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CHILDTRAN
AUGUST 2021
The Role of Transnational Transitions and
Formation of Sense of Belonging of Migrant
Children in Poland
Report
Prep a red by
Anz h e la P opy k
Edi t o r: M art a Bu l er
The report draws on the research project entitled
“CHILDTRAN: The Role of Transnational Transitions and
Formation of Sense of belonging of Migrant Children in
Poland” realized at the Youth Research Centre, University
SWPS, financed by National Science Centre of Poland,
PRELUDIUM 18 under the grant number
2019/35/N/HS6/03682 and ISS funds, SWPS University
under the grant number SUB/INS/2019/24.
Author: Anzhela Popyk
Editor: Marta Buler
Cite as:
Popyk, A. (2021). CHILDTRAN: The Role of Transnational
transitions and Formation of Sense of Belonging of Migrant
Children in Poland. Report. Youth Working Papers Nr
3/2021 Warsaw: SWPS University – Youth Research
Center. ISSN: 2543-5213 DOI: httm//doi.org//10.23809/13.
ABSTRACT
This paper aims to present the set of factors that shape the transnational
transitions, socialisation, and process of formation of a sense of
belonging of migrant children in Poland. The result is derived from a
qualitative study, which applies a child-centred approach with migrant
children and their parents and teachers in Poland. The research was held
during the first COVID-19 lockdown in Spring–Summer 2020. This paper
demonstrates that transnational transitions of migrant children are
determined by numerous aspects rooted in their home and the
destination countries, as well as in those between, including attributed,
demographic, ascribed, and achieved variables.
Keywords: transnational transitions, socialization, sense of belonging,
socialization actors, migrant children.
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INTRODUCTION
Multiple works on transnational childhood (Markowska-Manista,
2016; Ni Laoire et al., 2016; Orellana, 2009; Popyk et al., 2019;
Slany & Pustułka, 2016; Wærdahl, 2016; White et al., 2011) point
to the considerable impact of the migration experience on
children’s lives through its effect on the reconstruction of their
sense of belonging (Pawlak & Goździak, 2020; Slany &
Strzemecka, 2016; Tereshchenko & Araújo, 2011), sense of place
attachment (Amadasi, 2014; Huot et al., 2014; Mude & Mwanri,
2020), negotiation of national and cultural identity (Gilmartin,
2008; Hopkins, 2013; Trąbka, 2014), gender (Hargittai &
Walejko, 2008; Kyratzis & Cook‐Gumperz, 2008; Prieur, 2002;
Qin, 2006; Strzemecka, 2017), and language socialisation
(Kinginger, 2017; Orellana, 2009; Portes & Rivas, 2011).
Additionally, migration greatly affects another crucial aspect of
children’s development, namely peer contacts and friendships
(Deslandes et al., 2012; Popyk, 2021a; Reynolds, 2007; Silbereisen
& Titzmann, 2007).
Nevertheless, most of these works study the impact of migration
on childhood either from the receiving country’s perspective and
children’s adaptation, education, and integration (e.g. Błeszyńska,
2010; Głowacka-Grajper, 2006; Grzymała-Moszczyńska &
Trąbka, 2014; Moskal & Sime, 2016; Nowicka, 2014; White et al.,
2011) or from the perspective of the sending country (e.g.
Kawecki et al., 2015; Nowicka, 2015; Pustułka et al., 2016; Slany
et al., 2016; Ślusarczyk et al., 2018). Thus, there is limited
knowledge on so-called transnational transitions (Pustułka &
Trąbka, 2019), which makes it necessary to study transnational
childhood in regard to the intersection of the three disciplines:
migration, youth and childhood. It also points to the issues
associated with transitions from one social and cultural context
to another, experiencing a break in the educational process,
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INTRODUCTION
reconstructing family and transborder social
relationships, and redefining children’s
identities and sense of belonging, in which
multiple socialisation actors (Popyk et al.,
2019) play important roles.
Hence, this paper aims to present an overview
of the aspects that shape the transnational
transitions of migrant children [1] in Poland. It
describes how migrant children experience
shifts from one societal, cultural, educational,
and social context to another. This paper
consists of three parts. The first describes the
research project and methodology. The
second part reports the findings, which are
subdivided into three parts: pre-migration,
during migration, and after the act of
migration. The paper finishes with the
conclusions and references. This report
deliberately does not contain a literature
review or theoretical conceptualisation
because these can be found in the earlier
works based on this research project (Popyk,
2021b, 2021a; Popyk et al., 2019; Popyk &
Buler, 2018; Popyk & Pustułka, 2021).
[1] I use the term ‘migrant children’ to describe foreign-
born children, regardless of the reason and conditions of
their immigration.
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This report is based on a research project entitled “The Role
of Transnational Transitions and the Process of Formation
of Sense of Belonging of Migrant Children in Poland”, aimed
to study the process of transition from one cultural and
societal, social and educational background to another, and
main characteristics of the belonging formation of the
minors in migration.
METHODOLOGY
This research project is based on
qualitative semi-structured interviews
with migrant children in Poland
(Warsaw agglomeration) (n=20) and
their parents (n=19) and teachers
(n=10). The mean age of the child
participants is 12, while the mean stay
length of the participants in Poland is
3 years. The study included children
for whom Poland is the first country
they have migrated to, as well as
those for whom it has been the
second, third, or even fourth. At the
time of interviewing, eight children
attended private school, and twelve
attended state-run schools. There was
an equal gender representation in the
study (10 boys and 10 girls). All of
the child participants went through
transitions into different educational
settings, though most of the
participants
METHODS
10 Teachers
19 Parents
20 Children
METHODOLOGY
had attended three to four different
schools. The major characteristic of the
recruited participants was a lack of pre-
migration contact and knowledge of Poland
and Polish culture (apart from taking a
short language course before arrival).
The major part (47/49) of the research was
held online due to the COVID-19 pandemic
restrictions on conducting qualitative
studies in person. The interviews were held
online by using the Zoom application for
meetings and recordings. This program
allows for the safe recording of audio data
to an external hard drive, which
strengthens the opportunity to collect and
save research data and personal data
securely and anonymously. The interviews
were conducted in line with guidelines on
online research methods including children
(Eynon et al., 2009; Salmons, 2015).
The study follows the best practices
according to ethical guidelines for
conducting research with vulnerable groups
(British Educational Research Association
[BERA], 2018; Fargas-Malet et al., 2010;
Macdonald, 2013; Morrow, 2009). It also
gained approval from the eligible Ethics
Committee at the University of Social
Science and Humanities in Warsaw.
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METHODOLOGY
The interviews included a few different
parts. The first gathered information on
the children’s (and their families’)
histories of coming to Poland. The second
aimed to research children’s lives in their
home countries, including their family
lives, relationships with relatives, school
lives and peer relations, leisure, and
holiday time. The third part of the
interviews focused on studying the
participants’ lives in a transition country, if applicable. The next section
investigated issues related to children’s transition and life in Poland,
including family and school concerns, peer relationships and leisure time,
relatives and holiday time, interests and hobbies, and place and
neighbourhood knowledge. The following part focused on the
participants’ time during the pandemic and distance learning. The
interviews ended with questions on future life and education plans. This
report includes the analysis of all parts of the interview.
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FINDINGS
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Maze-Like Transnational Transitions of Migrant Children
Figure 1. The Factors of Transnational Transitions of Migrant Children in Poland
This study demonstrates that the transnational transitions of migrant
children vary greatly and resemble a rhizome (Gabi, 2013) more than a
linear process. The individual’s path is shaped by multiple factors,
which the author has divided into three groups according to the stages
of migration: pre-migration, the act of migration, and post-migration
(see Figure 1). These stages draw on the migration adaptation stages
defined by Sluzki (1979).
The transnational transitions start with the pre-migration stage, which
anticipates the attribute variables and demographic variables. Both
variables point to the children’s characteristics and the characteristics
of their families. The second group of factors includes the description
of the act of migration (e.g. the reason and aim of migration, the
process of emigration), as well as the betwixt migration experience of
migrant children and their parents. The third and final group of factors
describes the context of emigration and the context of destination
places. It includes the home and destination countries’ cultural and
societal norms and values; structural systems (e.g. educational system
or employment regulations); or social capital in both places.
This study demonstrates that the transnational transitions of migrant
children greatly depend on the sociodemographic characteristics of the
children and their families. The key variables are split into two groups:
attributes—such as age, gender, agency, and character; and
demographics—such as family’s socio-economic status, family patterns
and family communication, and religion. This report presents only part
of the findings, as some have already been published previously
(Popyk, 2021b, 2021a; Popyk et al., 2019; Popyk & Pustułka, 2021).
Attribute Factors
Age: Small Children- Small Troubles
All three groups of respondents (children, parents, and teachers)
indicated that children at a younger age (7–9 years old) experienced
more alleviated transnational transitions than older children (10–13
years old). This finding was attributed to a few different reasons:
Younger children did not take an active part in the discussion of the
reasons for and the act of their family’s migration, younger children
were less aware of the family-life conditions, and older children had
stronger peer relationships in their home country and experienced the
breakup of their friendships more painfully. While being vigilant,
parents did not involve children in the details of their plans, either
because the children were too young or to avoid exacerbating the
process of leaving, which is accompanied by separation from relatives,
friends, families, places, and objects.
Rita, a 12-year-old girl, has obscure memories of learning about her
family’s decision to migrate and their arrival in Poland, as she only
realised she would not go back to her home country after their arrival
in Poland.
I: Tell me, please, who told you that you were going abroad?
R: No one told me.
I: So, how did you come to know you would stay in Poland?
R: I came to know when I arrived here [in Poland].
I: Did anyone tell you, or did you just realise that you would stay
here?
R: I do not remember.
(Rita, 12-year-old girl, 4 years in Poland)
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New for Q1
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Moreover, some teachers noted that older children experienced
impeded transitions because they had to break off peer and friend
relationships in their home country (or previous country of residence).
Thus, the impact of friendship breakups is added onto that of
separation from relatives, as peers and friends become key
socialisation agents with whom children spend most of their time in
and out of school. One of the teachers mentioned the role of parents
and teachers as key socialisation agents for the younger children, while
peers take on the same role for the older ones.
Those children who arrived in Poland at a younger age noted that after
staying in Poland for 3 to 4 years, their memories of their migration
and post-migration adaptation became obscure. Efficient adaptation
was also reinforced by positive peer relationships (see also Popyk,
2021a). The case of Max, a 12-year-old boy, illustrates that six years of
living in Poland blurred his memories of his post-migration adaptation,
while his successful, though long, period of peer socialisation eased his
migration stress.
I: What is the role of parents in transnational transitions? Is there
any difference between third-graders and sixth-graders?
T: It seems to me that for those in the younger grades [parents are
more important], as the parents are at home all the time with
children before migrating . . . And then, in the new country, both
parents and teachers, as well as friends [play the important role].
But in the younger grades, children want to get the teacher’s
attention . . . In the older grades, parents are important before
leaving the home country, but at school [in a new country], friends
are more important. So, if such a child does not find friends, they
will do everything subconsciously, of course, to show up in this
class.
(International private school teacher 1,
6 years of work with migrant children)
Hence, transnational transitions vary depending on the age of migrant
children at the moment of migration, as well as the age of interviewing.
Whereas the mean age of the child participants was 12 years old, the
duration of the children’s residence in Poland ranged from 1 to 6 years.
Within this time period, children get socialised in the new place and,
consequently, amend their transnational transition process.
Gender: Competing boys, vindictive girls?
Not only do migrant children’s experiences with transnational transitions
depend on their age but also on their gender. This study indicates that
there is no significant difference between boys and girls in terms of their
experience with migration. The parent and teacher participants noted
that regardless of gender, children’s perceptions of transnational
transitions tended to vary. These perceptions were rather conditioned by
family patterns and communication, as well as the reasons for and
process of migration.
However, there is a noticeable gender difference in the socialisation
process between boys and girls. The majority of the respondents
mentioned gendered peer groups in Polish schools, particularly among
newcomers. This tendency was also prominent among Muslim children
due to their religious and cultural manners.
The study also showcases that boys are more likely than girls to
experience faster and smoother adaptation at a younger age when
friendships and peer contacts are play-based. Boys with particular sports
skills are welcomed to join the boys’ group or team. However, girls in
younger grades (aged 7–9) are also welcoming, as girls of this age often
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I: Do you remember when they [your parents] told you [about the
migration]?
M: I don’t remember.
B: Do you remember when you came to Poland?
O: Yeah, I remember the first time I came. . . . I remember that we
were driving and when we arrived here and entered the building.
B: How did you feel then?
O: I don’t remember how I felt, but I felt pretty surprised. I do not
really know why, but I think, so . . . I don’t really remember.
(Max, 12-year-old boy, 6 years in Poland)
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Nonetheless, older children (aged 10–13) differ in how they select
friends and maintain relationships. While boys are more likely to
compete with and oppose a newcomer, girls tend to be more
empathetic. Moreover, boys’ friendships are more stable, as boys do not
like changes, making it harder for an outsider to join a group. On the
contrary, girls make friends faster, especially with those who share
similar views and are interested in common topics.
Boys do not like changes. They don’t like when someone new joins
the class. They are not keen to show a newcomer the school or to
help them. Boys are more introverted . . . I think it is related to the
gender difference and how each gender shows affection.
(International private school teacher 1,
6 years of work with migrant children)
It seems to me that it’s harder for boys [to socialise]. I mean, I more
often see that boys do not adapt as easily and fast as girls, and they
always have some problems. Boys have rivalries and even some
more aggressive behaviours, and they also have more of a sense of
exclusion. They are likely to organise among themselves and oppose
a newcomer.
(International private school teacher 5,
4 years of work with migrant children)
like to have many friends or to be friends with everyone. Yet, the study
shows that girls are more likely to have provisional peer relationships,
with a greater tendency to change friends and peer groups.
Girls make friends easier because they are quicker to admit a new
girl into the group. Girls are more emotional. They want to have a
lot of friends.
(International private school Teacher 2, 15 years of work with
migrant children)
[In the younger grades] girls have more complicated relationships.
There are lots of words and ‘games’ and showing up. Girls are more
vindictive.
(International private school teacher 3, 4 years of work with
migrant children)
Family patterns and cultural norms also affect communication between
children and their parents and children’s involvement in migration
decisions. All the child participants were brought to Poland due to their
parents’ decisions to migrate. However, some children, like Rita
(mentioned above), came to realise they would not go back to their
homes, cities, or schools after being registered in schools in Poland.
Meanwhile, others were instead persuaded by their parents to move to
pursue a better future in Poland.
I: Did you discuss with your parents that you were coming to
Poland?
O: When Father told us he wanted to take us [to Poland], my
parents had a plan. My brother and I did not want to leave
because we had friends there and school . . . We used to live
there. We did not want to leave at first, but then we decided we
had to try, and we left.
I: Do you remember what you told your parents when they
wanted to take you here?
О: I was shocked. I do not remember what I said.
(Oleg, 12-year-old boy, 1 year in Poland)
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I: Where would you like to live when you grow up?
M: I would like to live in Turkey, but I suppose that we will have to
live here because of the problems in Turkey now, so I am learning to
live in Poland for now.
(Melih, 11-year-old boy, 2 years in Poland)
The outcomes of the study reveal that transnational transitions of
migrant children in Poland also vary due to differences in family patterns
and communication. This includes close family relationships with parents
and siblings, as well as with extended relatives (see also Popyk &
Pustułka, 2021). Child participants, particularly those from Turkey,
indicated having closer connections with significant relatives who stayed
in other countries because they used to spend more time together before
migration. Deep family and cultural roots in native countries strengthen
children’s national and cultural identity. This was particularly noted for
some children who foresaw spending their future lives in their home
countries or another place where their relatives reside.
Family Patterns: Big Family Matters
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It should also be noted that family relationships and communication
depend to a great extent on cultural norms and values that can be
related to religion. For migrant children, religion is not only a set of
norms and doctrines but also a collection of guidelines on how to find
one’s place and establish contact with teachers and peers. Moreover, the
performance of religious practices creates another space for socialisation
among other followers (e.g. churches, mosques), which facilitates
children’s adaptation through the sharing of similar transition stories and
by allowing them to speak their native language and perform cultural
rituals. Moreover, religious practices are significant factors that provide
security, stability, and familiarity through a kind of routine, which is
highly valued when children are surrounded by new and unfamiliar
objects, people, and settings.
I believe that it depends on the family’s relation to religion. This is
because if religious practices are important to the family, they
provide stability when children arrive in our country.
(Teacher 3, 6 years of work with migrant children)
Additionally, the socio-economic status of the children’s families cannot
be disregarded in studying the children’s migration paths and
transnational transitions. This study did not aim to evaluate the families’
financial situations, though it proves that the majority of children who
attended private school experienced more facilitated adaptation after
arriving in the new country compared to those who went to public
schools. The major reason for this was the unique context of the
international private school, as a great share of the children who
attended it came from Turkey or were able to speak Turkish. Hence, the
newcomers’ experiences promoted peer socialisation. Peers also acted as
the bridge to Polish society while introducing the newcomers to the new
rules and regulations in the school, neighbourhood, and city.
As migration is not always driven by economic reasons and to improve
immigrants’ financial situation, some of the families (from Turkey)
experienced deprivation. As most of the parents were forced to do jobs
that were less prestigious and often for less pay than they did in their
home country, child participants also experienced a downward shift in
their social position as they changed from being middle-class families in
their home countries to situational low-income families in Poland.
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Migration: an individual maze
Migration and Betwixt
Apart from attribute and demographic
variables, transnational transitions are
shaped by migration conditions, which
include the reasons for, aims of, and
process of emigration. The reasons for
emigration from one’s home country (e.g.
economic motivations or political refuge)
not only define the nature of the migration
process itself but also determine the
conditions for migration preparation. This
study indicates that those children who
migrated for economic reasons (or their
parents’ jobs conditions) had more time to
prepare to emigrate. Some of the parents
helped their children to get ready by
having them learn the basics of the Polish
language and spent time attaining some
information on Poland’s cultural and
societal norms, regulations, and
educational system.
I: You said you learnt Polish before
arriving in Poland. Where and for how long
did you learn it?
D: I learnt it at home. My mother told me
we were going to go to Poland. She found
a tutor online. I had lessons for two or
three months. I knew the basic language
slightly: how to greet and some cultural
norms. I understood how to speak Polish,
but I had to learn to speak correctly.
(Dima, 13-year-old boy, 3 years in Poland)
In contrast, those families who migrated to seek political refuge were
deprived of a chance to plan out their migration decisions and learn
about a new society. Moreover, some families did not initially intend to
arrive in Poland but made this decision after receiving numerous refusals
for visas from other countries (e.g. Germany, the United Kingdom, the
United States) and attaining Polish visas. Hence, children were torn out
of their usual contexts with no explanation of their families’ emigration
plans. This induced bewilderment and homesickness in the children.
I: Do you remember the moment when you told your children about
the migration decision?
O: Yes. I think this is one of the most unforgettable events for them.
They remember all the events [in Turkey]. So it was difficult to leave,
as they didn’t know the reasons for this travel. We explained that we
were going on holidays, like holidays abroad, but they knew the
situation in Turkey. It was difficult for them.
I: Did they know that you were going to stay abroad for a longer
time?
O: No. We said that for a short period, we would go on holidays, but I
think they knew the real situation, so in time, we explained.
I: When did they understand that you were not going to go back to
Turkey?
O: After we had gone abroad, we explained the situation step by step,
the reasons why we came here [to Poland], and why we were living in
another place, in another country. In time, they accepted the
situation. But it was very difficult for them.
(Omar, a father of 12- and 10-year-old
children, 4 years in Poland)
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Nevertheless, it should be stressed that pre-migration preparation does
not necessarily indicate facilitated socialisation. Dima, who learnt
Polish before coming to Poland, mentioned having difficulties because
of his low level of Polish language knowledge. However, his
socialisation was developed through sharing hobbies and interests with
his classmates after mastering some of the language.
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This study demonstrates that transitions are extended and impeded
when children stay temporarily in transition countries (other contexts
or places) before arriving at the destination place. However, long-term
stays in different countries may have a positive impact on the
following adaptation process. For such children, each migration
experience brings them knowledge and resilience. The case of Zehra, a
12-year-old girl from Turkey who lived in two transition countries
(over a total of 1 year) before arriving in Poland, is one example of
highly perplexing and troublesome transnational transitions. Being a
quiet girl at the age of 8, she was forced to leave her native country,
home, relatives, and friends in favour of a safe life abroad. While
waiting for a Polish visa, Zehra attended two different schools in two
countries and was forced to learn two different languages. Arrival in
Poland did not end the transition process, as the girl went to a Polish
state school after attending a private English-speaking school for two
and a half years, where she had to learn a fifth language—Polish.
The rhizomatic nature of Zehra’s transnational transitions left a deep
scar on her biography. Though she was originally a cheerful girl who
loved reading and learning, she became an introvert who struggled
with speaking to people.
At first, it was hard for me to speak. I almost did not understand
Polish because I had little time to study the Polish language. I came
with half of my language knowledge just to understand what they [my
peers and teachers] were saying. I just sat in silence, listened to
everyone, and tried to understand what they were saying. When I got
into a conversation, I made some friends, and everything went well.
(Dima, 13-year-old boy, 3 years in Poland)
Betwixt: Lain Ladang, Lain Belalang
Hence, transnational transitions are shaped by the reasons for
migration, as these reasons define the preparation stage. Thus,
unforeseen migration decisions made by political refugees from
Turkey left migrant children with little information on emigration. As a
consequence, this complicated the process of transitions, as it left
children in a state of disorientation.
Saying in Malaysian, meaning - new country, new culture.
Figure 2. Zehra's, a Turkish 12-Year-Old Girl, Transnational Transitions
Zehra is a sensitive girl, so it was difficult to start a new school and
make new friends. In time, she got used to it, but she had many
difficulties at school. She didn’t want to go to school because of her
connections, and she felt bad. The first semester was very difficult
for her, but in a few weeks, she got used to it....
In the summer, we decided to start public school for my children. For
about two months, Zehra was crying all the time. She did not want to
go to public school, and she was afraid of the place and the new
children and teachers. She did not know anything about it [school]. It
was very difficult for her. For about seven to eight months, she did
not say a word at school. Not a word. Not even ‘dziękuję’ [thank you].
She did not say anything.
Zehra's father
Zehra’s father described her migration experiences as follows:
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The outcomes of this study also indicate that multiple transitions build
children’s resilience, as they perceive migration as an adventure.
However, each change of place and school, either across the country or
across borders, induces anxiety about leaving familiar settings and
people and meeting new ones. Having sufficient language knowledge
(particularly English, which is the lingua franca around the world)
alleviates the socialisation process but does not diminish migration-
related stress. Emir, a 12-year-old boy born in Turkey, has had an
arduous migration experience. Emir’s parents lived in Azerbaijan when
his mother got pregnant and went to Turkey to give birth to Emir. At the
age of three, the boy emigrated with his family to Indonesia, where they
lived in three different cities. Due to the adverse political situation in
Turkey. Emir and his family emigrated to Germany when he was 10
years old. After attending a German school and learning the local
language, his parents decided to move to Poland. Thus, Emir had to
make new acquaintances and friends for the fifth time. This agitated
the boy, as making friends becomes more challenging at an older age
because peer relationships become less play-based but more meaningful
and interest-based (see also Popyk, 2021a).
In addition to the children’s previous migration experience,
transnational transitions are also shaped by the parents’ migration and
travel experience. The study indicates that those parents who had
already been or lived abroad were better able to transfer a positive
attitude to their children towards emigration and succeed in their post-
migration adaptation. In contrast, those parents (particularly mothers)
for whom emigration to Poland was their first time leaving their
country or being abroad revealed that they experienced greater
maladjustment and post-migration depression. Consequently, this
negatively affected children’s socialisation and adaptation in a new
place because children are likely to replicate their parents’ attitudes
and opinions. On the other hand, if parents are positive about their
migration decision and process, they tend to transfer their attitude to
their children through various means: emotionally, verbally, or via
psychological support. However, an auspicious socialisation process is
facilitated by genuine opinions on migration, while attempts by parents
to feign a positive attitude are recognised by children. As a
consequence, they become a hindrance in transnational transitions.
I: How do you remember the first day at school in Poland?
E: Awkward.
I: Why is that?
E: Because I did not know people yet.
(Emir, 12-year-old boy, 1 year in Poland)
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We moved across places a lot. Even in Indonesia, we moved
across three cities. And that is why we just handled it well, but
we were quite sad because we had to leave our friends behind
and were afraid of making new friends.
(Emir’s mother)
Additionally, children’s transnational transitions are greatly affected by
differences in social and cultural norms and values, which are often
determined by the level of religiosity. Along with cultural values, the
countries’ immigration policies impact the perception and attitude
towards emigrants and foreigners.
The study reveals two issues concerning cultural differences between
home and destination countries. The first is the values and norms that
shape attitudes towards foreign nationalities, culture, and religion. The
second is the individual perceptions and values of migrants and natives.
Thus, migrant children from Turkey experienced a clash of antithetical
migration contexts. Turkish migrants participating in the research are
Muslim, while Poland is a Christian country. Both societies have rigorous
religious practices, which require the renunciation of other religions.
This produced a hostile attitude in Poland towards Muslim people,
particularly migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers.
Another important issue that affected the transnational transitions of
the participants is the differences between the emigration and
immigration contexts in defining the nature of the transnational
transitions. As emigration undertaken for economic reasons is intended
to improve living standards, migrants tend to have explicit expectations
regarding their new place of residence. In contrast, emigration due to
political persecution is mainly directed towards seeking a secure and
safe place for the migrants’ families. Consequently, standards of living
and quality of life become less significant.
One of the parent respondents mentioned:
When we first moved to Macedonia, we had this feeling of freedom
that really doesn’t resemble anything else, and we had this feeling
that ‘Oh, we are finally free.’ And there was a feeling of happiness and
safety. And after this, we just thought that, like, after this, nothing else
matters, like everything can be arranged. We will arrange to get a job
and other stuff.
(Deniz, mother of 12- and 8-year-old children, 4 years in Poland)
Feel Like a Fish Out the Water
Post-Migration Stage
2 1
The parent respondents noted that before coming to Poland, they were
aware of potential strains caused by religious, cultural, and societal
differences, which affect migrants’ adaptation, as well as the formation
of a sense of belonging.
We had some difficulties related to wearing hijabs in Poland.
There were some unpleasant experiences with the
community’s reactions to Muslim people. But apart from this,
we like it here. And normally, all of my family really loves it
here, but unfortunately, because of these reactions and those
experiences, we don’t really feel like we belong here.
(Deniz, mother of 12- and 8-year-old
children, 4 years in Poland)
Once, we went shopping in the stores, like Benetton and Zara,
and when we were leaving these stores, we were stopped, and
our handbags and pockets were searched as if we were
thieves. The issue was our appearance because we dress
differently. And that’s the only reason why we are perceived
as thieves, and we are not. For example, Poles who left the
same shops would go out, and no one stopped them. But we
were stopped. And for a long time, I was really sad and cried
because we were treated in this way.
(Leyla, mother of 12-year-old girl, 4 years in Poland)
2 2
2 3
Moreover, the derogatory attitude in Poland towards Muslim people
engendered a shift in personal values and religious practices among
migrants under social control in Polish society. This was the case of
Leyla, who, after experiencing repeated disrespect because she was
wearing a hijab, was forced to resign her religious commitment to
wearing clothes, which can provoke a negative reaction in the
community.
When I came here, I was veiled. I wore a hijab, and I had it for a year
and a half. Very often I was treated disrespectfully. So, I changed it
to a hat. As I have light hair and I’m not too dark, I was often
perceived as Polish. So now, I have a way of dealing with this
[offensive attitude]. But when I am with my friends, who are
currently veiled, we face the same problems. Before, I cried every
time because of that treatment. . . But when I gave up the hijab, it
was over. Now, I have peace, and when I come back home, I also
have peace. Before going outside was a real challenge for me, and I
was very sad.
(Leyla, mother of 12-year-old girl, 4 years in Poland)
Migrant children in Poland were also subjected to social control (see also
Buler, 2020 for the role of social control in the acceptance/rejection of
social remittances and practices). To integrate with society and reduce
the feeling of being a stranger, some Muslim children attended Christian
spiritual retreats organised by the schools and churches.
Some of the Muslim children also
attended the Christian spiritual
retreats together with native
children. They did not want to look
like strangers while being
different. There, they also sang
Polish and Christian songs. For
them, it was collective activities
rather than religious practices.
(Teacher 1, 6 years of work with
migrant children)
Well, there were some misunderstandings. More religious
ones. The point here was that there were both Catholics and
Muslims in our school. And at the beginning, there were
some small wrangles because Muslim children do not eat
particular foods. So, Catholic children teased them in this
regard, and they were slightly spiteful. It also worked the
other way around, Muslim children teased Catholic children.
(Teacher 2, 15 years of work
with migrant children)
2 4
Some intolerable treatment was also noted among children. Foreign
children faced racial, ethnic, and religious discrimination, which often
included mocking their appearance, clothes, food, and habits.
However, some migrant children also mocked other children for
being different.
Additionally, one mother mentioned that her son faces racism in a
state school not only from his peers but also from the teachers. The
teachers’ racism is more of an issue in the state school, where the
staff’s ethnic composition is limited to native Polish teachers. The
private and international schools in Poland pay more attention to the
staff’s ethnic diversity.
In the private school, he [my son] had friends in the class,
colleagues, but after two years in private school, he
switched to a state school, and things got worse with
friends because he met with racism very often. For example,
when someone says the word ‘terrorist’, everyone
immediately looks at my son. He also experiences racism
from the teachers.
(Ezra, mother of 12- and 15-year-old
children, 4 years in Poland)
Likewise, migrant children from Ukraine reported experiencing
hostile treatment at schools despite Ukraine and Poland having
culturally, geographically, and religiously similar societies. Ukraine
and Poland are two neighbouring Slavic countries. The Christian
religion is prevalent in both countries, but they have conflicting
2 5
historical narratives. However, the rapid growth of the Ukrainian
immigrant population in Poland, the majority of whom are labour
migrants, has induced contradictory attitudes among the natives.
I had some problems at school because we had an argument with
one boy. He teased me. They [other children] called it a game, but I
can’t say it was a game . . . he could say something offensive, and I
could not answer because I did not know the language. He became
angry with me because I am from Ukraine. He did not touch me
physically because he knew I could hit him back.
(Mykola, 12-year-old boy, 1 year in Poland)
Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that most of the parent
respondents expressed gratitude to Poland and Poles, particularly
teachers, for welcoming them into their country during such an
intractable period.
And I think that Poland has been a blessing for us because we
really like the people a lot, and the people are very good and have
very soft, good hearts.
(Sefiye, mother of 13-year-old
girl, 3 years in Poland)
Moreover, some mothers noted multiple similarities between Turkey
and Poland and between Muslims and Christians in terms of values
and norms, as well as how they treat people. They also mentioned
similarities in the local geography and cities’ infrastructure, which also
had a positive impact on children’s adaptation.
Poland is like Turkey. The roads and
buildings are also similar. There are a lot
of similarities with my country. So I feel
like I am in my country. And people here
are also similar to Turkish people, so it
was not difficult to get used to.
(Nurey, mother of 11-year-old boy, 2
years in Poland)
2 6
The change involved in leaving one’s country also requires
adaptation to a new educational context, a new system of education,
and a new set of teacher-student and student-student relationships.
This study also captured another transition of migrant children—the
change in the mode of education from traditional to distance
learning during the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused a shift in
values concerning the role of teachers, peers, and the school in
performing its manifest and latent functions (Merton, 1957) (see
Popyk, 2021b). Consequently, distance learning impeded children’s
socialisation and obstructed their integration into Polish society.
Conclusively, transnational transitions of migrant children vary
depending on the discrepancy in cultural and societal norms and
values, differences in educational systems and curricula, religion, and
the level of social control.
CONCLUSIONS
What We Can Do Better
2 7
CONCLUSIONS
(Re)socialization factors in children's migration
experiences
2 8
his study proves that transnational transitions of migrant children
are labyrinthine experiences, which are shaped by a set of factors at
every stage of the emigration process (Sluzki, 1979).
This research indicated that transnational transitions (Pustułka &
Trąbka, 2019) are individual and maze-like processes, which differ
from case to case. They are greatly impacted by the attribute factors,
which define children’s personality and character depending on their
age, gender, and agency (Laoire, 2011; Prieur, 2002; Qin, 2006). The
demographic factors point to the role of the family’s socio-economic
status, family patterns and communication, and the child’s
relationships with parents, siblings, and relatives.
Moreover, pre-migration circumstances affect the migration plans of
migrant families and determine the stage of preparation, which
includes foreign culture and language learning; psychological
preparation; terminating the educational process (e.g. completing the
grade), saying goodbye to relatives, friends, and neighbours; and
arranging accommodation and employment in the destination
country. However, rapid migration decisions and the concomitant
quandaries impede transnational transitions and leave migrant
children feeling disorientation and longing (Pawlak & Goździak,
2019).
The next group of factors that impact transnational transitions is the
migration experience of both children and their parents. The study
underlines that multiple transitions tend to have positive as well as
negative impacts. However, along with growing up, transnational
transitions become more obstructed because older children have
more robust social capital and are less dependent on their parents
but more dependent on peer relationships.
The last but not least group of factors encompasses the differences
between the emigrating and immigrating contexts. The study
demonstrates that the impediments of transnational transitions and
the socialisation process take place regardless of the cultural and
2 9
language similarities of the two settings. Migrant children and their
families from Turkey reported experiencing hostile treatment
because of being different culturally and religiously and having a low
Polish language skill level (Cekaite & Bjork-Willen, 2012; Fogle &
King, 2017; Moskal & Sime, 2016; Strzemecka, 2015). Similarly,
migrant children from Ukraine also declared that they faced multiple
burdens with regard to peer socialisation due to the inhospitable
treatment of Ukrainian migrants in Poland.
Burdensome transnational transitions and strong social control
(Buler, 2020) in Poland manifests through the rejection and
judgement of strangers and tends to cause biased treatment of
immigrants, stymieing the socialisation process of migrant children.
Additionally, the state of disorientation and perplexity experienced
by child migrants in Poland impedes the formation of their personal
identity and sense of belonging (Amadasi, 2014; Antonsich, 2010;
Pustułka et al., 2016; Slany & Strzemecka, 2016; White et al., 2011).
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank all the respondents for sharing their
experiences and making the invaluable contribution to this study.
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Children are like raw stones:
each has different colour,
shape, nature and history...
who under a careful
rafination become precious
