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A Psychologically Rich Life: Beyond Happiness and Meaning

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Abstract

Psychological science has typically conceptualized a good life in terms of either hedonic or eudaimonic well-being. We propose that psychological richness is another, neglected aspect of what people consider a good life. Unlike happy or meaningful lives, psychologically rich lives are best characterized by a variety of interesting and perspective-changing experiences. We present empirical evidence that happiness, meaning, and psychological richness are related but distinct and desirable aspects of a good life, with unique causes and correlates. In doing so, we show that a nontrivial number of people around the world report they would choose a psychologically rich life at the expense of a happy or meaningful life, and that approximately a third say that undoing their life's biggest regret would have made their lives psychologically richer. Furthermore, we propose that the predictors of a psychologically rich life are different from those of a happy life or a meaningful life, and report evidence suggesting that people leading psychologically rich lives tend to be more curious, think more holistically, and lean more politically liberal. Together, this work moves us beyond the dichotomy of hedonic versus eudaimonic well-being, and lays the foundation for the study of psychological richness as another dimension of a good life. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).
A Psychologically Rich Life: Beyond Happiness and Meaning
Shigehiro Oishi
1
and Erin C. Westgate
2
1
Department of Psychology, University of Virginia
2
Department of Psychology, University of Florida
Psychological science has typically conceptualized a good life in terms of either hedonic or eudaimonic
well-being. We propose that psychological richness is another, neglected aspect of what people consider a
good life. Unlike happy or meaningful lives, psychologically rich lives are best characterized by a variety of
interesting and perspective-changing experiences. We present empirical evidence that happiness, meaning,
and psychological richness are related but distinct and desirable aspects of a good life, with unique causes
and correlates. In doing so, we show that a nontrivial number of people around the world report they would
choose a psychologically rich life at the expense of a happy or meaningful life, and that approximately a
third say that undoing their lifes biggest regret would have made their lives psychologically richer.
Furthermore, we propose that the predictors of a psychologically rich life are different from those of a happy
life or a meaningful life, and report evidence suggesting that people leading psychologically rich lives tend
to be more curious, think more holistically, and lean more politically liberal. Together, this work moves us
beyond the dichotomy of hedonic versus eudaimonic well-being, and lays the foundation for the study of
psychological richness as another dimension of a good life.
Keywords: happiness, meaning in life, psychological richness
Aristotle opens the Nicomachean Ethics by considering various
candidates for the good life: a life of pleasure, a life of honor, a life of
wealth or health or eminence. Or, as Aristotle himself argues
persuasively, a life led in accordance with virtue and excellence
(i.e., areté,Thomson, 1955). Of these, only two have survived the
test of time: the pleasurable life (despite Aristotles admonitions)
and the eudaimonic life (i.e., Aristotles preferred contender). In the
millennia since Greek philosophers debated the question, Aristotles
conception of the good lifehas proliferated into many ne-tuned
theories of well-being (see Vittersø, 2016, for a comprehensive
review). However, the strong dichotomy between these two pre-
vailing modelshedonic versus eudaimonic well-beingcontinues
to dominate psychological research on the good life. Yet this
dichotomy limits psychology by overlooking many lives that do
not t neatly within it. In this article, we move beyond the
eudaimonichedonic divide to suggest a third contender for a
good life: a psychologically rich lifeor a life characterized by a
variety of interesting and perspective-changing experiences.
Together with happiness and meaning, we suggest that psychologi-
cal richness constitutes an element of a life well lived.
We dene a good life as a life well lived from the perspective ofthe
person living it, as opposed to a purely objectivist perspective (i.e.,
whether most people would recognize it as such; see Sumner, 1996,
for a philosophically grounded discussion on subjective versus
objective theories of a good life). Psychologists have advanced
many broad theories of subjective well-being (see Diener, Oishi,
et al., 2018, for review), ranging from dispositional and genetic (Lykken
& Tellegen, 1996) to motivational and need-fulllment accounts
(Emmons, 1986;Higgins, 2011;Ryan & Deci, 2001;Ryff, 1989).
These existing theories address many fundamental questions, from
how to explain stable individual differences in well-being, and the
temporal processes (e.g., adaptation) underlying them, to the types of
life events and conditions facilitating it (Luhmann et al., 2012;
Wilson & Gilbert, 2008). Many models focus on social cognition,
from the role of attention and appraisal in shaping well-being (Kurtz,
2008;OBrien & Ellsworth, 2012) to the judgments people draw
about their own and othershappiness (Gilbert, 2006;Kahneman,
1999;Robinson & Clore, 2002). Other theories have focused speci-
cally on the benets of positive emotion (Fredrickson, 2001)and
increasing happiness (Dunn et al., 2014;Lyubomirsky, 2008;Van
Boven & Gilovich, 2003). However, none of these theories address
the central question of what it means to live a good life, or the type of
ideal life people imagine for themselves. In other words, because they
do not ask what kind of life people want to live, we do not know if
current concepts of happiness and meaning comprehensively cover
the possibilities.
To preview, we argue that a psychologically rich life is one such
life that people desire, which is unaccounted for by current con-
ceptualizations of well-being. A psychologically rich life, we will
show, is related to (but distinct from) a happy or a meaningful life,
with distinct causes and consequences (see Besser & Oishi, 2020,
for a philosophical overview). To be clear, we do not claim that
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
This article was published Online First August 12, 2021.
Erin C. Westgate https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9116-6246
We are grateful to Lorraine Besser, Hyewon Choi, Nick Buttrick,
Samantha Heintzelman, Elizabeth Gilbert, Jane Tucker, Charlie Ebersole,
Youngjae Cha, Dan Haybron, Josh Perlin, Tim Wilson, Jerry Clore, and Dan
McAdams for their help and/or comments on this project. This research was
supported by a grant from the John Templeton Foundation and Saint Louis
University (G011993). An earlier version of this paper was pre sented at Saint
Louis Universitys capstone conference on well-being and ourishing in
May 2018 (www.happinessnadwell-being.org/capstone), as well as at the
SPSP Happiness preconference in February 2021.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Shigehiro
Oishi, Department of Psychology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville,
VA 22904-4400, United States. Email: soishi@Virginia.EDU
Psychological Review
© 2021 American Psychological Association 2022, Vol. 129, No. 4, 790811
ISSN: 0033-295X https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000317
790
... Psychological research has consistently emphasized hedonic and eudaimonic wellbeing (Ryan and Deci, 2001). Hedonic well-being focuses on positive emotional experiences and life satisfaction, characterized by pleasure, comfort, and stability (Diener et al., 2018); eudaimonic well-being emphasizes the purpose and meaning in life (Oishi and Westgate, 2022), with typical features being purposefulness, coherence, and significance (Martela and Steger, 2016). Psychological richness, distinct from the traditional dichotomy, is a life characterized by a variety of interesting and perspective-shifting experiences, with main features being diversity, novelty, and interest (Oishi et al., 2019). ...
... Although experiences like travel require time and material resources, others like literature and music can be accessed at very low or no cost through online platforms (Oishi et al., 2019). Psychological richness satisfies the need for complex and diverse experiences, rather than a singular pursuit of pleasure or avoidance of pain, and the process is not always pleasant but promotes a shift in perspectives (Oishi and Westgate, 2022). Moreover, psychological richness is associated with attributional complexity and holistic thinking, individuals with psychological richness tend to view and interpret things in more complex and comprehensive ways (Oishi and Westgate, 2022). ...
... Psychological richness satisfies the need for complex and diverse experiences, rather than a singular pursuit of pleasure or avoidance of pain, and the process is not always pleasant but promotes a shift in perspectives (Oishi and Westgate, 2022). Moreover, psychological richness is associated with attributional complexity and holistic thinking, individuals with psychological richness tend to view and interpret things in more complex and comprehensive ways (Oishi and Westgate, 2022). Therefore, International Journal of Social Science Research and Review Volume 8, Issue 3 March, 2025 individuals with psychological richness often exhibit a more mature mindset and greater wisdom (Grossmann et al., 2020). ...
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The philosophical template of eudaimonia is of ancient Greek heritage and has to do with completeness, fulfillment, and excellence; a non-reductionistic conceptualization of the perfect life that can be summarized as “a complete state of being and doing well” (Sumner, Welfare, happiness, and ethics. Clarendon Press, 1996, p. 69). Many theories of philosophical eudaimonism exist, but the Aristotelian version is the most celebrated. He defined eudaimonia normatively, as rational activity in accordance with virtue. This idea has been described as “man-as-he-could-be-if-he-realized-his-essential-nature” (MacIntyre, After virtue, University of Notre Dame Press, 2007, p. 52). The Aristotelian notion of human nature is not easily translated to modern science, but the concept of organismic living might be a good place to start. An important element in organismic thinking is that all living organisms have an inborn tendency to activate and regulate their behavior toward some goal—to actualize their nature as autonomous, self-organizing systems. Organismic living is also highly interactionist, with sophisticated collaborations occurring within and between units. Humanistic and clinical psychologists in the mid-twentieth century were inspired by the notion of organismic living and used the concept to develop theories of self-actualization and fully functioning individuals. These theories were not explicitly described as eudaimonic, but they stimulated what we may label the first generation of eudaimonic wellbeing (EWB) theories in psychology. The most influential among the early EWB theories were developed by Waterman, Ryff, and Deci and Ryan. Waterman’s theory of personal expressiveness is inspired by humanistic psychology and the philosopher David Norton and his ethical individualism. Norton’s controversial interpretation of eudaimonism suggests that we all have a moral responsibility to discover “the daimon” within ourselves and to live in accordance with it. Waterman also follows Norton in identifying eudaimonia as the feeling that accompanies efforts of self-realization and the development of one’s true potential. These feelings are referred to by Waterman as expressive and are contrasted with hedonic enjoyment. The idea that eudaimonia can be defined as a feeling is questioned. Ryff’s psychological wellbeing theory (PWB) comprises six dimensions: autonomy, environmental mastery, personal growth, positive relations, purpose in life, and self-acceptance. The theory is often taken to be eudaimonic, but only personal growth and purpose in life are explicitly identified as carriers of eudaimonic meaning. The chapter criticizes Ryff’s theory for being underspecified and for downplaying the importance of affective and evaluative indicators of wellbeing. Deci and Ryan’s self-determination theory (SDT) suggests that the fulfillment of our basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relations will lead to increased wellbeing. According to SDT, eudaimonia is intimately linked with the concept of being fully functioning. However, the concept of full functioning appears idealized and difficult to study empirically. Moreover, it is unclear whether SDT considers psychological need fulfillment to be a kind of wellbeing or a predictor of wellbeing. Theories of EWB, other than those of Waterman, Ryff, and Deci and Ryan, offer a plethora of eudaimonic dimensions and indicators, but two broad and overarching dimensions have been identified: (1) growth/self-realization/self-actualization/development of potentials/full functioning/maturity and (2) meaning/purpose/long-term perspective/caring. The concept of personal growth is historically rooted in the idea Germans refer to as “Bildung,” a personal transformation enabled through certain experiences that includes the formation of intellectual, personal, and moral capacities. Meaning or purpose in life cannot be directly related to Aristotelian eudaimonism but is relevant for EWB as a means of fulfilling one’s values. For example, Viktor Frankl’s notion of a “will to meaning” is a kind of self-transcendence that seems compatible with the eudaimonic idea of fulfillment. Many theories of EWB have been proposed, but little conceptual agreement has been reached. One reason is that concepts typically involved in eudaimonic models are difficult to test empirically. Several popular approaches are grounded in an idealized, a priori conceptualization of eudaimonia on the one hand and a set of self-report scales with unclear relations to the concepts on the other. Thus, the empirical part of eudaimonic research does not speak well with the theoretical part. The combination of rampant fauna of untestable concepts and a cottage industry of theory-drained scale production makes it unlikely that a conceptual consensus about eudaimonic wellbeing will be reached anytime soon.
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Psychologists typically conceptualize a good life either in terms of hedonic (e.g. life satisfaction, positive affect) or eudaimonic well-being (e.g. meaning, fulfillment of potential). In the current research, we explored another form of a good life: the psychologically rich life. In Study 1, we conducted a 14-day daily diary study ( N = 203). In Study 2, we compared Chinese studying in the United States ( N = 97) with Chinese studying in China ( N = 169). In Study 3, we conducted a 12-week weekly survey study among Americans studying abroad ( N = 43) and Americans studying in the United States ( N = 100). In Study 4, we recruited students who had studied abroad ( N = 84) and their friends (informants) who did not ( N = 76). Study 1 showed that participants who scored higher in a psychologically rich life were more likely to take a short trip during the 14-day period. In Studies 2 to 4, those who studied abroad reported higher levels of a psychologically rich life than those who did not. Unusual experiences such as study abroad were consistently associated with higher levels of psychological richness, whereas they were not consistently associated with life satisfaction, positive affect, and meaning in life.
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The question of what constitutes the good life has been pondered for millennia. Yet only in the last decades has the study of well-being become a scientific endeavor. This book is based on the idea that we can empirically study quality of life and make cross-society comparisons of subjective well-being (SWB). A potential problem in studying SWB across societies is that of cultural relativism: if societies have different values, the members of those societies will use different criteria in evaluating the success of their society. By examining, however, such aspects of SWB as whether people believe they are living correctly, whether they enjoy their lives, and whether others important to them believe they are living well, SWB can represent the degree to which people in a society are achieving the values they hold dear. The contributors analyze SWB in relation to money, age, gender, democracy, and other factors. Among the interesting findings is that although wealthy nations are on average happier than poor ones, people do not get happier as a wealthy nation grows wealthier. Bradford Books imprint
Book
Happiness: A Very Short Introduction considers the true nature of happiness and the current thinking on the subject, from psychology to philosophy. What is happiness? Is it subjective or can we put an objective value on it? How can and should we pursue happiness? Happiness is an everyday term in our lives, and most of us strive to be happy, but defining happiness can be difficult. There are many diverse routes to happiness. How much of our view on what constitutes happiness is influenced by secular Western ideas on the contemporary pursuit of a good life?