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President Bolsonaro’s Promises
and Actions on Corruption
Control
PROMESSAS E AÇÕES DO PRESIDENTE BOLSONARO SOBRE CORRUPÇÃO
Paul Lagunes1, Gregory Michener2, Fernanda Odilla3and Breno Pires4
Abstract
Before the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, candidate Jair Bolsonaro offered a
bold message on corruption control. Among his promises, Bolsonaro vowed to pro-
mote government transparency, dismiss any member of his team accused of corrup-
tion, and defend the country’s institutions of accountability. Bolsonaro also offered to
support a once-popular legislative reform proposal known as the Ten Measures
Against Corruption. However, it is worth cautioning that anticorruption as a rhetor-
ical device has been a near-permanent feature of the Brazilian political landscape.
In this article, we seek to compare Bolsonaro’s campaign promises with his early
actions as president. The evidence shows that, months after the 2018 elections,
President Bolsonaro has failed the anticorruption mandate on which he was elected.
Keywords
Corruption; Brazil; mandate; accountability; democracy.
Resumo
Antes das eleições presidenciais de 2018 no Brasil, o candidato Jair Bolsonaro apre-
sentou um discurso arrojado para o combate à corrupção. Entre as promessas que
fez, comprometeu-se a promover a transparência no governo, demitir qualquer
integrante de sua equipe acusado de corrupção e defender as instituições de con-
trole no país. Também ofereceu apoio ao então popular projeto de lei conhecido
como Dez Medidas Contra a Corrupção. No entanto, é importante alertar que o dis-
curso anticorrupção, como um artifício retórico, é uma característica quase perma-
nente do cenário político brasileiro há anos. Neste artigo, comparamos as promes-
sas de campanha de Bolsonaro com suas ações enquanto presidente. Os dados
indicam que, meses após as eleições de 2018, o presidente Bolsonaro falhou na pro-
messa de um mandato anticorrupção para o qual foi eleito.
Palavras-chave
Corrupção; Brasil; mandato; accountability; democracia.
1Columbia University, New York,
New York, United States
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6881-1040
2Fundação Getulio Vargas, EBAPE,
Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6648-8649
3Università di Bologna, Bologna,
Italy
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2229-986X
4O Estado de S. Paulo, Brasília,
Federal District, Brazil
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4841-3862
Recebido: 26.10.2020
Aprovado: 18.05.2021
https://doi.org/10.1590/2317-6172202121
V. 17 N. 2
2021
ISSN 2317-6172
:
DIREITO E CORRUPÇÃO SISTÊMICA
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:
PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
INTRODUCTION
In 2018, before the Brazilian presidential elections, candidate Jair Bolsonaro celebrated the
fact that he was one of a few politicians not to have received irregular funding from Petro-
bras (LUPA, 2018).1This was of consequence considering that the massive corruption scan-
dal known as Lava Jato had begun at the Brazilian state-owned oil company (DAVIS, 2019,
p. 163). In response to the corruption revelations, high-level government officials were con-
victed, powerful firms were forced to pay restitution, and the Brazilian system of accounta-
bility appeared to reach a new level of efficacy (ARANHA, 2020, p. 94-95 and 99-101;
GANLEY and LAGUNES, 2020a, p. 227-228).2Building on this momentum, candidate Bol-
sonaro promised citizens a different kind of government: an honest government.3
Jair Messias Bolsonaro is an army captain who, as a representative for the state of Rio de
Janeiro, served for nearly thirty years in Congress (CÂMARA DOS DEPUTADOS, n.d.). He
is described by critics as a right-wing populist known for making disparaging comments
against women, gays, and blacks (LEAHY and SCHIPANI, 2018; SIMÕES, 2018; CHILD,
2019). In an apparent challenge to due process and human rights, Bolsonaro is on the record
saying that “a good criminal is a dead criminal” (LONDOÑO and ANDREONI, 2018). Earlier
in his political career, Bolsonaro even went so far as to call for authoritarian intervention in
Brazil (WILSON CENTER, 2018). In a 1999 interview, he warned that if he ever became
president, he would close Congress (SIMÕES, 2018). “I would stage a military coup on the
first day,” he said (HELAL FILHO, 2019).4“Through the vote,” he added, “you will not change
anything in this country” (HELAL FILHO, 2019).5
But even as Bolsonaro has, at times, appeared unsympathetic to democracy and its ways,
he has advanced his political career through none other than the path made available to him
by democracy. And, in his aspiration for higher office, Bolsonaro announced his bid for the
presidency in July of 2018.
1The translation of Jair Bolsonaro’s statement: “My name was mentioned by Mr. Alberto Youssef [a black-
market dealer] during his plea agreement [as] one of the three congressional members who did not
receive money from Petrobras.” The original quote: “Eu fui citado pelo senhor Alberto Youssef, por ocasião de sua
delação premiada, [como] um dos três deputados que não foi pegar dinheiro na Petrobras” (LUPA, 2018).
2For a relevant discussion of Brazil’s accountability system, see: PRADO and CORNELIUS (2020).
3As stated in candidate Jair Bolsonaro’s government plan (authors’ translation): “We propose a decent gov-
ernment [that will be] different from all that which has thrown us into an ethical, moral, and fiscal crisis.
A government without quid pro quo, without spurious agreements.” The original quote: “Propomos um gover-
no decente, diferente de tudo aquilo que nos jogou em uma crise ética, moral e fiscal. Um governo sem ‘toma-lá-dá-cá’,
sem acordos espúrios” (BOLSONARO, 2018a, p. 2).
4The original statement: “Não há a menor dúvida, daria golpe no mesmo dia” (HELAL FILHO, 2019).
5The original statement: “Através do voto você não vai mudar nada nesse país, nada, absolutamente nada”
(HELAL FILHO, 2019).
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Throughout the campaign season (and even shortly after winning the election), Bolsonaro
expressly championed the anticorruption cause (see Figure 1). In fact, he made a number of
specific promises on the matter. For instance, Bolsonaro promised to promote government
transparency (CAMPOS and GONÇALVES, 2019). He also promised to dismiss any member
of his team accused of corruption (MONTEIRO, LINDNER and LIMA, 2018; FERNANDES,
2018; HOUS, 2018) and to defend the country’s institutions of accountability (BOL-
SONARO, 2018a, p. 12). Regarding this last promise, Bolsonaro offered assurances that he
would support the Lava Jato Task Force and its efforts to combat corruption (BOLSONARO,
2018b). Bolsonaro similarly offered to support the Lava Jato Task Force’s once-popular leg-
islative reform proposal known as the Ten Measures Against Corruption (BOLSONARO,
2018a, p. 35).6
FIGURE 1 – WORDS EMPHASIZED IN CANDIDATE BOLSONARO’SGOVERNMENT PLAN
The word cloud depicts the frequency with which topics are mentioned in the body of candidate
Bolsonaro’s official government plan. To generate the word cloud, we removed extraneous text and
eliminated all remaining non-topical words. While the average word shown in the figure appears five
times, the term corrupção appears thirteen times. The word cloud illustrates the relative importance
of the corruption theme to Bolsonaro’s 2018 presidential campaign. Source text: BOLSONARO, Jair.
O caminho da prosperidade: proposta de plano de governo. Brazil, 2018.
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
6The Ten Measures (or, as it was referred to in Brazil, “Dez Medidas Contra a Corrupção”) included pro-
posals to end some of the legal privileges that make it difficult to prosecute elected officials, while—
among other things—increasing the penalties for officials convicted of corruption (CARVALHO, 2016, p.
5; BULLOCK and STEPHENSON, 2020, p. 216).
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Bolsonaro’s strategy of railing against the corrupt status quo appeared to work. He won
the presidency and, in his inaugural speech, called on all members of Congress to free Brazil
of corruption (UOL, 2019). However, it is worth cautioning that anticorruption as a rhetor-
ical device has been a near-permanent feature of the Brazilian political landscape (AVRITZER
et al., 2008; DOS SANTOS, 2017; SADEK, 2019). The question is whether the disconnect
between what politicians promise and what they actually deliver is of relevance to the health
of a democracy.
In this article, we assume that political rhetoric matters and that hypocrisy—however com-
mon—is in tension with accountability. During electoral campaigns, rhetoric is the means by
which candidates communicate information to voters (DOWNS, 1957), consequently shap-
ing expectations about the future of policy (STOKES, 2001, p. 2-4). Presidential inaugural
addresses are similarly important considering that they set the tone and the policy agenda for
the incoming administration (RAGSDALE, 1984; CAMPBELL and JAMIESON, 2018). If offi-
cials go on to deliver on their early promises, they can be thought of as responsive to voters
(O’DONNELL, 1994, p. 58). In this sense, responsiveness is achieved when “the democratic
process induces the government to form and implement policies that the citizens want”
(POWELL, 2004, p. 91).
With this in mind, we join those who warn about the importance of validating Jair Bol-
sonaro’s words against his actions (ROSE-ACKERMAN and PIMENTA, 2020, p. 205). Two
years after the 2018 elections, there is a growing body of evidence—summarized in the sub-
stance of this article—that President Bolsonaro has failed the anticorruption mandate that he
set for himself. This is not to imply that everything about Bolsonaro’s administration can be
judged a disappointment. Similarly, we do not pretend that, as president, Bolsonaro can con-
trol everything relating to corruption in Brazil.7Also, it is at least plausible that a few of the
troubling trends highlighted here may be reversed before the President concludes his term.8
But whatever happens in the years ahead, this article should serve as a resource that tracks
Jair Bolsonaro’s original promises and early actions on the subject of corruption control.
1. POLITICAL PROMISES, CORRUPTION SCANDALS, AND INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Jair Bolsonaro is by no means the first politician to make promises regarding corruption
control. In this section, we trace Brazil’s decades-long path of scandal and institutional
development while also spotlighting other contemporary presidents who have made notable
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7That said, the president is a central actor with strong legislative powers in the Brazilian governing system
(ABRANCHES, 1988; FIGUEIREDO and LIMONGI, 2007; MELO and PEREIRA, 2013).
8Much of this article was drafted between the months of May and October of 2020. By the time this article
is published, President Bolsonaro will have been in office for more than two years.
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promises to fight corruption. Our brief historical review places Bolsonaro’s actions in broad-
er context and introduces the institutional actors that will prove central to our analysis later,
in Section 2.
1.1. INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE FEDERAL PROSECUTION SYSTEM
We begin our historical review by noting that the years of military rule in Brazil—that is, the
years between 1964 and 1985—were marred by scandal (GEDDES and RIBEIRO NETO,
1992, p. 647). Table 1 lists the most prominent corruption scandals that occurred during
the administrations of generals Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1969-1974), Ernesto Geisel (1974-
1979), and João Baptista Figueiredo (1979-1985).
TABLE 1 – PRESIDENTIAL PROMISES TO FIGHT CORRUPTION & CORRUPTION SCANDALS
(1964-1992)
PROMISED TO FIGHT
CORRUPTION WHEN FEATURED AS CORRUPTION SCANDALS
PRESIDENT YEAR TAKING OFFICE1 CORRUPTION FIGHTER2 OF NOTE3
HUMBERTO DE ALENCAR 1964-1967 YES YES
CASTELO BRANCO
ARTUR DA COSTA E SILVA 1967-1969 NO MENTION NO
GOVERNINGJUNTA 1969 MISSING DATA⍬ NO
EMÍLIO GARRASTAZU 1969-1974 NO MENTION NO GOVERNADORES BIÔNICOS (BIONIC
MÉDICI GOVERNORS); FLEURY (1973).
ERNESTO GEISEL 1974-1979 NO MENTION YES DELFIM NETO/CAMARGO CORRÊA
(1974); PERKS FOR MINISTERS AND
HIGH-LEVEL CIVIL SERVANTS (1976);
GENERAL ELECTRIC (1976).
JOÃO BAPTISTA 1979-1985 YES YES LUTAFLLA CASE (1979); NEWTON
FIGUEIREDO CRUZ/CAPEMI (1982); GRUPO DELFIN
(1982); COROA BRASTEL (1985).
JOSÉ SARNEY 1985-1990 NO MENTION FERROVIA NORTE-SUL (NORTHERN-
SOUTHERN RAILROAD) (1987); CPI DA
CORRUPÇÃO (1988); CASO BR (1988).
FERNANDO COLLOR 1990-1992 YES YES JORGINA DE FREITAS (1991); ROSANE
DE MELLO COLLOR (1991); PC/COLLORGATE.
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(it continues)
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⍬THE LABEL “MISSING DATA” INDICATES THAT THE PRESIDENT’S INAUGURAL SPEECH IS EITHER NOT AVAILABLE OR WAS NOT FOUND.
1SOURCES: BIBLIOTECA DA PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA (N.D.) AND BONFIM (2008).
2SOURCE: THE NEW YORK TIMES’S TIMEMACHINE (N.D.).
3AN EMPTY CELL INDICATES THAT NO MAJOR SCANDAL WAS IDENTIFIED DURING THE TIME PERIOD OF INTEREST. ALSO, MOST OF THE INFORMATION
CONTAINED UNDER THIS COLUMN WAS OBTAINED FROM FREIRE (2015). ADDITIONAL SOURCES INCLUDE: FREITAS (1987); GONDIM (1997); WAISBORD
(2000); TAYLOR AND BURANELLI (2007); POWER AND TAYLOR (2011); TAVARES (2015).
Source: Authors.
After reestablishment of civilian rule through enactment of the Constitution of 1988, Brazil
laid the foundations for the country’s present-day system of accountability (POWER and TAY-
LOR, 2011; CARSON and PRADO, 2014). This critical step in institutional development is
best exemplified by changes to the Federal Prosecution System (in Portuguese, Ministério Público
da União or MPU).9Reforms enacted a few years before had given the MPU greater autonomy
and power (ARANTES 2002; KERCHE, 2008; PRAÇA and TAYLOR, 2014), but it is the 1988
Constitution that actually granted the MPU much of the independence that it enjoys today
(ARANTES, 2004; ARANHA, 2018). However, this is not to suggest that the MPU is complete-
ly immune to external influence.
The manner by which the MPU’s leadership is selected gives members of the political
class an opportunity to shape the Federal Prosecution System. The head of the MPU—that
is, the Chief General Prosecutor (Procurador-Geral da República)—is the person responsible
for both bringing corruption charges against top-level politicians and overseeing the Federal
Prosecution Service, or, as it is known in Portuguese, Ministério Público Federal (FALCÃO et
al., 2017; ARANTES, 2019). Candidates to this position are first nominated by the president
and then confirmed by the Senate (ABREU, 2010). As we illustrate later, it is through this
selection process that congressional members and cabinet ministers have a hand in the fate
of anticorruption efforts in the country.
1.2. INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE FEDERAL PROSECUTION SERVICE
The importance of the Ministério Público Federal—or MPF, for short—can hardly be over-
stated. Even accounting for the aforementioned risk of political interference, officials in
9The MPU was created in 1951 and is headed by the Chief General Prosecutor. There are a few different
agencies under the MPU’s governance structure, including the Federal Prosecution Service (Ministério
Público Federal, MPF), the Labor Prosecution Service (Ministério Público do Trabalho, MPT), and the Military
Prosecution Service (Ministério Público Militar) (BRAZIL, 1993; ABREU, 2010).
Brazil have learned that the MPF is an institution to be reckoned with. Since democracy
was restored, prosecutors working for the MPF have been increasingly active in exposing
corruption (TAYLOR and BURANELLI, 2007). In fact, the MPF stands out as the agency
that led the charge during Operação Lava Jato.
And it is because of their work on Lava Jato that members of the MPF have been the
object of intense controversy (GANLEY and LAGUNES, 2020b, p. 186). On the one hand,
some charge those involved in the Lava Jato Task Force with committing rights violations,
showing excessive dependence on evidence drawn from plea bargains, and undermining
Brazilian democracy by going after elected government officials, especially from left-lean-
ing parties (LAGUNES, 2020, p. 113). On the other hand, the Lava Jato Task Force man-
aged to win a high number of convictions and prison sentences totaling more than 2,000
years (LAGUNES, 2020, p. 113). Thus, in one sense, Lava Jato is an entirely unique event
in a national setting where corrupt elites have historically evaded conviction (TAYLOR and
BURANELLI, 2007). In another sense, Lava Jato can be thought of as a recent link in the
long chain of corruption scandals affecting Brazil even after democracy was reestablished
in 1988.10
1.3. CORRUPTION SCANDALS: FROM SARNEY TO COLLOR
It is in 1988 that a parliamentary inquiry committee (in Portuguese, Comissão Parlamentar de
Inquérito or CPI) was created in Congress to investigate corruption in President Jose Sar-
ney’s administration (FOLHA DE S.PAULO, 1994b). While the committee recommended
impeaching Sarney, the Lower Chamber voted against the measure (FIORI, 2006).11 Still,
the multiple scandals witnessed during the Sarney administration (see Table 1) are seem-
ingly what led a number of presidential candidates in the 1989 election to promise to fight
corruption. Among the various candidates, Fernando Collor de Mello was nicknamed the
“hunter of maharajahs” due to his penchant for attacking the high salaries and perks of pub-
lic officials (SCHNEIDER, 1991).
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10 We fully acknowledge that witnessing scandals during a given presidential administration is not necessar-
ily the result of broken promises or lack of political responsiveness. In fact, it could reflect the opposite.
More accountable or responsive administrations might be more inclined to spotlight and confront corrup-
tion, thus increasing the number of scandals observed over a given time period. Following this line of
thinking, readers should view the lack of corruption scandals during the 1964-1969 period with skepti-
cism (see Table 1). Is it that corruption was actually under control during this period of military rule, or
is it that the lack of freedom and democracy in Brazil before 1988 made it easier to hide corruption alle-
gations? In our opinion, the latter seems more likely.
11 The year before, the same newspaper had revealed allegations of irregularities in the public bidding for
the construction of a railroad, leading to another congressional inquiry (CPI Ferrovia Norte e Sul) and the
cancellation of the bidding (FREITAS, 1987; WAISBORD, 2000; POWER and TAYLOR, 2011, p. 2).
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Upon winning the presidential election, Collor used his inaugural speech to reaffirm his
commitment to anticorruption (see Table 1). After some time in office, however, scandals
involving his administration began to accumulate (WEYLAND, 1993). Collor ultimately
resigned after a failed attempt to avoid impeachment (FIGUEIREDO, 2010).12
1.4. CORRUPTION SCANDAL:THE FRANCO ADMINISTRATION
When Collor left the presidency, he was replaced by Vice President Itamar Franco (1992-
1995) whose administration soon faced corruption scandals of its own (see Table 2). For
instance, the CPI dos Anões do Orçamento (in English, “Budget Dwarfs”) investigated the diver-
sion of public funds to ghost firms controlled by members of the congressional budget com-
mittee, most of whom were physically short and part of the so-called baixo clero or lower
clergy (FOLHA DE S.PAULO, 1994a; FILGUEIRAS and VALE, 2002; PRAÇA, 2011;
MORENO, 2015; MATAIS et al., 2016). The committee’s final report recommended that
eighteen of the thirty-seven parliamentarians under investigation be removed, though only
six of them actually lost their mandate (FIORI, 2006). It is worth noting that, during the
congressional inquiry, three governors and seven current or former cabinet ministers were
accused of participating in the scheme to benefit organizations and firms, including Ode-
brecht (MURELLO, 1993; GASPAR, 2020).
TABLE 2 – PRESIDENTIAL PROMISESTO FIGHT CORRUPTION AND CORRUPTION SCANDALS
(1992-2018)
PROMISED TO FIGHT
CORRUPTION WHEN FEATURED AS CORRUPTION SCANDALS
PRESIDENT YEAR TAKING OFFICE1 CORRUPTION FIGHTER2 OF NOTE3
ITAMAR FRANCO 1992-1995 YES YES RODOMAR AND BNDES (1992);
ANÕES DO ORÇAMENTO (BUDGET
DWARFS) (1993).
FERNANDO HENRIQUE 1995-2003 YES4 NO TRT (1990S); BANESTADO (1990S);
CARDOSO PASTA ROSA (PINK FOLDER) (1995);
SIVAM (1995); VOTE-BUYING FOR
THE RE-ELECTION AMENDMENT
(1997); PRIVATIZATION OF
TELECOMS (1998); BANK MARKA
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12 Though President Collor was cleared of corruption charges by the Supreme Court (AURÉLIO, 2010; MOTTA,
2014), years later, while a sitting senator, he was among the politicians implicated in Lava Jato (AMORIM, 2017).
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(it continues)
AND FONTECINDAM (1999);
SUDAM/SUDENE (2000).
LUIZ INÁCIO LULA DA SILVA 2003-2011 YES4 YES OPERATION ANACONDA (2003);
WALDOMIRO DINIZ (2004); MÁFIA
DOS VAMPIROS(VAMPIRE MAFIA)
(2004); MENSALÃO (2005);
SANGUESSUGA (2006); PALOCCI
(2006); BOI BARRICA/FAKTOR (2006);
DOSSIÊ DOS ALOPRADOS(MADMEN
DOSSIER, 2006); OPERATION
NAVALHA (2007); MENSALÃO
TUCANO(2007); OPERATION
HURRICANE (2007); SATIAGRAHA
(2008); CARTÕES CORPORATIVOS
(CORPORATIVE CARDS) (2008);
MENSALÃO DO DEM (2009); CASTELO
DE AREIA (SAND CASTLE) (2009);
SENATE’S SECRET ACTS (2009);
ERENICE CASE (2010).
DILMA ROUSSEFF 2011-2016 YES NO PALOCCI (2011); CONAB (2011);
MINISTRY OF LABOR AND NGOS
(2011); SEGUNDO TEMPO(2011);
MÁFIA DOS TRANSPORTES
(TRANSPORTATION MAFIA) (2011);
CACHOEIRA/MONTE CARLO (2012);
LAVA JATO (CAR WASH) (2014).
MICHEL TEMER 2016-2018 NO MENTION NO GREENFIELD (2016); JBS (2017);
CANDIDATURAS LARANJAS (2018);
RACHADINHAS (2018).
⍬THE LABEL “MISSING DATA” INDICATES THAT THE PRESIDENT’S INAUGURAL SPEECH IS EITHER NOT AVAILABLE OR WAS NOT FOUND.
1SOURCES: BIBLIOTECA DA PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA (N.D.) AND BONFIM (2008).
2SOURCE: THE NEW YORK TIMES’S TIMEMACHINE (N.D.).
3SCANDALS IDENTIFIED DURING THE TIME PERIOD OF INTEREST. SOURCES INCLUDE: FOLHA (2003); FOLHA (2004); FOLHA (2006); TAYLOR AND
BURANELLI (2007); MPF (2008); MPF (2010); MARQUES (2011); POWER AND TAYLOR (2011); VASCONCELOS (2013); CARSON AND PRADO (2014); BASILIO
(2015); UOL (2015); CHEMIM (2017); VALENTE AND IGLESIAS (2017); BARBIÉRI (2018); CAMARGOS (2019); SHALDERS (2019); GOMES (2020); AND SENRA
(2020).
4PROMISES TO FIGHT CORRUPTION MADE ONLY IN THE FIRST TERM.
Source: Authors.
1.5. INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE FEDERAL REVENUE SERVICE, THE COUNCIL FOR CONTROL
OF FINANCIALACTIVITIES, ANDTHE INSPECTOR GENERAL
Crucially, the Franco administration is not remembered solely for the scandals that occurred
during its watch. There were several areas that witnessed notable progress. For example, the
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Federal Revenue Service (in Portuguese, Receita Federal) was granted new resources and attri-
butions which allowed it to conduct a more effective oversight of financial transactions
(POWER and TAYLOR, 2011, p. 267; PRAÇA and TAYLOR, 2014, p. 34).
Years later, during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), anti-
money laundering efforts were further reinforced with new legislation. The Cardoso admin-
istration also created key institutions that come up again later in this article: the Council for
Control of Financial Activities (Conselho de Controle de Atividades Financeiras or COAF) and the
National Disciplinary Office (Corregedoria-Geral da União or CGU). The former is responsible
for countering money laundering and terrorism financing (PRAÇA and TAYLOR, 2014, p.
34; ARANHA, 2020, p. 99-100). The latter is responsible for investigating and punishing cor-
ruption among civil servants (FLEISHER, 2002; ODILLA, 2020).
1.6. CORRUPTION SCANDALS: THE CARDOSO ADMINISTRATION
Unfortunately, the progress made on corruption control during the Cardoso administra-
tion is tarnished by the corruption scandals witnessed during that same period. Among
these scandals was one involving allegations of congressional vote buying to enable Cardoso
(and subsequent presidents) to run for reelection (RODRIGUES, 2014). Another stemmed
from audio files which suggested that the federal government interfered in the privatization
of telecommunication companies (RODRIGUES and LOBATO, 1999).
There were other scandals as well (see Table 2), but few triggered successful prose-
cution. This is generally thought to be because Geraldo Brindeiro—the person that Car-
doso appointed to serve as Chief General Prosecutor—seemed inclined to shelve not-yet-
completed criminal investigations (FREITAS, 2003). As a result, Brindeiro was given the
nickname “engavetador-geral,” which loosely translates to “shelver-in-chief ” (KERCHE and
MARONA, 2018).
1.7. INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT:THE OFFICE OF THE COMPTROLLER GENERAL, THE LISTA
TRÍPLICE, AND THE FEDERAL POLICE
Because of the apparent impunity observed during the Cardoso administration, in 2002, as
the presidential candidate for the Workers’ Party, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva promised voters
that he would bring corruption under control (GOLDFRANK and WAMPLER, 2017).
Under Lula’s watch, Brazil witnessed a rise in the number of anticorruption audits (FER-
RAZ and FINAN, 2008) as well as an increase in the number of parliamentary inquiries (i.e.,
CPIs) into suspected irregularities. Moreover, key government agencies were offered
greater support. For instance, the CGU was renamed the Office of the Comptroller General
(Controladoria-Geral da União) and was granted new powers and responsibilities (PRAÇA and
TAYLOR, 2014; ODILLA, 2020). The Federal Police, which had long prioritized the fight
against drug trafficking, was also allocated additional personnel and equipment to counter
money laundering and white-collar crime (PONTES and ANSELMO, 2019).
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Also of note, the Lula administration adopted a number of best practices. Namely, in
2003, as a means to protect the MPU’s independence against political interference (see the
discussion in Section 1.1), Lula was the first president to nominate a new Chief General
Prosecutor based on the so-called lista tríplice—i.e., a list of three reputable candidates
proposed by the country’s federal prosecutors via the Association of National Prosecutors.
1.8. CORRUPTION SCANDALS:THE LULA ADMINISTRATION
In spite of this progress, the Lula administration still faced a number of corruption scan-
dals, including those known as Bingos/Waldomiro Diniz,Palocci,Sanguessugas, and Navalha (see
Table 2; also, again, see footnote 10). However, the scandal which surpassed them all was
Mensalão (MICHENER and PEREIRA, 2016).
In an interview with Folha de S.Paulo, then-congressional member Roberto Jefferson
claimed that members of Congress were offered periodic payments—which he called men-
salão—to secure legislative support for Lula’s policy agenda (LO PRETE, 2005). And even
though those implicated in Mensalão13 were tried by the federal Supreme Court (DOWNIE,
2012),14 the Workers’ Party won two more presidential elections: the re-election of Lula in
2006 and the election of Dilma Rousseff in 2010.
1.9. CORRUPTION SCANDALS:THE ROUSSEFF ADMINISTRATION
As Brazil’s first female president, Rousseff began her term promoting what became known
as faxina ética, an effort which sought to promote an ethical cleaning of sorts (KRAKOVICS,
2014; LIMONGI, 2017). As part of this attempt at promoting government integrity,
Rousseff fired six ministers suspected of corruption (ALENCASTRO and BRAGA, 2013).
In 2011, she also enacted the Lei de Acesso à Informação, Brazil’s freedom of information (FOI)
law (RODRIGUES, 2020). When the law was first introduced in Congress, it was explicitly
proposed as an anticorruption measure.15
Despite the way Rousseff began her presidency, starting in 2013 protesters began tak-
ing to the streets to express their dissatisfaction with the quality of public services (GOHN,
11
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
13 In the wake of Mensalão, representatives from opposition parties also faced investigations and criminal tri-
als for similar quid pro quo schemes. These particular scandals became known as Mensalão do DEM and
Mensalão Tucano, both of which are listed in Table 2.
14 In Brazil, members of parliament, government ministers, the president, the vice president, and members
of the higher courts are subject to a special jurisdiction (foro privilegiado). Only the Supreme Court can
judge members of this group. See Section 2.8 for further discussion.
15 As explained by Dilma Rousseff and others in the message that accompanied the Lei de Acesso à Informação,
“Access to public information […] is one of the strongest tools for fighting corruption” (ROUSSEFF et
al., 2009).
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2014). Many were angry at the billions spent on new football stadiums for the 2014 World
Cup (WATTS, 2013). Seemingly in response to the rise in public anger, with Rousseff’s sup-
port, Congress passed two legislative bills that would allow plea bargaining for criminal law
proceedings and leniency agreements with companies for administrative law proceedings
(MENDES, 2013; ODILLA, 2018). It is around this time that Lava Jato began to unfold.
In spite of the growing public discontent, Rousseff managed to get re-elected in 2014
for a second term (AMARAL and RIBEIRO, 2018). And, when taking the oath of office in
2015, Rousseff stressed an anticorruption message (see Table 2). However, her message
failed to appease the public. Many protested against the government of the Workers’ Party
and in favor of the Lava Jato Task Force’s work, which was closing in on a growing number
of politicians (GOHN, 2014; RAMOS et al., 2014; PRAÇA, 2017). It is in this context that
Rousseff’s administration was cut short by impeachment.16 Not long after, Lula was jailed
and the evidence of corruption stemming from Lava Jato seemed to fuel political support
for the presidential candidacy of Jair Bolsonaro.
2.TRACKING JAIR BOLSONARO’SPROMISES ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
According to a number of surveys, months after Jair Bolsonaro assumed the presidency,
Brazilians were still concerned about corruption. One such survey revealed that, between
2018 and 2020, Brazilians grew pessimistic about the fate of accountability in their coun-
try. According to that survey, days after Bolsonaro was elected, a majority of the population
(56%) estimated that corruption would soon decrease (XP/IPESPE, 2020). By April of
2020, only a minority (18%) still held that belief, while many more (45%) thought that
corruption would worsen in the coming months (XP/IPESPE, 2020).
According to a different survey, some two years after Bolsonaro was elected president,
approximately 55% of Brazilians had reached the conclusion that the Bolsonaro administra-
tion was no better at fighting corruption than previous ones (MARTINS, 2020; PARANÁ
PESQUISAS, 2020). A different survey conducted around the same time showed that a
majority of the population in Brazil still perceived corruption in their midst, with approxi-
mately 77% saying that corruption had either increased or remained the same between 2018
and 2020 (CNT/MDA, 2020, p. 25; FUZEIRA, 2020). Given the shifts in popular opinion,
it is possible that—two years after the 2018 elections—Brazilians began to sense an incon-
gruence between Bolsonaro’s original campaign promises and his actions as president.
12
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
16 Rousseff was accused of spending public funds without congressional authorization and was impeached in
August, shortly after the 2016 Olympics. Rousseff herself was not accused of corruption (LAGUNES and
ROSE-ACKERMAN, 2017).
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With this issue in mind, Tables 3 and 4 highlight eight corruption-related promises that
Jair Bolsonaro made between March 29, 2018, and January 7, 2019. Nearly all of the prom-
ises listed in these tables were communicated during the campaign season, though one was
also communicated as part of Bolsonaro’s inaugural speech as president. While these are not
all of Bolsonaro’s early promises on corruption control, they arguably represent the most
important issues that Bolsonaro and his team chose to promote. The promises cover a range
of topics—from defending corruption-fighting institutions to firing high-level appointed
officials suspected of corruption. In this section, we review each promise, beginning with
the promise referring to government transparency.17
TABLE 3 – CANDIDATE JAIR BOLSONARO’SPROMISESTO FIGHT CORRUPTION (PART 1 OF 2)
NOTABLE ACTIONS OR OMISSIONS
TOPIC SUBTOPIC DATE TRANSLATED QUOTE⍴ RELATING TO THE CAMPAIGN PROMISE
TRANSPARENCY GOVERNMENT AUGUST 14, 2018 “TRANSPARENCY AND A NUMBER OF PRESIDENT JAIR
TRANSPARENCY (TWO MONTHS COMBATING CORRUPTION BOLSONARO’S ACTIONS HAVE SOUGHT TO
BEFORE THE ARE NON-NEGOTIABLE WEAKEN GOVERNMENT TRANSPARENCY,
ELECTIONS) GOALS.”1 INCLUDING EXECUTIVE MEASURES THAT
LIMITED THE HANDLING OF FREEDOM OF
JANUARY 7, 2019 “TRANSPARENCY ABOVE ALL. INFORMATION (FOI).
(SIX DAYS AFTER ALL OF OUR ACTS WILL HAVE
BEING SWORN IN TO BE OPEN TO THE PUBLIC.”2
AS PRESIDENT)
INSTITUTIONS OF SUPPORTING SEPTEMBER 11, “SUPPORTING LAVA JATO IS PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO’S DECISION
ACCOUNTABILITY THE LAVA JATO 2018 (A MONTH FUNDAMENTAL TO THE FIGHT TO NOMINATE AUGUSTO ARAS TO SERVE AS
TASK FORCE BEFORE THE AGAINST CORRUPTION IN PROSECUTOR GENERAL JEOPARDIZED THE
ELECTIONS) BRAZIL.”3 LAVA JATO TASK FORCE.
INSTITUTIONS OF DEFENDING AUGUST 14, 2018 “URGENT CHALLENGES: PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO’S ACTIONS
ACCOUNTABILITY CORRUPTION- (TWO MONTHS WIDESPREAD CORRUPTION AND INACTIONS HAVE DONE MORE THAN
FIGHTING BEFORE THE AND THREATS TO THE UNDERMINE THE LAVA JATO TASK FORCE.
INSTITUTIONS ELECTIONS) INSTITUTIONS THAT ARE DUE TO A CLAIM THAT HE ILLEGALLY
FIGHTING IT.”1 INTERFERED IN THE FEDERAL POLICE, HE
CAME UNDER INVESTIGATION IN THE
SUPREME COURT. AT CRITICAL MOMENTS,
BOLSONARO’S ADMINISTRATION HAS ALSO
FAILED TO SUPPORT THE BRAZILIAN
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
17 Transparency is considered relevant to our line of inquiry based on a core assumption: officials in regimes
that embrace transparency realize their actions are subject to review, and therefore are induced to act
with greater honesty (LAGUNES, 2021, p. 25).
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(it continues)
FINANCIAL INTELIGENCE UNIT (COAF) AND
THE FEDERAL REVENUE SERVICE (RECEITA
FEDERAL).
MERIT-BASED COALITION SEPTEMBER 11, “[T]O ATTACK CORRUPTION AT IN AN EFFORT TO WIN LEGISLATIVE
APPOINTMENTS BUILDING 2018 (A MONTH ITS ROOT, BY PUTTING AN END SUPPORT, PRESIDENT BOLSONARO HAS
& DISMISSALS BEFORE THE TO THE GOVERNMENT’S DELIVERED POSITIONS OF GOVERNMENT
ELECTIONS) POLITICAL APPOINTMENTS IN TO CONGRESSMEN FROM A GROUP
EXCHANGE FOR SUPPORT.”3 CALLED CENTRÃO.
⍴AUTHORS’ TRANSLATION.
1BOLSONARO (2018A).
2CAMPOS AND GONÇALVES (2019).
3BOLSONARO (2018B).
Source: Authors.
TABLE 4 – CANDIDATE JAIR BOLSONARO’SPROMISESTO FIGHT CORRUPTION (PART 2 OF 2)
NOTABLE ACTIONS OR OMISSIONS
TOPIC SUBTOPIC DATE TRANSLATED QUOTE⍴ RELATING TO THE CAMPAIGN PROMISE
MERIT-BASED FIRING MINISTERS DECEMBER 2018 “IF THERE IS ANY EVIDENCE IN SPITE OF HIS PROMISE TO BUILD A TEAM
APPOINTMENTS SUSPECTED OF (SOON AFTER OR STRONG CLAIM AGAINST OF COLLABORATORS WHO ARE BEYOND
& DISMISSALS CORRUPTION BEING ELECTED ANYONE WHO IS WITHIN [MY REPROACH, ONE OF PRESIDENT JAIR
PRESIDENT) PEN’S] REACH, I WILL USE IT.”1 BOLSONARO’S FIRST MINISTERIAL
APPOINTMENTS WENT TO ONYX LORENZONI,
WHO LATER CONFESSED TO HAVING
RECEIVED ILLEGAL FUNDS FROM THE
LARGE MEAT PROCESSING COMPANY JBS.
RELEVANT TEN MEASURES AUGUST 14, 2018 “WE WILL RESCUE ‘THE TEN JAIR BOLSONARO FAILED TO USE HIS
LEGISLATION AGAINST (TWO MONTHS MEASURES AGAINST INFLUENCE AS PRESIDENT TO SUPPORT
CORRUPTION BEFORE THE CORRUPTION’, PROPOSED BY THE TEN MEASURES AGAINST CORRUPTION
ELECTIONS) THE FEDERAL PROSECUTION IN CONGRESS. HE ALSO FAILED TO
SERVICE, AND SUPPORTED SUPPORT SÉRGIO MORO’S ANTI-CRIME
BY MILLIONS OF BRAZILIANS, LEGISLATIVE PROPOSAL, WHICH WAS
AND SEND IT TO CONGRESS THOUGHT TO SUPPLANT THE TEN
FOR APPROVAL.”2 MEASURES.
RELEVANT LIMITING THE MARCH 29, 2018 “THE IMPRISONMENT MUST PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO DID NOT USE
LEGISLATION ABILITY OF (SEVEN MONTHS HAPPEN [AFTER THE HIS POLITICAL INFLUENCE TO ENSURE
PRESUMPTIVE BEFORE THE CRIMINAL SENTENCE IS THAT THIS MEASURE RECEIVED THE
CRIMINALS TO ELECTIONS) UPHELD] IN THE SECOND SUPPORT IT NEEDED IN CONGRESS, EVEN
DELAY JUSTICE INSTANCE.”3 THOUGH HIS THEN-MINISTER OF JUSTICE,
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(it continues)
SERGIO MORO, INSISTED THAT IT WAS
CRITICAL TO THE FIGHT AGAINST
CORRUPTION IN BRAZIL.
RELEVANT LIMITING APRIL 27, 2018 “I SUPPORT THE END OF THE IN SPITE OF WHAT HE PROMISED, AS
LEGISLATION POLITICAL (SIX MONTHS SPECIAL JURISDICTION….”4 PRESIDENT, JAIR BOLSONARO HAS NOT
IMMUNITY BEFORE THE PUSHED TO END THE SO-CALLED “FORO
ELECTIONS) PRIVILEGIADO.”
⍴AUTHORS’ TRANSLATION.
1MONTEIRO, LINDER AND LIMA (2018).
2BOLSONARO (2018A).
3EDUARDO BOLSONARO (2018).
4INTERATIVA FM GOIÂNIA (2018).
Source: Authors.
2.1. PROMISE TO PROMOTE GOVERNMENTTRANSPARENCY
First as a presidential candidate, and then as a newly elected president, Jair Bolsonaro prom-
ised to promote transparency in government.18 However, many of Bolsonaro’s actions have
actually served to weaken government transparency. The most conspicuous attempt of this
sort occurred in early 2019, only a month after Bolsonaro took office, when his administra-
tion issued a decree (9.690/2019) that vastly augmented the number of officials allowed to
classify information as confidential. Faced with the prospect of greater secrecy, citizens and
the press initiated a pressure campaign which ultimately resulted in the decree’s overwhelm-
ing failure in Congress (BRESCIANI, 2019). This event became part of a pattern of attacks on
transparency by the Bolsonaro administration that would eventually end up in failure. Two
additional cases stand out as part of this pattern. In the first, the Supreme Court limited the
scope of a presidential decree (9.759/2019) that opposed the continuation of constitutional-
ly-mandated citizen councils in the federal government. In the second case, the Supreme
Court struck down an executive order (Medida Provisória 928/2020) that effectively suspend-
ed the legal obligation to respond to FOI requests during the coronavirus pandemic.
After failing to limit the FOI law itself, blackouts—that is, the failure to provide infor-
mation generally regarded as public—became the administration’s tactic of choice. From
15
:
PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
18 One of Jair Bolsonaro’s key statements on the subject of government transparency was: “Transparência acima
de tudo. Todos os nossos atos terão que ser abertos para o público. E o que aconteceu no passado também.
Não podemos admitir qualquer cláusula de confidencialidade pretérita. Esses atos e ações tornar-se-ão públi-
cos” (CAMPOS and GONÇALVES, 2019). See Table 3 for the English language translation of the statement.
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the very beginning, Bolsonaro refused to provide logs of visitors to the presidential palace
(AMADO, 2019). Blackouts were also used to obscure aspects of the pension reform (DRUM-
MOND, 2019), the Foreign Service’s policies on gender (SOUZA, 2019), the workings of
Bolsa Familia (PIRES, 2020a), and police violence (PAGNAN, 2020), among other issues.
The Bolsonaro administration also refused to release studies on the effects of hydrox-
ychloroquine, a drug touted in some corners as a treatment for patients with COVID-19
(PRAZERES, 2020). Moreover, the Bolsonaro administration first restricted, then blacked
out, and finally released data on the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases and deaths (LOPES
and ONOFRE, 2020). In line with this last example, most blackouts were temporary
affairs; however, disclosure delayed is often disclosure denied. For example, the government
declared studies on pension reform “restricted” (FABRINI and CARAM, 2019), disclosing
them only after the desired legislation had been enacted.19
Delaying disclosure through blackouts seems to betray a general disdain for information
and those who work to disseminate it. The President’s hostility towards the press is reflect-
ed in Brazil’s significant drop in press freedom rankings (PERRASOLO, 2020). In addition,
the President has reserved some of his fiercest criticism for government agencies that
report on levels of deforestation and unemployment, among other issues. Accordingly, the
administration has slashed funding for the Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics
(IBGE) (VEJA, 2019) as well as the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Nat-
ural Resources (IBAMA) (DANTAS, 2019), both important disseminators of statistics on
socioeconomic and environmental trends, respectively.
Still, in spite of everything described thus far, there have been some advances on the trans-
parency front. In particular, the FOI law has been extended to cover a set of quasi-public cor-
porativist service providers known as the Sistema-S (COSTA and ORDOÑEZ, 2018). As a
result, a large tranche of public funding (over USD 30 billion) which finances myriad organ-
izations and activities, from business incubators to centers for skills training, has been opened
to public scrutiny.
Additional evidence that the handling of transparency during the Bolsonaro era is not
altogether negative is found in FOI data afforded by the Office of the Comptroller General
(CONTROLADORIA GERAL DA UNIÃO, 2020). Figure 2 shows annual trends in the
number of requests and the celerity of response time (i.e., number of days) since the law
took effect in 2012. In 2019, the number of FOI requests increased and response time
decreased, both wholly consistent with annual trends. The percentage of FOI requests
receiving denials, responses, or differential levels of “user satisfaction” have remained sta-
tistically indistinguishable from the annual combined averages of 2012 to 2018.
16
:
PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
19 Researchers from UNICAMP university later alleged that data used for these studies had been fabricated
(DRUMMOND, 2019).
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Something similar is true for appeals (CONTROLADORIA-GERAL DA UNIÃO, 2020).
In effect, there are improvements in the handling of appeals, particularly in terms of CGU
decisions that side with requesters. There is also a reduction in the number of appeals
resolved due to holdout strategies20 by government agencies (MICHENER, SCHWAITZER
and CUNHA FILHO, 2020). Although little is known regarding the quality of responses to
requests, these statistics could speak favorably of the Bolsonaro administration.
FIGURE 2 – REQUESTS OVER FOI XAVERAGE RESPONSETIME BY FEDERAL AGENCIES
(2012-2019)
Source: Authors.
However, given the number of transgressions perpetrated against transparency under
Bolsonaro, it would be hard to infer that the aforementioned advances are due to positive
leadership from the Palácio do Planalto. Moreover, the above data only extend to 2020, and
17
:
PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
20 By “holdout strategies,” we refer to the extended push and pull that occurs when a government agency
refuses to answer a FOI request and the denial is appealed.
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17.0
19.1
17.8
17.0 17.1
15.3
13.7
13.5
5.5
8.7 9.0
10.2
11.2
12.2 12.9 12.3
Requests (x 10.000) Average response time
2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020
22
20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
Beginning of
Bolsonaro’s term
criticisms of Bolsonaro’s approach to transparency have seemingly increased since the onset
of the pandemic. A better indication of consistent or even improved FOI performance might
evaluate the internalization and embeddedness of information access practices within the
federal administration, the stewardship of the CGU, or even a certain amount of “deep state”
bureaucratic activism against the presidency (MICHENER, 2015, p. 85). These questions
require further research, but at least this much seems true: Brazil’s federal FOI regime appears
to be relatively resilient vis-à-vis Bolsonaro’s attacks on transparency.
2.2. PROMISE TO SUPPORT THE LAVA JATOTASK FORCE
The systematic manner in which President Bolsonaro has challenged transparency is prob-
lematic. That said, Bolsonaro’s actions regarding transparency are insufficient grounds on
which to conclude that he has failed his anticorruption mandate. It is important to track his
progress on other relevant promises made during the 2018 campaign season, including his
promise regarding the Lava Jato Task Force.
Candidate Jair Bolsonaro assured Brazilian voters that he would support the Task Force.2 1
This is significant because—as was first hinted at in Section 1.2—the Task Force was rec-
ognized to have led an effective investigation into grand corruption (TI, 2016; ALLARD
PRIZE, 2017). As part of Operação Lava Jato, the Task Force managed to make 295 arrests,
secure 278 convictions, and recover approximately USD 803 million in lost assets (MPF,
2021). As a result, supporting the Task Force was arguably a way to support the fight against
corruption in Brazil. However, President Jair Bolsonaro’s decision to nominate Augusto Aras
to serve as Chief General Prosecutor began a series of events that ultimately jeopardized
the Task Force.22
In 2019, when President Jair Bolsonaro had the opportunity to appoint a new Chief
General Prosecutor to head the MPU, he broke with precedent by ignoring the list of nom-
inees put forth by the Association of National Prosecutors (CONSULTOR JURÍDICO,
2019).23 Notably, these nominees had offered to support the Task Force (BARBOSA, 2019;
MPF, 2019). In contrast, Bolsonaro’s preferred candidate—i.e., Aras—had actually been
18
:
PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
21 Jair Bolsonaro’s original statement on the Lava Jato Task Force was made on Twitter (BOLSONARO, 2018b).
The statement reads as follows: “Apoiar a Lava Jato é fundamental no combate à corrupção no Brasil. O
fim da impunidade é uma das frentes que estanca o problema, outra é atacar a corrupção na sua raiz, pondo
fim nas indicações políticas do governo em troca de apoio. Nós temos a independência necessária para tal!”
See Table 3 for more information.
22 Aras, who holds a Ph.D. in Constitutional Law from the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo, is
the son of a former legislator and a long-time member of the Federal Prosecution Service (CORREIO DA
BAHIA, 2019).
23 See our brief discussion of the lista tríplice in Section 1.7.
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critical of the Task Force. Aras had argued that the Task Force had attracted too much atten-
tion to itself and needed some correcting (CARVALHO and DELLA COLETTA, 2019a;
TALENTO, 2019).24
After assuming the role of Chief General Prosecutor, Aras began to take actions that
seemingly interfered with the Task Force. For one, Aras required that the Task Force share all
of its case information—including classified information—with his office (ROCHA, 2020).
When Deltan Dallagnol, as head of the Task Force, rejected Aras’s blanket request for infor-
mation, Aras began to criticize the Task Force publicly (ROCHA, 2020).25 Aras even asked the
Supreme Court to order that the Task Force transfer all case information to his office (FABRINI
and TEIXEIRA, 2020). Then, Aras took matters a step further—he sought to dismantle the
Task Force (PIRES, 2020b). Ultimately, when Chief General Prosecutor Augusto Aras offi-
cially moved to end the Lava Jato Task Force on February 1, 2021, President Jair Bolsonaro
offered no opposition.26
To be clear, our sense is that there was room to improve the Task Force. Indeed, even as
we acknowledge that the Task Force enjoyed widespread popularity as recently as October
2020 (CNT/MDA, 2020 p. 25; FUZEIRA, 2020), adopting certain improvements to its
approach seemed reasonable.27 We also recognize that, because Operação Lava Jato was bound
to end at some point, the question of what to do with the Task Force was destined to come
up sooner or later (BULLOCK and STEPHENSON, 2020). Still, there are reasons to take
issue with the particular manner in which Augusto Aras handled the Task Force (LEITÃO,
2020; MENDES, 2021). It is similarly concerning to learn that President Jair Bolsonaro
claimed to have ended Lava Jato because there was no more corruption in Brazil (ROCHA
DE BARROS, 2020). In his words, “I ended [Lava Jato] because there is no more corruption
in the government” (FAGUNDES, 2020).28
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:
PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
24 In July 2020, Aras said, “It is time to correct the course so that lavajatismo does not endure” (authors’
translation). The original statement in Portuguese was: “É hora de corrigir rumos para que o lavajatismo
não perdure” (VENAGLIA and LIMA, 2020).
25 Around this time, some of Aras’s close associates also began questioning the appropriateness of the Task
Force model (PIRES, 2020d).
26 Now that the Lava Jato Task Force has been terminated, it appears as though some of its prosecutors will
be transferred to the recently created Special Group Combating Organized Crime (in Portuguese, Grupo
de Atuação Especial de Combate ao Crime Organizado or Gaeco). Gaeco will work within the Federal Prose-
cution Service in the state of Paraná (MPF, 2021; BRITO and SLATTERY, 2021).
27 For a discussion of some of the issues with how Operação Lava Jato was carried out, see: CAMPELLO et al.
(2020), and GANLEY and LAGUNES (2020b).
28 In Portuguese, the original statement reads as follows: “Eu acabei com a Lava Jato porque não tem mais
corrupção no governo” (DELLA COLETTA, CARVALHO and URIBE, 2020).
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Setting Bolsonaro’s misleading statement about Lava Jato to one side, it is worth point-
ing out that his impact on the Task Force was not solely through his selection of Augusto
Aras as Chief General Prosecutor. Bolsonaro was also responsible for choosing leaders in
Congress who sought to undermine the Lava Jato Task Force by attempting to limit the
powers of prosecutors (SOARES and PIRES, 2020; PIRES and TURTELLI, 2020).
All things considered, it cannot be said that Bolsonaro followed through with his promise
to support the Lava Jato Task Force.29 Instead, Bolsonaro’s shifting position on Lava Jato has
seemingly been driven by political convenience (BOGHOSSIAN, 2020).
2.3. PROMISE TO DEFEND CORRUPTION-FIGHTING INSTITUTIONS
While running for president in 2018, Jair Bolsonaro signaled his commitment to support
not only the Lava Jato Task Force, but also the other institutions that have participated in the
fight against corruption.30 This is of consequence considering that much of the recent progress
that Brazil has made in promoting government integrity can be attributed precisely to these
institutions (e.g., ARANHA, 2020). However, since Bolsonaro took office, many of these insti-
tutions have been weakened or subjected to considerable stress.31
For instance, during the first year of Bolsonaro’s administration, the COAF was relocated
several times. First, the financial intelligence unit was granted additional funds and staff when
it was placed within the Ministry of Justice.32 But around the time it was revealed that the COAF
was investigating allegations against President Bolsonaro’s eldest son, the agency was moved
to the Ministry of Economy and then to the Central Bank (MATAIS, 2019; PORTINARI,
2019; SIMON and SWEIGART, 2020).33 Notably, President Bolsonaro also removed the head
of the COAF (SIMON, 2019; SIMON and SWEIGART, 2020).34
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
29 A clarifying statement is in order. As far as we can tell, Jair Bolsonaro never openly criticized the Lava
Jato Task Force. However, his son, Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, did express support for Aras’s actions against
the Task Force (CAPELLI and PRADO, 2020).
30 Jair Bolsonaro’s original statement about Brazil’s accountability institutions was included in his official
government plan (BOLSONARO, 2018a). The statement reads as follows: “Desafios urgentes: Corrupção
generalizada e ameaças às instituições que a estão combatendo.” See Table 3 for additional information.
31 See Sections 1.5 and 1.7 for a reminder of some of these institutions’ basic functions.
32 The COAF’s staff increased from thirty-seven to fifty-six (PIRES, 2019).
33 In November 4, 2020, Jair Bolsonaro’s eldest son, Flávio Bolsonaro, was formally charged with embezzle-
ment and money laundering in a scheme involving staff members at his former legislative office in the Rio
de Janeiro State Assembly (LONDOÑO, 2020). As of this writing, there are still charges pending against
Flávio Bolsonaro (SACONI, 2021; SCHREIBER, 2021).
34 Given the number of disruptive changes affecting the COAF, there were many who voiced concern (DIAN-
NI, 2019; SIMON, 2019; HARRIS, 2020).
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Next, it is worth examining events surrounding the Federal Revenue Service and the
Federal Police. Regarding the former, Bolsonaro criticized the agency for what he claimed
was the targeting of his relatives (PIRES, FERNANDES and MONTEIRO, 2019). Bolsonaro
also ordered the dismissal of key officials within the Federal Revenue Service (PIRES, FER-
NANDES and MONTEIRO, 2019; SOARES, 2020). With regards to the Federal Police, Pres-
ident Bolsonaro is accused of jeopardizing the agency’s autonomy after apparently forcing the
removal of key officials and even firing Maurício Valeixo, then head of the agency (LON-
DOÑO, CASADO and ANDREONI, 2020a; RICHTER, 2020).35
In addition to threatening the autonomy of specific agencies, Bolsonaro participated in
public demonstrations wherein protestors demanded the closing of both the Supreme Court
and Congress (VENCESLAU and LINDNER, 2020; FREITAS, 2020).
Taken together, the evidence suggests that President Bolsonaro has not only failed to pro-
tect a number of Brazil’s key institutions of accountability, but also directly and indirectly con-
tributed to making them more vulnerable (AVRITZER, 2020; NOBRE, 2020).
2.4. PROMISE TO REJECT QUID PRO QUO POLITICS
As a presidential candidate, Jair Bolsonaro promised that, if elected president, he would avoid
trading government jobs for political support.36 It was a rejection of what he referred to
as “old politics” (ROSE-ACKERMAN and PIMENTA, 2020, p. 205). As he saw it, political
appointments nurtured inefficiency and corruption.37 And, in fact, there is some research to
support this view (e.g., RAUCH and EVANS, 2000). However, over the course of his admin-
istration, Bolsonaro has become closer to legislators from Centrão, a group of center and
center-right parties that are said to demand positions in government and other government
resources in exchange for their support (BOADLE, 2020a; BRAGON, 2020; LONDOÑO,
CASADO and ANDREONI, 2020b).
This shift in political alliances became especially apparent during Bolsonaro’s second year
as president. Bolsonaro risked being impeached, so he began to build a political coalition in
Congress that could offer him a measure of protection (BOADLE, 2020a; LONDOÑO,
CASADO and ANDREONI, 2020b). Allegedly, Bolsonaro’s defense strategy worked as
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
35 Valeixo’s removal is the particular event that seems to have caused Sérgio Moro to resign from his position
as Bolsonaro’s Minister of Justice (LONDOÑO, CASADO and ANDREONI, 2020a).
36 Jair Bolsonaro’s original statement on the question of political appointments was made on Twitter (BOL-
SONARO, 2018b). The statement reads as follows: “O fim da impunidade é uma das frentes que estanca
o problema, outra é atacar a corrupção na sua raiz, pondo fim nas indicações políticas do governo em
troca de apoio. Nós temos a independência necessária para tal!” See Table 3 for more information.
37 To quote Bolsonaro, “As indicações políticas levam à ineficiência do Estado e à corrupção” (JORNAL
NACIONAL, 2018).
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follows: offer positions in the federal government in exchange for support in Congress
(ROSA, 2020). By June of 2020, at least seventeen government posts are said to have been
granted to members of Centrão and their allies (PODER360, 2020).
What is more, the coalition in Congress that Bolsonaro built relied on legislators sus-
pected of corruption in Lava Jato, such as Centrão politicians Ciro Nogueira and Arthur
Lira (FREIRE, 2019; BRAGON, 2020; D’AGOSTINO, 2020; TEIXEIRA, 2020).38 Lira, in
particular, was elected to serve as speaker of the lower house of Congress after the Bolsonaro
administration lent him much-needed support. In particular, the Bolsonaro administration
is accused of offering a number of legislators financial resources for their home states and
government jobs for their political allies in exchange for supporting Lira (FRAZÃO, 2020;
RESENDE, CHAIB and CARNEIRO, 2020; CHAIB, URIBE and RESENDE, 2020; PIRES
and CAMPOREZ, 2021a; PIRES and CAMPOREZ, 2021b). As one journalist points out,
Lira’s victory in Congress gave Jair Bolsonaro “a base among center-right politicians with
whom he had once vowed never to ally” (BOADLE, 2021).
On a somewhat related note, a number of Bolsonaro’s former political allies claim that
the president attempted to buy political support for his son’s bid to serve as ambassador to
the United States (CLAVERY and VIVAS, 2019). Even if Bolsonaro’s approach to securing
legislative support seems technically legal, the Brazilian term toma lá dá cá comes to mind
(CAMAROTTI, 2020). This is an expression referring to quid pro quo—precisely the sort
of political dealing that Bolsonaro originally promised he would avoid.
2.5. PROMISE TO FIRE COLLABORATORS SUSPECTED OF CORRUPTION
Candidate Bolsonaro also promised to fire any cabinet minister or ministers accused of cor-
ruption.39 However, in spite of his promise to rely on a team of collaborators that are beyond
reproach, one of President Bolsonaro’s first high-level appointments went to his longtime
political ally Onyx Lorenzoni. Prior to being invited to join Bolsonaro’s administration, there
were credible allegations that Lorenzoni had received illegal funds—i.e., informal campaign
donations—from the meat processing company JBS (DE LARA, 2018; REUTERS, 2018;
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
38 Both members of the Progressistas party, Ciro Nogueira and Arthur Lira are—as of this writing—defen-
dants in a Lava Jato case. They are accused of forming a criminal organization with other congressmen to
embezzle money from Petrobras (FREIRE, 2019; D’AGOSTINO and OLIVEIRA, 2019; BRAGON,
2020). However, in March 2021, these charges were dismissed by the Second Chamber of the Supreme
Court (TEIXEIRA, 2021; MOURA, 2021). Notably, Arthur Lira is also a defendant in another Lava Jato
corruption case. He is accused of taking bribes in exchange for sustaining the nomination of the president
of a state company (D’AGOSTINO and OLIVEIRA, 2019; AMORIM, 2020).
39 Jair Bolsonaro’s original statement on this matter reads as follows: “Havendo qualquer comprovação ou
denúncia robusta contra quem quer que seja e que esteja ao alcance da minha caneta Bic, ela será usada”
(MONTEIRO, LINDNER and LIMA, 2018). See Table 4 for more information.
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FABRINI, 2020; PIRES, 2020c). When confronted with these allegations, Lorenzoni publicly
admitted that he had, in fact, accepted illegal campaign donations from the company (MAZUI,
2017).40 However, in spite of the questions surrounding Lorenzoni’s reputation, Bolsonaro
still chose him to serve as his first chief of staff (CHAGAS, 2018).41
Notably, Lorenzoni is not the only one of Bolsonaro’s political allies whose reputation
has been questioned. The case of Marcelo Álvaro Antônio is also worth discussing.
In 2019, the Brazilian Federal Police indicted Álvaro Antônio on charges of corruption and
illegal campaign financing (MATTOSO and BRAGON, 2019; MATTOSO, BRAGON and
CANOFRE, 2019). According to the allegations, in 2018, only a few months before Bolsonaro
assumed the presidency, Álvaro Antônio embezzled public campaign funds (MATTOSO and
BRAGON, 2019). However, these allegations did not stop Bolsonaro from appointing Álvaro
Antônio to head the Ministry of Tourism. Bolsonaro even offered the following statement in an
effort to downplay the claims against his political ally: “He [Álvaro Antonio] is not facing a dead
end. If [the allegations are] serious […] we will make a decision. He’s doing a brilliant job”
(authors’ translation; MONTEIRO and MATAIS, 2019).42
Ultimately, in December 2020, Álvaro Antônio was removed from office. That said, his
removal was not in response to the criminal charges against him. Instead, the Brazilian media
reports that Álvaro Antônio was removed because of an internal quarrel (PARAGUASSU,
2020; ARAÚJO, 2020; GADELHA, 2020; ORTIZ, 2020). Beyond these, there is also the case
of Fábio Wajngarten, President Bolsonaro’s former press secretary.
In early 2020, Folha de S.Paulo alleged that a company co-owned by Wajngarten was doing
business with companies hired by the federal government, thus raising questions of conflicts of
interest (FABRINI and WIZIAK, 2020). Bolsonaro’s response to the allegations, however, was
not to remove Wajngarten. Instead, Bolsonaro downplayed the matter. “If it was illegal,” Bol-
sonaro suggested, “we will see…. But, from what I have seen so far, everything’s legal and will
continue. He’s an outstanding figure. If he were crap, like some people out there, no one would
be criticizing him” (authors’ translation; FERNANDES, 2020).43
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
40 Later, in August 2020, Onyx Lorenzoni signed a non-prosecution deal with General Prosecutor Augusto
Aras in which he confessed to having received some USD 56,000 in illegal campaign donations (FABRINI,
2020; TALENTO, 2020).
41 Bolsonaro eventually removed Onyx Lorenzoni from the position; however, he was then appointed to head the
Ministry of Citizenship, and so was not actually expelled from Bolsonaro’s administration (BOADLE, 2020b).
42 Bolsonaro’s original sentence in Portuguese: “Ele não chegou ao final da linha. Se for algo de grave, substan-
cioso, a gente toma uma decisão. Ele está fazendo um brilhante trabalho” (MONTEIRO and MATAIS, 2019).
43 Bolsonaro’s original quote in Portuguese: “Se foi ilegal, a gente vê lá na frente. Mas, pelo que vi até agora,
está tudo legal, vai continuar. Excelente profissional. Se fosse um porcaria, igual alguns que tem por aí,
ninguém estaria criticando ele” (FERNANDES, 2020).
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In summary, it appears that Bolsonaro has not been as strict with his collaborators as he
had promised (CARVALHO, 2020). This has led at least one commentator to conclude that
Bolsonaro holds a double standard—according to this commentator, the president is only
able to acknowledge his opponents’ corruption (SAKAMOTO, 2020).
2.6. PROMISE TO SUPPORT THE TEN MEASURES AGAINST CORRUPTION
In 2015, as head of the Lava Jato Task Force, Deltan Dallagnol led a movement that sought to
pass legal reforms to facilitate prosecution of politicians suspected of corruption (AYRES,
2016; BULLOCK and STEPHENSON, 2020, p. 216). The Ten Measures Against Corruption
(or, as it is known in Brazil, Dez Medidas Contra a Corrupção) embodied that reform effort (see
footnote 7).
When seeking the presidency, Jair Bolsonaro promised to support the approval of the
Ten Measures.44 However, Bolsonaro failed to use his influence as president to encourage the
approval of the Ten Measures (MATTONI and ODILLA, 2021). Instead, his government pro-
posed broader legislation to fight crime (CALGARO and PALMA, 2019; BULLOCK, 2019)—
but, even then, Bolsonaro’s government failed to ensure that the proposed crime bill passed
with the inclusion of key measures related to corruption (CARVALHO and DELLA COLETTA,
2019b). In particular, the original crime bill was stripped of provisions that promised to cur-
tail irregular campaign financing (BULLOCK and STEPHENSON, 2020, p. 218-219).
Moreover, the approved legislation did not ensure the imprisonment of defendants upon losing
their first court appeal, a longstanding concern for those who care about limiting impunity in
Brazil (ONOFRE, 2019).45
To make matters worse, in September of 2019, Bolsonaro enacted a bill that could crimi-
nalize some of the work of anticorruption prosecutors, police officers, and judges (FRANCE,
2019). Consequently, while recalling that a president does not have complete control over
what is ultimately legislated in Congress, we do not find evidence that Bolsonaro has advocated
for the Ten Measures Against Corruption during his time as president.
2.7. PROMISE TO LIMIT THE ABILITY OF PRESUMPTIVE CRIMINALS TO DELAY JUSTICE
Historically, those accused of corruption in Brazil have tended to avoid jail time (MICHENER
and PEREIRA, 2020). One way to solve this would be to reform the law in order to limit
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
44 Jair Bolsonaro’s original statement about the Ten Measures Against Corruption was included in his official
government plan (BOLSONARO, 2018a). The statement reads as follows: “Transparência e Combate à
Corrupção são metas inegociáveis. Como pilar deste compromisso, iremos resgatar ‘As Dez Medidas Con-
tra a Corrupção’, propostas pelo Ministério Público Federal e apoiadas por milhões de brasileiros, e enca-
minhá-las para aprovação no Congresso Nacional.” See Table 4 for more information.
45 See Section 2.8.
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the ability of presumptive criminals, especially those with power and wealth, to delay judicial
procedures. In fact, during the 2018 campaign season, Jair Bolsonaro said that he supported
jailing defendants as soon as they lost their first court appeal. 4 6 This measure is commonly
known in Brazil as “second instance” imprisonment.
Encouragingly, in March of 2018, just seven months before the presidential election, then
legislator Bolsonaro signed a bill that sought to turn the “second instance” imprisonment
measure into law (CÂMARA DOS DEPUTADOS, 2018). However, once elected, Bolsonaro
did not actually use his political influence to ensure that the measure received the support it
needed in Congress.47 Initially, the anticrime bill proposal (see Section 2.6) included “second
instance” imprisonment (BARBIÉRI and CALGARO, 2019; CALGARO and PALMA, 2019),
but committee representatives in the lower house of Congress moved to discard the measure
(ONOFRE, 2019).
Later, when “second instance” imprisonment was again taken up by Congress, the repre-
sentative of Jair Bolsonaro’s government in the Senate, Fernando Bezerra Coelho, sought to
delay the discussions (MAIA, 2019). As of this writing, media reports suggest that politicians
from Centrão—i.e., Bolsonaro’s political allies in Congress—have also worked to delay the
discussions about the measure (SARDINHA, 2020).48 So, it may be said that, as president, Jair
Bolsonaro and his allies have not prioritized the legislative measure that would ensure corrupt
officials are jailed after losing their first court appeal.
2.8. PROMISE TO LIMIT POLITICAL IMMUNITY
Foro privilegiado is a special jurisdiction that has historically ensured that certain high-level
politicians can only be investigated, prosecuted, and tried by the Supreme Court. Similar
to the previous topic (see Section 2.7), foro privilegiado is a legal structure that contributes
to sustaining impunity in Brazil, and so doing away with it would help ensure that all citi-
zens enjoy similar rights and obligations before the law.49
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
46 Jair Bolsonaro’s original statement on this matter was included in his official government plan (BOLSONARO,
2018a). The statement reads as follows: “A prisão tem que ocorrer em segunda instância” (INTERATIVA
FM GOIÂNIA, 2018). See Table 4 for more information.
47 Indeed, those who favored the measure—mainly, former Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro—complained
that President Bolsonaro failed to back the anticrime bill (ABRITTA, 2020). Similarly, the newspaper
Gazeta do Povo published an editorial complaining that Bolsonaro has remained silent regarding the “sec-
ond instance” imprisonment measure (GAZETA DO POVO, 2021).
48 Moreover, in February of 2021, when the government sent a list of priorities to Congress, not a single
one related to corruption (GAZETA DO POVO, 2021; TURTELLI, WETERMAN and BORGES, 2021).
49 According to Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Edson Fachin, “the so-called foro privilegiado is not compat-
ible with the republican principle,” according to which all persons are equal before the law (RICHTER
and PONTES, 2017).
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Based on some of his statements, it appeared that Jair Bolsonaro wanted to end foro privile-
giado.50 However, a similar dynamic to those described previously has also played out here. If
Jair Bolsonaro was truly interested in ending foro privilegiado, as president he could encourage
Brazilian legislators to discuss and vote for a Constitutional amendment that was approved by
the Senate in 2017 (GROBA, 2017). However, he has not done so. Bolsonaro’s silence on the
matter may be explained by the fact that one of his sons, Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, is—as of
this writing—under investigation (SERAPIÃO, 2018; GUIMARÃES and SOARES, 2019).51
Senator Flávio Bolsonaro has sought to avoid trial by claiming that he should have special juris-
diction (SARTORI, 2020). In other words, one of Jair Bolsonaro’s sons is currently relying on
foro privilegiado.
CONCLUSION
Our guiding assumptions are that political rhetoric matters, and that it is worth tracking
whether elected politicians follow through with their campaign promises. That said, it is fair
to question whether elected officials should restrict all of their actions to what was expected
of them on or around Election Day (MANIN, PRZEWORSKI and STOKES, 1999, p. 22-23).
Conditions will change over time, and so elected officials might reasonably diverge from their
original proposals precisely to advance their constituents’ interests (STOKES, 2001, p. 18).
Still, when it comes to the issue of corruption, the dynamic is somewhat unique: the room
for legitimate variation between public expectations and policy action is reduced—after all,
surveys consistently find that people everywhere tend to oppose corruption no matter the
circumstance (GATTI, PATERNOSTRO and RIGOLINI, 2003; TORGLER and VALEV,
2010; DONG, DULLECK and TORGLER, 2012).
So, one can hardly claim that an elected official who ran on an anticorruption platform
and then presented anticorruption as an inaugural priority can remain responsive to the pub-
lic interest when his decisions in government systematically undermine the anticorruption
agenda. Based on our review of President Jair Bolsonaro’s actions on anticorruption, we con-
clude that—at least on this issue—he has failed the Brazilian electorate. Has he promoted
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PRESIDENT BOLSONARO’S PROMISES AND ACTIONS ON CORRUPTION CONTROL
50 Jair Bolsonaro’s statement was: “Eu sou favorável sim ao fim do foro privilegiado, mas com a manutenção da
prisão em segunda instância” (INTERATIVA FM GOIÂNIA, 2018). See Table 4 for more information.
51 On November 4, 2020, Rio de Janeiro state prosecutors pressed charges against Flávio Bolsonaro for embez-
zling money from staff members at his former legislative office in the Rio de Janeiro State Assembly (PHILLIPS,
2020b). As a reporter for The New York Times explains:
Investigators say that the president’s son ran a scheme known as rachadinha, in which elected officials
pocket part of the salary of legislative aides who accept employment on the condition of kicking back
part of their pay. The tactic is common in the lower rungs of politics in Brazil. (LONDOÑO, 2020)
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government transparency as he said he would? Has he protected the Lava Jato Task Force and
other important anticorruption agencies as he promised? Has he ensured that all government
appointments are based on merit, and has he fired close political collaborators who are
accused of corruption? The answer is no—Bolsonaro has failed on all these fronts, just as he
has failed to secure the sort of anticorruption legislation that he once said he favored.
Our conclusion should strike readers as concerning, especially considering that corrup-
tion in Brazil remains a problem. There are probes swirling around the President’s very own
family and close allies (EIU, 2020; PHILLIPS, 2020a; DW, 2020; LONDOÑO, ANDREONI
and CASADO, 2020). One of Jair Bolsonaro’s sons is said to be involved in “fake news” cam-
paigns against political opponents, and another son and the first lady have both been implicat-
ed in an embezzlement scheme (EIU 2020; LONDOÑO, ANDREONI and CASADO, 2020).
In October 2020, Chico Rodrigues, Bolsonaro’s deputy leader in the Senate, was the target
of an operation dealing with misappropriation of public funds (CASTELLI, 2020; DW, 2020;
PHILLIPS, 2020a).52
When all is said and done, it may be that the accusations against Bolsonaro’s sons, wife,
and associates are proven baseless. Our objective here has not been to assess the validity of
these allegations. Instead, our aim has been to examine whether Jair Bolsonaro’s campaign
promises matched his early actions as president, and we have conducted this examination to
test the extent to which he has remained responsive to the Brazilian electorate. But if any
reader is unconvinced by our research, consider the stances taken by two well-known organ-
izations. First, in late 2020, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project warned
that Jair Bolsonaro stood out among leaders from around the world for his role in pro-
moting corruption (OCCRP, 2020). Second, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development became sufficiently concerned about events in Brazil that it set up a group
to both monitor the country and seemingly apply pressure in favor of anticorruption efforts
(SANCHES, 2021). And so, we end this article by restating our conclusion: the evidence shows
that, two years into his presidency, Jair Bolsonaro has failed the anticorruption mandate that he
set for himself during the 2018 campaign season.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to thank Kevin Davis, Mariana
Mota Prado, Marta Rodriguez Machado, Raquel de Mattos
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52 After the raid, Rodrigues resigned from his post as vice leader and was temporarily suspended from the
Senate by the Supreme Court (CASTELLI, 2020).
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Pimenta, Matthew Taylor, Cortney Newell, Flávia Furlan
Nunes, and the anonymous reviewers for their feedback.
They also want to thank Louisa Ong for her valuable con-
tribution to this study.
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Paul Lagunes
HE IS CURRENTLY SERVING AS A POSTDOCTORAL FELLOW WITH THE
GEORGETOWN MCCOURT SCHOOL OF PUBLIC POLICY AND WAS
PREVIOUSLY AN ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY’S
SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS. HIS RESEARCH
EXAMINES THE ISSUE OF CORRUPTION, ESPECIALLY AS IT AFFECTS
GOVERNMENTS IN THE AMERICAS. HIS MOST RECENT BOOK IS THE EYE
AND THE WHIP: CORRUPTION CONTROL IN THE AMERICAS (OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS).
paul.lagunes@gmail.com
Gregory Michener
PROFESSOR AT FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS (FGV). HIS RESEARCH
FOCUSES ON TRANSPARENCY AND RELATED TOPICS. MICHENER HELPED
LEAD THE BRAZILIAN CAMPAIGN FOR A FREEDOM OF INFORMATION LAW.
AT THE FGV, HE FOUNDED AND LEADS THE PROGRAM FOR PUBLIC
TRANSPARENCY (PTP-FGV) AND THE TRANSPARENCY EVALUATION
NETWORK. HIS WORKS HAVE BEEN PUBLISHED IN MULTIPLE OUTLETS,
INCLUDING: GOVERNANCE, WORLD DEVELOPMENT, THE JOURNAL OF
DEMOCRACY, AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION.
gregory.michener@fgv.br
Fernanda Odilla
POSTDOCTORAL RESEARCHER AT THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND
SOCIAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF BOLOGNA, AND AN AFFILIATE
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HOW TO QUOTE THIS ARTICLE:
LAGUNES, Paul et al. President
Bolsonaro’s Promises and Actions on
Corruption Control. Revista Direito GV,
v. 17, n. 2, maio/ago. 2021, e2121.
https://doi.org/10.1590/2317-
6172202121
RESEARCHER AT THE KING’SBRAZIL INSTITUTE, KING’SCOLLEGE
LONDON. SHE HOLDS A PHD IN SOCIAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC POLICY
AND A MASTERS IN CRIMINOLOGY FROM KING’SCOLLEGE LONDON.
fernand.vasconcellos@unibo.it
Breno Pires
INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALIST WORKING AS A REPORTER AT O ESTADO DE
S. PAULO. HE WAS AWARDED THE INSTITUTO LING FELLOWSHIP TO
STUDY AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY’SSCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AND
PUBLIC AFFAIRS FOR THE 2020 SPRING TERM. BEFORE THAT HE WON
THE PETROBRAS JOURNALISM AWARD IN 2018 FOR UNCOVERING A
CRITICAL LIST OF LEGISLATORS AND MINISTERS TARGETED FOR BRIBES
BY ODEBRECHT EXECUTIVES IN THE CONTEXT OF LAVA JATO.
brenolemospires@gmail.com
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