of the Indignados? The biographical consequences of participation in the 15M movement in Madrid (2011–19)
Social Movement Studies
Abstract
This article examines the biographical consequences of participation in 15 M by following the trajectories, from May 2011 to November 2019, of individuals who took part in the movement in Madrid. Based on a field study combining observations and repeat interviews, this follow-up of the trajectories of forty Indignados (22 in the period 2013–15 and 18 to 2019) reveals considerable biographical impacts on both representations and individual practices in the political, personal and professional spheres. These impacts were particularly salient among those who had experienced biographical disruptions, whether in relation to political socialization or a drop in social status, and those who had mobilized in an intense and lasting way. However, 15 M had also had a profound influence on the biographies of those with an activist background and those who had been less involved in the movement. This microsociological approach gives us a better understanding of the biographical trajectories of the Indignados and provides an account of the transformations in collective action in Madrid over the past ten years. The main legacy of 15 M is therefore that it created a new generation of activists who are now involved in a multitude of activist microspheres and institutional settings.
... These challenges have meant that most scholarship in the area has focused on short term and more easily measured effects of movements on policy and institutions (Amenta & Caren, 2004;Giugni, 2008) rather than on more diffuse and harder to trace cultural impacts. Despite these limitations, the field has addressed several areas of impact, including biographical (Whittier, 2004;Nez, 2021), cultural (Gelb & Hart, 1999;Meyer, 1999;Rucht, 1999), institutional (Raeburn, 2004;Staggenborg, 1988Staggenborg, , 2013 electoral/political (Gamson, 1990), and social capital (Diani, 1997;Tindall et al., 2012) effects. Genealogical approaches have also allowed scholars to look at how movements shape subsequent movements, despite periods of demobilization or abeyance (Flesher Fominaya, 2015a;Whittier, 1995Whittier, , 1997. ...
... Despite their importance, in this article we are leaving aside questions of biographical consequences on individuals (Nez, 2021) to focus primarily on organizations, including formal institutions (governing structures at municipal and state level, formally and legally constituted NGOs), as well as loosely and informally organized movement initiatives. Despite 15-M's well documented influence on other movements and innovations beyond Spain (e.g. ...
... These challenges have meant that most scholarship in the area has focused on short term and more easily measured effects of movements on policy and institutions (Amenta & Caren, 2004;Giugni, 2008) rather than on more diffuse and harder to trace cultural impacts. Despite these limitations, the field has addressed several areas of impact, including biographical (Whittier, 2004;Nez, 2021), cultural (Gelb & Hart, 1999;Meyer, 1999;Rucht, 1999), institutional (Raeburn, 2004;Staggenborg, 1988Staggenborg, , 2013 electoral/political (Gamson, 1990), and social capital (Diani, 1997;Tindall et al., 2012) effects. Genealogical approaches have also allowed scholars to look at how movements shape subsequent movements, despite periods of demobilization or abeyance (Flesher Fominaya, 2015a;Whittier, 1995Whittier, , 1997. ...
... Despite their importance, in this article we are leaving aside questions of biographical consequences on individuals (Nez, 2021) to focus primarily on organizations, including formal institutions (governing structures at municipal and state level, formally and legally constituted NGOs), as well as loosely and informally organized movement initiatives. Despite 15-M's well documented influence on other movements and innovations beyond Spain (e.g. ...
Social movement impact on democracy has primarily been treated in two ways in the literature: the role of social movements in promoting democratization in the form of regime change; and a more recent literature on the ways social movements initiate democratic innovation in governing institutions and norm diffusion in already existing democracy. In this article, we argue that to fully understand social movement impact on democracy, we need to look beyond these two main approaches, as important as they are. Using the emblematic case of Spain’s 15-M pro-democracy movement to illustrate our conceptual proposal, we draw on existing literature to argue that social movements can impact democracy in several key arenas currently not sufficiently considered in the literature. We provide examples of democratic impact emerging from the experimentation around the central problematic of ‘real democracy’ in the ‘occupied squares’ to highlight several ways social movements’ democratic impact might be explored. We develop the concepts of hybridity and democratic laboratory to analyze these impacts and discuss their relation to contemporary theorizing about democracy and movement outcomes. We argue that adopting this broader approach to the democratic impact of social movements leads to a more nuanced understanding of movement outcomes and ‘success’.
... However, the global upsurge of mobilizations in late 2010 sparked substantial interest in the fate of the activists who participated in those waves of protest. This led to a proliferation of new studies on political disengagement (Beauchesne and Vairel, 2021;Menshawy and Al-Anani, 2021;Nez, 2021;Prado Galán and Fersch, 2021;Vacchiano and Afailal, 2021). Meanwhile, the literature on extremist organizations and political violence saw numerous new studies exploring activists' pathways to political disengagement (Bjørgo, 2011;Blee, 2016;Bosi, 2019;Della Porta, 2009;Horgan, 2009). ...
The literature on political disengagement has proliferated since the global upsurge of mobilizations in late 2010. Studies show that disengagement is a highly dynamic process, shaped by the interaction of a multiplicity of factors at the micro-, meso- and macro-levels. The article reviews the principal factors related to disengagement, revealing their varied impact, the significance of agential factors and the context-specific nature of disengagement. Given the different forms and degrees of disengagement, scholars have begun to challenge strictly defined dichotomies such as engagement/disengagement. The article concludes by noting some blind spots in the literature and providing suggestions for future research.
... Initially led by a younger generation of students and graduates (Feixa and Nofre, 2013), this occupation movement channelled the frustration of multiple social groups, denounced corruption and the lack of alternatives, and promoted direct democracy. A branch of this movement would evolve into the Podemos party in 2014, but it will also act as a 'symbolic breach' (Laraña and Díez, 2012) and give rise to multiple democratic offshoots carried by a new generation of activists (Nez, 2023). ...
Based on a comparative analysis of seven youth movements, this article shows the rise of a rhetoric of intergenerational injustice over the past decade, increasingly associated with a direct accusation of older generations and with a generational and global ‘we’. Theoritically, we propose to approach the ‘generational voice’ – rather than the generational ‘presence’ – to shed light on the generational grievances, emotions and identities carried within movements. We draw on the textual analysis of protest slogans (n = 1914) collected directly from: the Indignados (2011), the student movements in Chile and Quebec (2011–2012), the Paris ‘Nuit Debout’ movement (2016), the Hong Kong pro-democracy movements (2014 and 2019), and the Montreal pro-climate march (2019). Using mixed methods, the article shows the existence of four major rhetorics of generational injustice – be it economic, social, political or environmental – associated with an increasingly radical critique of a legacy, deemed too heavy for ‘future generations’.
The idea of universal basic income is recieving increasing attention in the political, media and public agendas. This policy proposal constitutes a radical departure from the orthodox welfare rationale of giving to those in need, or attaching conditions to welfare support. Given the permutation that a UBI presents, many pilot projects and field experiments are being carried out globally to test the effects of this novel policy idea. Key questions arise from these developments: are the lessons learned from these experiments being fed back into the policy process? Are the pilot project results guiding and informing policymakers? Overall, can we observe any political effects of such scientific efforts? I address these questions through a qualitative case study analysis of the B-Mincome project. Through an in-depth analysis of this pilot, some of the key factors influencing the (limited) policy and political effects of the pilot project have been identified. The B-Mincome case study shows that the barriers to policy change were in place well before the pilot, and evidently, remained unaltered by it. The political landscape in Barcelona's City Council, its economic powers and institutional context were unchanged by the pilot, and in fact shaped the pilot design, moving it away from the UBI proposal. The B-Mincome experience illustrates the need to accommodate the pilot design to the politics and economics of the experiment, and shows the unintended consequences that such an adaptation of the pilot design may have in relation to its original objectives. In the case of Barcelona, this has meant a move away from a UBI-style pilot design, resulting in very limited effects on the debate or policy design of cash transfers, having a greater policy impact on active polices instead. However, by taking a broader look at Spanish and Catalan politics, our analysis has shown that unexpected factors may end up triggering a debate much more effectively than a pilot project.
This article reconstructs the life trajectories of Portuguese radical left activists who mobilized against the Estado Novo authoritarian regime between the mid 1960s and the mid 1970s. It analyses the consequences of political engagement on the political and life trajectories of the activists across three different institutional settings: an authoritarian regime (until 1974), a revolutionary process (1974–1975) and a democracy (from 1976 onwards). The aim is to understand how the engagement and its consequences changed according to the changes at a political level. The underlying question is ‘what became of the radical activists who mobilized against the Portuguese dictatorship in the late 1960s’? To address this question, I adopt a longitudinal perspective, which contextualizes the present life of the former activists in a longer process, composed of different phases of engagement, activism, prison, disengagement, reconversion and life as former activists. I understand these phases as strictly interconnected to the organizational dynamics (groups and networks) and the political processes.
Observing Intermittently: The Effects of Discontinuity in the Fieldwork
This paper examines the challenges raised by the practice of direct but sporadic observation of activist spaces. Some tangible effects of observing intermittently are the difficulty for the researcher to assume a role that makes sense in the activist space under scrutiny, or to build trust and bonds with the persons surveyed. The recognition of a weak socialization in the milieu can trigger a particular emotional impact. It is necessary to take this into account, as this emotional experience constitutes a source of information about the subject under study just like the data obtained from observations and interviews.
Most research on activist participation has aimed to explain motives to engage in protest and collective action or becoming an activist. The outcomes, for the individual, have been neglected. Therefore we set out to systematically document and organize the psychological and behavioural changes associated with activism into a typology of change. The review contains 57 papers describing changes. Psychological changes identified in the literature can be classified into 19 main forms: marital status, children, relationship ties, work-life/career, extended involvement, consumer behaviour, identity, empowerment, radicalization/politicization, legitimacy, sustained commitment, self-esteem, general well-being, ‘traits’, self-confidence, religion, organizing, knowledge, and home skills. Our analysis highlights the lack of analysis of the relation between type of protest and type of change, and lack of research into the processes behind the various psychological changes. What is needed now is more precise investigation of the relationship between types of protests, social and psychological processes, and psychological outcomes. Further, more longitudinal studies are required to explore the relationship.
This article examines the relationship between social movements' digital democratic innovations and political parties through a case study based on the involvement of 15M activists in the creation and development of new political parties in Spain. By analyzing the impact of certain technological activist groups on the implementation of the movement's demands in terms of mechanisms of participation and deliberation in the new parties through the use of digital technologies, we aim to evaluate the activists' contribution to the transformation of formal politics and the deepening of democracy. In this sense, we explore the role of so-called 'tech activists' as mediators of political participation, and the digital repertoire of action they use. Sources used include various documents and websites as well as interviews with key informants and notes from participant observation in meetings and assemblies.
El contexto político español atraviesa, desde hace unos años, por un momento altamente complejo y, a la vez, de una efervescencia apasionante. Las encuestas y estudios demoscópicos evidencian una fuerte desafección ciudadana definida por un sentimiento de cinismo y falta de confianza con respecto al proceso político representativo. Al mismo tiempo hemos sido testigos de la irrupción de múltiples formas de participación que incluyen: acampadas, manifestaciones, detención de desahucios, irrupción de plataformas de monitorización, formación de nuevos partidos políticos, surgimiento de medios de comunicación alternativos, iniciativas legislativas populares, y un largo etcétera. En España se ha consolidado desde 2011 un auténtico laboratorio democrático donde la ciudadanía experimenta con nuevas formas de expresión política. Este libro se introduce de lleno en este laboratorio político para comprobar cómo están cambiando los perfiles de la democracia. Un ejercicio que no sólo tiene una relevancia en clave española, sino que proyecta su interés más allá, puesto que puede ser el anuncio de cambios que pueden afectar, en los próximos tiempos, a otras democracias en el mundo. Si estamos en lo cierto y nuestro contexto está en la vanguardia de la innovación y la experimentación política, este libro puede servir para saber hacia dónde evoluciona la democracia tanto hoy como en el futuro inmediato.
Since May 2011, the Spanish 15-M Movement (commonly referred as los indignados) has become a major player in the domestic political scenario. Public opinion data reveal that there is a cross-sectional support for the 15-M among the general population in Spain, affecting people of different ages, genders, employment situations and levels of urbanization. The data present a “movement of dissent” and confirm the crisis of the consensual culture of the Spanish political transition from Franco's regime to democracy. The 15-M challenges previous consensus and expresses the need to reform or to overcome the close-knitted institutional map designed by the elites driving the transition. The outraged movement advances and leads a new political culture based on widespread social dissent. Our data suggest an imbalance between the cultural and the political impact of the 15-M, and how this tension will be a central element of cultural and civic life in the next decades in Spain.
This critique reviews an especially active field of research during the last 20 years in France: the sociology of activism. In this current of sociology, a new interactionist paradigm has emerged that takes into account activists careers and the process of becoming an activist. This critique focuses on how the idea of the "rewards" of activism has been reworked. After reviewing theoretical debates about whether or not new forms of activism and new activists are arising, this article points out two issues for current research, both related to the social division of labor, namely: improving our understanding of, on the one hand, the linkage between macrosocial changes and activism and, on the other hand, of the way that organizations shape activism.
L'article, a partir d'une enquete qualitative mobilisant pres de 200 entretiens, tente de reconstituer les logiques de l'engagement dans les ONG humanitaires medicales d'urgence. Ce lieu d'observation est d'autant plus fecond que s'y entrecroisent statuts salaries et non remuneres, le militantisme humanitaire representant, sous cet aspect entre autres, un cas d'ecole pour comprendre l'imbrication des dimensions professionnelles et militantes de l'engagement. En effet, et de facon plus generale, un des couts de l'engagement est le cout professionnel : certains engagements peuvent nuire au statut professionnel, la disponibilite autorisee par certaines professions est plus ou moins grande... Comprendre l'engagement suppose donc de le comprendre en l'inscrivant dans le temps. Des lors, et au risque d'un usage metaphorique du terme, un des interets du concept de « carriere » est defaire le lien entre les dispositions individuelles, d'une part, et le temps et les moments de l'engagement, d'autre part, le militantisme apparaissant comme un prolongement de l'identite sociale. Mais le concept de carriere permet aussi d'eclairer comment l'on peut «faire carriere » en humanitaire. Au final, la notion de carriere militante permet d'envisager non seulement les dispositions au militantisme humanitaire, mais aussi les moments de vie et situations actualisant ces dispositions, voire les forgeant, et enfin la variation dans le temps des couts et retributions de l'engagement.
Présenter un dossier sur l’engagement qui mette sur le même plan les pratiques militantes dans les partis politiques, les organisations syndicales, le monde associatif et plus généralement les entreprises de mouvement social, pourra paraître osé. C’est que, pendant longtemps, le militantisme a été pensé sous les seules espèces du travail partisan et syndical, dans un contexte où la définition de la participation politique demeurait étroitement cantonnée à l’action dite « conventionnelle ». [Premier paragraphe de l'article]
The present monograph issue focuses on the 2011–2012 global wave of protests that began in Tunisia in 2011. This introductory article notes that two streams of mobilization can be distinguished in terms of the specific grievances they express, and the socioeconomic and political contexts in which they have emerged. The article argues, however, that despite these differences both threads find their antecedents in the increasing and widespread social and economic levels of inequality, which requires social movements theories to ‘bring political economy back’ in the analysis of mobilization. It is further argued that the various occupy movements that have emerged since 2011 constitute diverse manifestations of a new international cycle of contention. With its innovative and distinctive traits in terms of diffusion, coordination, action repertoires, frames, and types of activism, this new cycle seeks to both transform the economic system to provide greater equality, opportunities, and personal fulfillment and, simultaneously, to democratize power in more participatory ways.
This article is a critical survey of a field of research that for 20 years has been particularly active in France and is once again gaining momentum: the sociology of activist commitment. An outcome of this sociological current was the inter-actionist paradigm, i.e. how activists’ careers are embarked upon and evolve. The notion of how to reward activism has been refined and reconsidered. Theoretical debates relating to the surfacing – or not – of “new forms” of activism – or even “new activists” – are replaced in perspective and the two challenges that confront research today stressed. Both concern the social division of labor: how to account more thoroughly for the link between macro-social transformations and individual commitment, on one hand, how organizations are instrumental in formatting activism, on the other.
Framed in debates about the crisis of democracy, the book analyzes one of the most influential social movements of recent times: Spain’s “Indignados” or “15-M” movement. In the wake of the global financial crisis and harsh austerity policies, 15-M movement activists occupied public squares across the country, mobilized millions of Spanish citizens, gave rise to new hybrid parties such as Podemos, and inspired pro-democracy movements around the world. Based on access to key participants in the 15-M movement and Podemos, and extensive participant observation, the book tells the story of this remarkable movement, its emergence, evolution, and impact. In so doing, it challenges some of the core arguments in social movement scholarship about the factors likely to lead to movement success. Instead, the book argues that movements organized around autonomous network logics can build and sustain strong movements in the absence of formal organizations, strong professionalized leadership, and the ability to attract external resources. The key to understanding its power lies in the shared political culture and collective identity that emerged following the occupation of Spain’s central squares. These protest camps sustained the movement by forging reciprocal ties of solidarity between diverse actors, and generating a shared set of critical master frames across a diverse set of actors and issues (e.g., housing, education, pensions, privatization of public services, corruption) that enabled the movement to effectively contest hegemonic narratives about the crisis, austerity, and democracy, influencing public debate and the political agenda.
This article focuses on the Indignado protesters in the city of Valladolid (Spain) as a case study, drawing on retrospective qualitative interview research six years after the ‘hype’. Our analysis explores how forms of interaction and participation during the events could have had an important influence not only on the motives of the participants’ political engagement, but also the long-term durability of such engagement. The findings offer insights on the different forms of sociality present in the various types of activism and how these contribute to forming diverse understandings of collective action. Consequently, activists show tendencies for diverse forms of long-term engagement that appear to follow patterns that align with their experienced type of sociality and how it is remembered.
Introduction
Studying the outcomes of social movements is important if we want to elucidate the role of collective action in society. While most works have addressed aggregate-level political outcomes such as changes in laws or new policies, a relatively small but substantial body of literature deals with the personal and biographical consequences of social movements at the micro-level, that is, effects on the life-course of individuals who have participated in movement activities, due at least in part to involvement in those activities (see Giugni 2004 for a review). In general, these studies converge in suggesting that activism has a strong effect both on the political and personal lives of the subjects. Most of the existing studies, however, share a number of features that limit the scope of their findings. First, they focus on a specific kind of movement participants, namely movement activists, most often New Left activists, who are strongly committed to the cause. Yet, as suggested by McAdam (1999a), not more than between 2% and 4% of the American population took part in New Left activism of the 1960s. As a result, we cannot directly generalize from these findings to the biographical impact of participation in social movements by less strongly committed people who, in addition, might belong to other ideological areas, not necessarily to the New Left. Second, they use only a limited number of subjects and often do not analyze non-activists. The possibility of generalizing the findings is therefore very limited due to the small samples used and the lack of a control group of non-activists. Third, they look at a specific geographical and area and historical period, namely the United States (or often even more circumscribed geographical areas) in the late 1960s and early 1970s. As such, we do not know from these studies how movement participation may affect the lives of people more generally. Thus, overall, in spite of the crucial insights that these works provided, they have little to say about the effects of more “routine” forms of participation.
In this chapter we try to go beyond the traditional focus on highly committed New Left activism to investigate the impact of protest participation on political life-course patterns amongst the general population. Our main research question is the following: Does participation in social movement activities, such as participation in protest activities, have an enduring impact on the subsequent political life of individuals?
En Espagne, le 15M a impulsé une vague d’occupations, à partir du 15 mai 2011, non seulement de places publiques, mais aussi de locaux désaffectés et de logements vides. Les Indignados , qui s’inscrivent ainsi dans la suite du mouvement des squatteurs, s’en distinguent par une diversification du profil socio-économique, des orientations idéologiques et des trajectoires des occupants. À partir d’une étude de cas dans le quartier madrilène de Carabanchel, cet article porte sur ces nouveaux occupants sans passé militant, en mettant en lien leurs pratiques et représentations de l’occupation avec leurs trajectoires sociales, professionnelles et politiques. Il s’intéresse aux facteurs de leur engagement, en insistant sur la dégradation de leur situation socio-économique et les opportunités que leur offre le squat en termes de résolution de problèmes concrets et de reconnaissance sociale. L’analyse porte également sur leurs pratiques quotidiennes, à l’origine d’une prise de conscience d’une capacité d’agir individuelle et collective. Ces trajectoires d’ empowerment s’accompagnent d’un changement de leurs perceptions des mouvements sociaux, des médias et du système économique et politique.
Estamos ante la emergencia de otra manera de participar políticamente, de la exigencia de la democracia necesaria del futuro. Desde el 15M, un laboratorio social en la calle y las redes ha cambiado el panorama político y se ha constituido como un agente de transformación.
Este libro, a través del análisis que ofrecen varios autores/as y de la voz directa de sus protagonistas, profundiza en elementos clave de esta movilización: las causas del movimiento y las razones de su éxito inicial; el papel de las asambleas populares y su metodología para adoptar decisiones en el espacio urbano y de internet como herramienta de participación; la noviolencia como opción estratégica en la confrontación con el poder; la expresión feminista, el papel del mundo del trabajo y la capacidad de crear dinámicas inclusivas del movimiento.
Y finalmente la forma en que la movilización ha planteado y exigido el cambio democrático. En su conjunto, se ofrece una mirada heterogénea y aguda de esta movilización de la mano de una multiplicidad de voces que circulan entre las fronteras del activismo y la academia.
The Spanish 15-M/Indignados have drawn global attention for the strength and longevity of their anti-austerity mobilizations. Two features have been highlighted as particularly noteworthy: (1) Their refusal to allow institutional left actors to participate in or represent the movement, framed as a movement of ‘ordinary citizens’ and (2) their insistence on the use of deliberative democratic practices in large public assemblies as a central organizing principle. As with many emergent cycles of protest, many scholars, observers and participants attribute the mobilizations with spontaneity and ‘newness’. I argue that the ability of the 15-M/Indignados to sustain mobilization based on deliberative democratic practices is not spontaneous, but the result of the evolution of an autonomous collective identity predicated on deliberative movement culture in Spain since the early 1980s. My discussion contributes to the literature on social movement continuity and highlights the need for historically grounded analyses that pay close attention to the maintenance and evolution of collective identities and movement cultures in periods of latency or abeyance in order to better understand the rapid mobilization of networks in new episodes of contention.
Deliberating in a Social Movement
Since May 15th, 2011, when demonstrators decide to camp at the Puerta del Sol, Madrid’s public plazas live to the rhythm of popular assemblies organized by the Indignados. Based on an ethnographic research carried out for nine months in the Spanish capital, about sixty assemblies have been observed, this article shows how participants interact in these meetings and make decisions by using the consensus rule. It analyzes the implementation of deliberative practices within a social movement and scrutinizes their routinization as mobilization is getting institutionalized.
Theories and concepts for understanding the political logic of social movements' everyday activities, particularly those which relate directly to political goals, have been increasingly important since the late 1970s. The notion of ‘prefigurative politics’ is becoming established in this debate and refers to scenarios where protesters express the political ‘ends’ of their actions through their ‘means’, or where they create experimental or ‘alternative’ social arrangements or institutions. Both meanings share the idea that prefiguration anticipates or partially actualises goals sought by movements. This article uses narratives and observations gathered in social movement ‘free spaces’, autonomous social centres in Barcelona, to evaluate, critique and rearticulate the concept. Participants' attention to the ‘means’ through which protest is carried out and emphasis on projects such as experimentation with alternative social and organisational forms suggest they engage in prefigurative politics. However, the article uses these examples to dispute the key ways through which prefiguration has been defined, arguing that it can better be deployed in referring to the relations, and tensions, between a set of political priorities. Understood as such, prefigurative politics combines five processes: collective experimentation, the imagining, production and circulation of political meanings, the creating of new and future-oriented social norms or ‘conduct’, their consolidation in movement infrastructure, and the diffusion and contamination of ideas, messages and goals to wider networks and constituencies.
In this classic work of sociology, Doug McAdam presents a political-process model that explains the rise and decline of the black protest movement in the United States. Moving from theoretical concerns to empirical analysis, he focuses on the crucial role of three institutions that foster protest: black churches, black colleges, and Southern chapters of the NAACP. He concludes that political opportunities, a heightened sense of political efficacy, and the development of these three institutions played a central role in shaping the civil rights movement. In his new introduction, McAdam revisits the civil rights struggle in light of recent scholarship on social movement origins and collective action. "[A] first-rate analytical demonstration that the civil rights movement was the culmination of a long process of building institutions in the black community."--Raymond Wolters, Journal of American History "A fresh, rich, and dynamic model to explain the rise and decline of the black insurgency movement in the United States."--James W. Lamare, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science
Personal, Biographical, and Other Consequences of Social MovementsFollow-up Studies of New Left ActivistsBeyond New Left ActivismSocial Movements and Aggregate-Level ChangeMethodological IssuesSummary and Prospective Look
This essay reviews recent and less recent literature on the consequences of social movements and protest activities. It focuses on three types of consequences: political, personal and biographical, and cultural. Political consequences and, in particular, policy outcomes receive most attention, as they are those which have been addresses most often by students of social movements. The review of existing work shows that the field is full of valuable works dealing with this crucial issue and is rapidly growing thanks in particular to a new wave of scholars interested in this topic. Further work should pay more attention to the unintended consequences of social movements, look also at other types of impacts, and carry more comparative analyses.
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