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Narcissism and personal values: Investigation into agentic, antagonistic, communal, and neurotic facets of narcissism
Abstract
In the current study (N = 421), we examined the relationship between the full spectrum of facets of narcissism (i.e., agentic, antagonistic, communal, and neurotic) and the personal values on community sample adopting the refined Schwartz personal 19-values theory focusing on higher-order values. All narcissism facets were related positively to self-enhancement, with antagonistic, communal, and neurotic narcissism facets were also related negatively to self-transcendence. Agentic narcissism was related positively, while communal narcissism was related negatively to openness to change. Agentic and antagonistic narcissism were related negatively to conservation. The findings are discussed in reference to the agency-communion model of grandiose narcissism and the narcissistic spectrum of personality. Each of the examined facets of narcissistic personality has its unique relationships to values, yet they all share one motivational core expressed in a higher attachment to self-enhancement values.
... Narcissists employ distinct strategies to achieve their goals (Gebauer & Sedikides, 2018), leading them to embrace different values (Nowak et al., 2022). All narcissists prioritize self-enhancement values, although differ in additional preferences, reflecting various ways of self-enhancement and self-protection. ...
... The pronounced rejection of conservatism values by antagonistic narcissists indicate that they deny self-restriction and order. Communal narcissists also prioritize self-enhancement; however, there is no relationship between communal narcissism and self-transcendence values (Nowak et al., 2022). As narcissism is correlated with values that are central for accepting war and peace, we expect that narcissism will be associated with specific views on intergroup relationships by endorsing particular types of values. ...
... To our knowledge, there has been no research conducted on individual narcissism and attitudes toward intergroup conflicts, specifically war and peace. We expected each of the narcissism forms would exhibit distinct relationships with attitudes and intentions towards either war or peace, explained by values (Nowak et al., 2022). ...
... Hypothesis 1: We expect all four forms of narcissism (i.e., agentic, antagonistic, neurotic, and communal) to be positively related to perceptions of company prestige although the magnitude of these associations may differ (e.g., the association with perceptions of company prestige may be especially strong for agentic narcissism). The basis for this prediction is that all facets of narcissism, albeit to different extents and through different means, are positively related to self-enhancement and feelings of entitlement (e.g., Miller et al., 2021;Nowak et al., 2022). This prediction also aligns with prior research suggesting that narcissistic self-enhancement may transcend personal selfviews to include perceptions of the workplace as well (Fatfouta, 2021;Hirschfeld & Van Scotter, 2019). ...
Drawing on signaling theory, the current experimental study (N = 593) investigated the influence of top employer awards on the connections between the full spectrum of narcissistic personality features (i.e., agentic, antagonistic, neurotic, and communal) and perceived company prestige. The results of our experiment show that employer awards enhance prestige perceptions and that all narcissism facets are positively related to perceptions of prestige. However, the positive associations between narcissistic personality features and company prestige were less pronounced in the award condition than in the no-award condition. Our study contributes to the recruitment and employer branding literature by demonstrating that, while employer awards generally enhance an organization’s prestige, they may not do so for individuals with particular personality features.
... We used commonality analyses to untangling the unique effects of different narcissistic forms, thereby circumventing the confounding influence of shared variance inherent in zeroorder correlations (Nowak et al., 2022). Our findings revealed that the narcissistic core, representing the shared variance across all considered forms of narcissism, exhibited a weak but positive association with self-reported stress. ...
In a mixed-method study of 427 Polish adults over five days, we explored how various forms of narcissism (i.e., communal, agentic, antagonistic, and vulnerable) relate to everyday stress during the COVID-19 pandemic. Using commonality analyses, we found a positive link between narcissism and stress, with each form of narcissism uniquely predicting self-reported stress levels. Highly narcissistic individuals reported fewer agentic and communal stressors, but they referred more to pandemic-related stress. Vulnerable narcissism showed the strongest association with stress, followed by antagonistic narcissism, while grandiose narcissism displayed weaker connections. Communal narcissism correlated weakly with stress, indicating potential adaptiveness. These findings align with the narcissistic personality spectrum, highlighting the agency-communion model's relevance in understanding narcissistic personality traits and their stress experiencing.
... Although communal narcissismwhich is characterized by seeking praise and admiration through the exaggeration of prosocial behaviors (Gebauer et al., 2012) is not included in the Trifurcated Model of Narcissism, we included it in the present studies because it has received significant attention during the past decade (e.g., Nowak et al., 2022;Rogoza et al., 2023). Compared with the other narcissistic personality traits, communal narcissism represents a distinct manifestation of narcissism with a unique focus on seemingly prosocial traits, such as generosity and kindness (e.g., Gebauer et al., 2012). ...
... Prior studies on communal narcissism have mainly been conducted in individualistic cultures, such as Germany (Kesenheimer & Greitemeyer, 2021;Nehrlich et al., 2019), Poland (Nowak et al., 2022;Żemojtel-Piotrowska et al., 2021), the United Kingdom (Gebauer et al., 2012), and the United States (Barry et al., 2021;Fennimore, 2021). To the best of our knowledge, no empirical study has examined the relationship between communal narcissism and altruism in a collectivistic culture by incorporating close other reports. ...
This study aimed to examine the difference between communal narcissism and altruism using close-other reports, especially in collectivistic cultures (e.g., Korea). There may be differences between individualistic and collectivistic cultures in the evaluation of communality. However, research on acquaintance evaluations of the difference between communal narcissism and altruism has never been conducted in a collectivistic culture. Accordingly, 179 Korean college students (115 females) completed self-report questionnaires to assess communal narcissism and altruism, selecting three close others who rated the psychological adjustment of the participants in terms of communality, altruism, and well-being. We found that self-reported communal narcissism was positively correlated with self-reported altruism but not significantly correlated with close-other-reported altruism. Additionally, the effect of self-reported communal narcissism on psychological adjustment as evaluated by close others was not significant after controlling for the effect of self-reported altruism. However, after controlling for the effect of self-reported communal narcissism, the effect of self-reported altruism on psychological adjustment as evaluated by close others was significant. Although communal narcissism and altruism are closely related in self-reports, findings based on reports of close others provide empirical evidence that they are distinguishable personality traits.
W artykule została podjęta próba poszukiwania powiązań pomiędzy narcyzmem – operacjonalizowanym w modelu NARC – a autodeklaracją religijną i preferowanymi wartościami. Projekt badań powstał na podstawie analizy dostępnych danych teoretycznych i wyników badań empirycznych. Badanie zostało przeprowadzone na próbie 122 młodych osób. Uzyskane wyniki potwierdziły hipotezy dotyczące powiązań pomiędzy narcyzmem a autodeklaracją religijną oraz pewne powiązania z preferowanymi wartościami. Badane osoby różniły się w zakresie preferowanych wartości – zarówno tych, które uważali za najważniejsze dla siebie, jak i tych, które kategoryzowali jako najmniej ważne, w zależności od charakterystyki jakości narcyzmu: narcystyczna rywalizacja lub narcystyczny podziw.
The process by which auditors consider fraud risk in assessing management’s motivation and character remains under-addressed. This is problematic given the rising tide of narcissism, as well as recent research documenting that both self- and other-perceptions of narcissism influence an array of judgments. While a skeptical attitude is fundamental to the auditor’s gatekeeper role, it remains unclear how auditors form and act on perceptions of client narcissism. With a large sample of experienced accountants as participants, we leverage insights from current narcissism and perceiver effects research to predict (and find) that auditor skepticism responds in a divergent manner to both the auditor’s (1) own antagonistic versus agentic narcissism and (2) perceptions of the client’s antagonistic and agentic narcissism. We discuss the observed opposing behavioral externalities related to these distinct forms of grandiose narcissism, particularly in dynamic interactions between clients and auditors.
In the current paper we introduce a new conceptualization of communal narcissism, as encompassed by two narcissistic strategies congruent with self-promotion and self-defensive motives. In addition, we posit that communal narcissistic strategies should be aligned with communal self-enhancement. Therefore, we propose narcissistic sanctity as an ego-boosting strategy and narcissistic heroism as an ego-defensive strategy. In a series of eleven studies (N = 5,606) we develop, validate, and employ what we will call the Narcissistic Sanctity and Heroism Concept. We found the scale to be a robust measure of communal narcissism and that the two postulated strategies are psychologically distinct while psychometrically sound. Specifically, we found that narcissistic sanctity was related to implicit and explicit communion, communal (but not agentic) self-enhancement and explained more socially (as compared to heroism) acceptable functioning in close relationships, being positively correlated with prosocialness via denying one’s egoistic motivations. Narcissistic heroism, on the other hand, was related both to agency and communion, it was unrelated to communal self-enhancement, explained less socially acceptable (as compared to sanctity) functioning in close relationships, and was related to less prosocialness via egoistic motivation. In sum, a newly proposed model of communal narcissism sheds new light on prior research on communal narcissism, explaining null relationships between communal self-presentation and actual behaviors in the communal domain.
The present study examines the lack of strong correlations among existing self-report measures of narcissism. A principal-components analysis of 6 MMPI narcissism scales resulted in 2 orthogonal factors, 1 implying Vulnerability–Sensitivity and the other Grandiosity–Exhibitionism. Although unrelated to each other, these 2 factors were associated with such core features of narcissism as conceit, self-indulgence, and disregard of others. Despite this common core, however, Vulnerability–Sensitivity was associated with introversion, defensiveness, anxiety, and vulnerability to life's traumas, whereas Grandiosity–Exhibitionism was related to extraversion, self-assurance, exhibitionism, and aggression. Three alternative interpretations of these results are considered, and an argument for the distinction between covert and overt narcissism is made.
The current study examines the temperamental basis of three forms of grandiose narcissism (i.e., agentic, communal, and antagonistic), employing the Behavioral Inhibition System model and three aspects of Behavioral Activation System (i.e., drive, pleasure-seeking, and sensitivity to reward). Using a self-report study conducted on a general Polish sample (N = 657), we found that all forms of narcissism were positively associated with all three aspects of BAS, while BIS was negatively associated with agentic and antagonistic forms. Communal and antagonistic narcissism did not differ in comparison of their correlations with drive and sensitivity to reward, while agentic narcissism indicated the strongest relations to temperament. A multiple regression indicated that each of the three forms of narcissism has its own specific relationship with BIS and of the aspects of BAS. We discuss our findings as useful in explaining how the three forms of narcissism are related to BIS and BAS with the distinction of the latter into its three aspects, indicating substantial differences between agentic and communal narcissism, and specificity of antagonistic narcissism.
Key words: narcissism; agentic narcissism; antagonistic narcissism; communal narcissism; grandiose narcissism
We propose a self-regulation model of grandiose narcissism. This model illustrates an interconnected set of processes through which narcissists (i.e., individuals with relatively high levels of grandiose narcissism) pursue social status in their moment-by-moment transactions with their environments. The model shows that narcissists select situations that afford status. Narcissists vigilantly attend to cues related to the status they and others have in these situations and, on the basis of these perceived cues, appraise whether they can elevate their status or reduce the status of others. Narcissists engage in self-promotion (admiration pathway) or other-derogation (rivalry pathway) in accordance with these appraisals. Each pathway has unique consequences for how narcissists are perceived by others, thus shaping their social status over time. The model demonstrates how narcissism manifests itself as a stable and consistent cluster of behaviors in pursuit of social status and how it develops and maintains itself over time. More broadly, the model might offer useful insights for future process models of other personality traits.
We replicated and extended (N = 207) work on the social values (i.e., obedience, tradition, security, benevolence, universalism, self-direction, stimulation, hedonism, achievement, and power) linked to the Dark Triad traits (i.e., narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism). Each of the traits was positively associated with values of achievement and power. Psychopathy and narcissism were both negatively correlated with benevolence, and psychopathy and Machiavellianism were negatively correlated with obedience. Psychopathy was also negatively correlated with tradition. Sex differences in the values of tradition, benevolence, and power were mediated by psychopathy. We suggest that high rates of the Dark Triad traits facilitate, for men, holding social values that emphasize standing out whereas low rates facilitate, for women, fitting in.
Research on narcissists’ explicit self-esteem (ESE) and implicit self-esteem (ISE) is characterized by a wide array of competing hypotheses and inconsistent empirical findings. Using data from 18 samples (total N = 5,547), we moved beyond classical null-hypothesis testing and employed an information-theoretic approach combined with Response Surface Analysis to provide a first competitive test of all plausible ESE-ISE combinations for different aspects of narcissism and across a wide set of ISE measures. Agentic and communal narcissism were positively, neurotic and antagonistic narcissism were negatively related to ESE. Contradicting the mask model and other more complex models, no consistent evidence was found for relations between narcissism and ISE, and ESE-ISE discrepancies, respectively. Implications for understanding narcissistic self-regulatory dynamics are discussed.
Objective
Despite decades of work on narcissism there remain many active areas of exploration and debate including a clear and consensual description of its underlying components. Understanding narcissism's factor structure is necessary for precise measurement and investigation of specific psychological and behavioral processes. The aim of the current study was to explore the structure of narcissism by examining it at varying hierarchical levels.
Method
Participants recruited from Amazon's Mechanical Turk (N = 591) completed 303 narcissism items encompassing 46 narcissism scales and subscales. Criterion variables measuring the Five Factor Model, self‐esteem, aggression, and externalizing behavior were also collected.
Results
A series of factor analyses reveal the factor structure of narcissism at a range of specificities. No more than five meaningful factors (i.e., Grandiosity, Neuroticism, Antagonism, Distrustful Self‐reliance, Attention‐seeking) were identified and the most parsimonious model appears to be a three‐factor structure. Narcissism scales that effectively capture each of the identified factors are identified. Factors diverged in their associations with criterion variables.
Conclusions
A three‐factor model (i.e., Agentic Extraversion, Narcissistic Neuroticism, Self‐centered Antagonism) seems to be the most parsimonious conceptualization. Larger factor solutions are discussed, but future research will be necessary to determine the value of these increasingly narrow factors.
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In samples from America, Brazil, and Hungary (N = 937), we examined the associations between the Dark Triad traits (i.e., narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism) and individual differences in excitement (i.e., valuing personal enjoyment), promotion (i.e., valuing achievements), existence (i.e., valuing physical survival), suprapersonal (i.e., valuing abstract ideas), interactive (i.e., valuing social relationships), and normative (i.e., valuing cultural norms) values. The traits were associated with the values of excitement and promotion, psychopathy was associated with a diminished emphasis on existence, psychopathy and Machiavellianism were associated with limited interactive or normative values, whereas narcissism was associated with a greater emphasis on suprapersonal, interactive, and normative values. We also found that sex differences in psychopathy were mediated by individual differences in the existence and normative values. Results are discussed from a life history framework.
The current study explores the problem with the lack of measurement invariance for the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) by addressing two issues: conceptual heterogeneity of narcissism and methodological issues related to the binary character of data. We examine the measurement invariance of the 13-item version of the NPI in three populations in Japan, Poland and the UK. Analyses revealed that leadership/authority and grandiose exhibitionism dimensions of the NPI were cross-culturally invariant, while entitlement/exploitativeness was culturally specific. Therefore, we proposed NPI-9 as indicating scalar invariance, and we examined the pattern of correlations between NPI-9 and other variables across three countries. The results suggest that NPI-9 is valid brief scale measuring general levels of narcissism in cross-cultural studies, while the NPI-13 remains suitable for research within specific countries.
Grandiose narcissists' global self-evaluations are characterized by exceptional self-importance, entitlement, and social power. But what are the specific content domains in which grandiose narcissists evaluate themselves so highly that they can subjectively justify their narcissistic self-evaluations at the global level? The classic view is that grandiose narcissists base their global self-evaluations on excessive self-enhancement in the agentic domain (e.g., extremely inflated self-views concerning intelligence, creativity, and scholastic aptitude), but not on excessive selfenhancement in the communal domain (e.g., no extremely inflated self-views concerning morality, prosociality, and interpersonal aptitude). We maintain that this classic view only captures one form of grandiose narcissism- agentic narcissism-at the expense of a complementary form: communal narcissism. Like agentic (i.e., classic) narcissists, communal narcissists hold global self-evaluations of exceptional self-importance, entitlement, and social power. Unlike agentic narcissists, however, communal narcissists base those global self-evaluations on excessive self-enhancement in the communal domain, not on excessive self-enhancement in the agentic domain. We review the theoretical and empirical support for communal narcissism's existence. We conclude that communal narcissism is real and that a full understanding of grandiose narcissism necessitates attention to both classic/ agentic and communal narcissism. © Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018.
There has been a surge in interest in and research on narcissism and narcissistic personality disorder (NPD). Despite or because of this increased attention, there are several areas of substantial debate that surround the construct, including descriptions of grandiose and vulnerable dimensions or variants, questions regarding the existence of a consensual description, central versus peripheral features of narcissism, distinctions between normal and pathological narcissism, possible etiological factors, the role of self-esteem narcissism, where narcissism should be studied, how it can be assessed, and its representation in diagnostic nosologies. We suggest that a failure to distinguish between grandiose (i.e., overtly immodest, self-centered, entitled, domineering) and vulnerable (e.g., self-centered, distrustful, neurotic, introverted) presentations of narcissism has led to a less cohesive and coherent literature and that trait-based models of personality and personality disorder can bring greater clarity to many of these important debates. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Clinical Psychology Volume 13 is May 7, 2017. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
People overestimate themselves in domains that are central to their self-concept. Critically, the psychological status of this “self-centrality principle” remains unclear. One view regards the principle as an inextricable part of human nature and, thus, as universal and resistant to normative pressure. A contrasting view regards the principle as liable to pressure (and subsequent modification) from self-effacement norms, thus questioning its universality. Advocates of the latter view point to Christianity’s robust self-effacement norms, which they consider particularly effective in curbing self-enhancement, and ascribe Christianity an ego-quieting function. Three sets of studies examined the self-centrality principle among Christians. Studies 1A and 1B (N = 2,118) operationalized self-enhancement as better-than-average perceptions on the domains of commandments of faith (self-centrality: Christians ≫ nonbelievers) and commandments of communion (self-centrality: Christians > nonbelievers). Studies 2A–2H (N = 1,779) operationalized self-enhancement as knowledge overclaiming on the domains of Christianity (self-centrality: Christians ≫ nonbelievers), communion (self-centrality: Christians > nonbelievers), and agency (self-centrality: Christians ≈ nonbelievers). Studies 3A–3J (N = 1,956) operationalized self-enhancement as grandiose narcissism on the domains of communion (self-centrality: Christians > nonbelievers) and agency (self-centrality: Christians ≈ nonbelievers). The results converged across studies, yielding consistent evidence for Christian self-enhancement. Relative to nonbelievers, Christians self-enhanced strongly in domains central to the Christian self-concept. The results also generalized across countries with differing levels of religiosity. Christianity does not quiet the ego. The self-centrality principle is resistant to normative pressure, universal, and rooted in human nature.
The narcissism spectrum model synthesizes extensive personality, social-psychological, and clinical evidence, building on existing knowledge about narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability to reveal a view of narcissism that respects its clinical origins, embraces the diversity and complexity of its expression, and reflects extensive scientific evidence about the continuity between normal and abnormal personality expression. Critically, the proposed model addresses three key, inter-related problems that have plagued narcissism scholarship for more than a century. These problems can be summarized as follows: (a) What are the key features of narcissism? (b) How are they organized and related to each other? and (c) Why are they organized that way, that is, what accounts for their relationships? By conceptualizing narcissistic traits as manifested in transactional processes between individuals and their social environments, the model enables integration of existing theories of narcissism and thus provides a compelling perspective for future examination of narcissism and its developmental pathways.
Due to increased empirical interest in narcissism across social sciences, there is a need
for inventories that can be administered quickly while also reliably measuring both the agentic
and antagonistic aspects of grandiose narcissism. In this study, we sought to validate the
factor structure, provide representative descriptive data and reliability estimates, assess the
reliability across the trait spectrum, and examine the nomological network of the short version
(NARQ-S) of the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire (Back et al., 2013). We
used data from a large convenience sample (total N = 11,937) as well as data from a large
representative sample (total N = 4,433) that included responses to other narcissism measures
as well as related constructs, including the other Dark Triad traits, Big Five personality traits,
and self-esteem. Confirmatory factor analysis and Item Response Theory were used to
validate the factor structure and estimate the reliability across the latent trait spectrum,
respectively. Results suggest that the NARQ-S shows a robust factor structure and is a reliable
and valid short measure of the agentic and antagonistic aspects of grandiose narcissism. We
also discuss future directions and applications of the NARQ-S as a short and comprehensive
measure of grandiose narcissism.
W niniejszym artykule zaprezentowany został model teoretyczny przedstawiający nową konceptualizację narcyzmu zaproponowaną przez Backa i współpracowników (2013). Model ten został empirycznie zweryfikowany z wykorzystaniem kwestionariusza do pomiaru narcystycznego podziwu i rywalizacji (NARQ), który zaadaptowany został do warunków polskich, replikując uzyskane przez Backa i in. (2013) wyniki. Artykuł prezentuje wyniki serii czterech badań, które miały na celu przygotowanie kulturowo trafnej adaptacji narzędzia, w trakcie których stosowano kolejne wersje kwestionariusza NARQ. Tym samym weryfikacji poddane zostały trzy hipotezy badawcze na temat właściwości psychometrycznych polskiej adaptacji dotyczące:(1) trafności zewnętrznej, (2) rzetelności oraz (3) trafności czynnikowej. W badaniach wzięło udział łącznie N = 1982 dorosłych Polaków. Otrzymane wyniki potwierdzają, że ostateczna wersja kwestionariusza NARQ charakteryzuje się (1) wysoką trafnością zewnętrzną z innymi narzędziami mierzącymi narcyzm; (2) bardzo dobrymi wskaźnikami rzetelności mierzonymi za pomocą wskaźnika ω (McDonald, 1999); (3) trafnością czynnikową – model konfirmacyjnej analizy czynnikowej potwierdził zakładaną strukturę narzędzia i był dopasowany do danych.
This study aimed at showing how the value preferences of young adults could predict the narcissistic characteristics of young adults according to structural equation modeling. 133 female (59.6%) and 90 male (40.4%), total 223 young adults participated the study (average age: 25.66, ranging from 20 to 38). Ratio group sampling method was used while choosing the participants. In order to collect data "'Narcissistic Personality Inventory" and "Schwartz's Value Scale" were used. The theoretical model was tested in terms of structural equation modeling by using AMOS 16 program. The study revealed that power, success, hedonism, excitation, self-control and universality have positive effects on narcissism, while benevolence, safety have a negative effect on narcissism. Although being quite weak and powerless, narcissistic personalities are always in need of power towards outer world. This enforces them to exist despite "the other". On the other hand the need of benevolence and safety enforce people to take notice of others and exist together with the other.
The current report presents the factor structure analysis for the Communal Narcissism Inventory (CNI). The bi-factor model assuming one general factor and two residual factors (present-focused and future-focused communal narcissism) was examined across two student samples originating from Poland (N = 831) and the UK (N = 304) and compared to one-factor and two-factor solutions. Results supported the bifactor solution for the CNI, with one strong general factor and two weaker residual factors, as well as an indicated difference in the strength of correlations with external variables (self-esteem, agentic narcissism and psychological entitlement) for present and future communal narcissism. The obtained bifactor solution showed partial scalar invariance across two national samples, suggesting full replication of findings in two different cultural contexts. The implications of the bifactor model of communal narcissism for research practice is discussed in terms of both structural equation modelling and multiple regression analyses.
Keywords: communal narcissism; measurement, bifactor model
The current article reviews the narcissism-self-enhancement literature using a multilevel meta-analytic technique. Specifically, we focus on self-insight self-enhancement (i.e., whether narcissists perceive themselves more positively than they are perceived by others); thus, we only include studies that compare narcissists' self-reports to observer reports or objective measures. Results from 171 correlations reported in 36 empirical studies (N = 6,423) revealed that the narcissism-self-enhancement relationship corrected for unreliability in narcissism was .21 (95% confidence interval [CI] = [.17, .25]), and that narcissists tend to self-enhance their agentic characteristics more than their communal characteristics. The average corrected relationship between narcissism and self-enhancement for agentic characteristics was .29 (95% CI = [.25, .33]), whereas for communal characteristics it was .05 (95% CI = [-.01, .10]). In addition, we individually summarized narcissists' self-enhancement for 10 different constructs (i.e., the Big Five, task performance, intelligence, leadership, attractiveness, and likeability).
The Five-Factor Narcissism Inventory (FFNI) is a self-report measure of the traits linked to grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, as well as narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), from a five-factor model perspective (FFM). In the current studies, the factor structure of the FFNI was explored and the results supported the extraction of three factors: Antagonism (e.g., Arrogance), Neuroticism (e.g., Need for Admiration), and Agentic Extraversion (e.g., Authoritativeness). In Study 2, the FFNI factors manifested convergent validity with their corresponding Big Five domains and diverging relations with measures of grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, NPD, and selfesteem. Ultimately, the FFNI factors help explicate the differences between various expressions of narcissism such that all are related to Antagonism but differ with regard to Neuroticism (relevant to vulnerable narcissism and NPD) and Agentic Extraversion (relevant to grandiose narcissism and NPD). The results also highlight the complex relation between self-esteem and the traits that comprise narcissism measures.
Using a sample of Swedes and Americans (N = 385), we attempted to understand the Dark Triad traits (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) in terms of universal social values. The Dark Triad traits correlated significantly with all 10 value types, forming a sinusoid pattern corresponding to the value model circumplex. In regression analyses, Machiavellianism and narcissism were positively associated with the values Achievement and Power, while psychopathy was positively associated with the values Hedonism, and Power. In addition, the Dark Triad traits explained significant variance over the Big Five traits in accounting for individual differences in social values. Differences between the Swedish and the US sample in the social value Achievement was mediated by the Dark Triad traits, as well as age. Given the unique complex of values accounted for by the Dark Triad traits compared to the Big Five traits, we argue that the former account for a system of self-enhancing “dark values”, often hidden but constantly contributing in evaluations of others.
Despite the widely held belief that men are more narcissistic than women, there has been no systematic review to establish the magnitude, variability across measures and settings, and stability over time of this gender difference. Drawing on the biosocial approach to social role theory, a meta-analysis performed for Study 1 found that men tended to be more narcissistic than women (d = .26; k = 355 studies; N = 470,846). This gender difference remained stable in U.S. college student cohorts over time (from 1990 to 2013) and across different age groups. Study 1 also investigated gender differences in three facets of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) to reveal that the narcissism gender difference is driven by the Exploitative/Entitlement facet (d = .29; k = 44 studies; N = 44,108) and Leadership/Authority facet (d = .20; k = 40 studies; N = 44,739); whereas the gender difference in Grandiose/Exhibitionism (d = .04; k = 39 studies; N = 42,460) was much smaller. We further investigated a less-studied form of narcissism called vulnerable narcissism-which is marked by low self-esteem, neuroticism, and introversion-to find that (in contrast to the more commonly studied form of narcissism found in the DSM and the NPI) men and women did not differ on vulnerable narcissism (d = -.04; k = 42 studies; N = 46,735). Study 2 used item response theory to rule out the possibility that measurement bias accounts for observed gender differences in the three facets of the NPI (N = 19,001). Results revealed that observed gender differences were not explained by measurement bias and thus can be interpreted as true sex differences. Discussion focuses on the implications for the biosocial construction model of gender differences, for the etiology of narcissism, for clinical applications, and for the role of narcissism in helping to explain gender differences in leadership and aggressive behavior. Readers are warned against overapplying small effect sizes to perpetuate gender stereotypes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
The objective of this study was to test the effects of two types of narcissism on popularity in peer networks. Using data from four groups of well-acquainted students (N=122), we investigated differential relations of grandiose and vulnerable narcissism with network centrality indicators of liking and disliking. Grandiose narcissists received a larger number of disliking nominations, indicating that they were actively disliked by their peers. In contrast, vulnerable narcissists were not actively disliked, but instead received fewer liking nominations. Both grandiose and vulnerable narcissists had a central position in terms of disliking, as they were disliked by otherwise unconnected network members. In all, these findings indicate that both forms of narcissism are unique predictors of unpopularity in peer-networks.
The objective of this study was to test the effects of two types of narcissism on popularity in peer networks. Using data from four groups of well-acquainted students (N=122), we investigated differential relations of grandiose and vulnerable narcissism with network centrality indicators of liking and disliking. Grandiose narcissists received a larger number of disliking nominations, indicating that they were actively disliked by their peers. In contrast, vulnerable narcissists were not actively disliked, but instead received fewer liking nominations. Both grandiose and vulnerable narcissists had a central position in terms of disliking, as they were disliked by otherwise unconnected network members. In all, these findings indicate that both forms of narcissism are unique predictors of unpopularity in peer-networks.
1. In the face of natural complexities and multicollinearity, model selection and predictions using multiple regression may be ambiguous and risky. Confounding effects of predictors often cloud researchers’ assessment and interpretation of the single best ‘magic model’. The shortcomings of stepwise regression have been extensively described in statistical literature, yet it is still widely used in ecological literature. Similarly, hierarchical regression which is thought to be an improvement of the stepwise procedure, fails to address multicollinearity.
2. We propose that regression commonality analysis (CA), a technique more commonly used in psychology and education research will be helpful in interpreting the typical multiple regression analyses conducted on ecological data.
3. CA decomposes the variance of R2 into unique and common (or shared) variance (or effects) of predictors, and hence, it can significantly improve exploratory capabilities in studies where multiple regressions are widely used, particularly when predictors are correlated. CA can explicitly identify the magnitude and location of multicollinearity and suppression in a regression model.
In this paper, using a simulated (from a correlation matrix) and an empirical dataset (human habitat selection, migration of Canadians across cities), we demonstrate how CA can be used with correlated predictors in multiple regression to improve our understanding and interpretation of data. We strongly encourage the use of CA in ecological research as a follow-on analysis from multiple regressions.
We present a process model that distinguishes 2 dimensions of narcissism: admiration and rivalry. We propose that narcissists' overarching goal of maintaining a grandiose self is pursued by 2 separate pathways, characterized by distinct cognitive, affective-motivational, and behavioral processes. In a set of 7 studies, we validated this 2-dimensional model using the newly developed Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire (NARQ). We showed that narcissistic admiration and rivalry are positively correlated dimensions, yet they have markedly different nomological networks and distinct intra- and interpersonal consequences. The NARQ showed the hypothesized 2-dimensional multifaceted structure as well as very good internal consistencies (Study 1, N = 953), stabilities (Study 2, N = 93), and self-other agreements (Study 3, N = 96). Narcissistic admiration and rivalry showed unique relations to the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI), the Big Five, self-esteem, pathological narcissism, and other narcissism-related traits like Machiavellianism, psychopathy, self-enhancement, and impulsivity (Study 4, Ns = 510-1,814). Despite the positive relation between admiration and rivalry, the 2 differentially predicted general interpersonal orientations and reactions to transgressions in friendships and romantic relationships (Study 5, N = 1,085), interpersonal perceptions during group interactions (Study 6, N = 202), and observed behaviors in experimental observations (Study 7, N = 96). For all studies, the NARQ outperformed the standard measure of narcissism, the NPI, in predicting outcome measures. Results underscore the utility of a 2-dimensional conceptualization and measurement of narcissism. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
A new measure of hypersensitive narcissism was derived by correlating the items of H. A. Murray's (1938) Narcism Scale with an MMPI-based composite measure of covert narcissism. In three samples of college students (total N 403), 10 items formed a reliable measure: the Hypersensitive Narcissism Scale (HSNS). The new HSNS and the MMPI-based composite showed similar patterns of correlations with the Big Five Inventory, and both measures correlated near zero with the Narcissistic Personality Inventory, which assesses overt narcissism. Results support P. Wink's (1991) distinction between covert and overt narcissistic tendencies in the normal range of individual differences and suggest that it would be beneficial for personality researchers to measure both types of narcissism in future studies. (Hendin, H.M., & Cheek, J.M. (1997). Assessing Hypersensitive Narcissism: A Reexamination
of Murray's Narcism Scale. Journal of Research in Personality, 31, 588-599.)
Beyond the striking differences in the value priorities of groups is a surprisingly widespread consensus regarding the hierarchical order of values. Average value hierarchies of representative and near representative samples from 13 nations exhibit a similar pattern that replicates with school teachers in 56 nations and college students in 54 nations. Benevolence, self-direction, and universalism values are consistently most important; power, tradition, and stimulation values are least important; and security, conformity, achievement, and hedonism are in between. Value hierarchies of 83% of samples correlate at least .80 with this pan-cultural hierarchy. To explain the pan-cultural hierarchy, the authors discuss its adaptive functions in meeting the requirements of successful societal functioning. The authors demonstrate, with data from Singapore and the United States, that correctly interpreting the value hierarchies of groups requires comparison with the pan-cultural normative baseline.
The most widely used measure of trait narcissism is the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI), which can provide both total and subscale scores. However, with a length of 40 items, this measure may not be ideal in settings in which time or participant attention may limit the types of measures that can be administered. In response, Ames, Rose, and Anderson (2006) created the NPI-16, which provides a shorter, unidimensional measure of the construct. In the present research, we examine the reliability and validity of the NPI-16 in conjunction with a new short measure of narcissism, the NPI-13, which provides both a total score and 3 subscale scores (Leadership/Authority; Grandiose Exhibitionism; Entitlement/Exploitativeness). Across 2 studies, we demonstrate that both short measures manifest good convergent and discriminant validity and adequate overall reliability. The NPI-13 may be favored over the NPI-16 because it allows for the extraction of 3 subscales, consistent with the use of its parent measure. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
An agency-communion model of narcissism distinguishes between agentic narcissists (individuals satisfying self-motives of grandiosity, esteem, entitlement, and power in agentic domains) and communal narcissists (individuals satisfying the same self-motives in communal domains). Five studies supported the model. In Study 1, participants listed their grandiose self-thoughts. Two distinct types emerged: agentic ("I am the most intelligent person") and communal ("I am the most helpful person"). In Study 2, we relied on the listed communal grandiose self-thoughts to construct the Communal Narcissism Inventory. It was psychometrically sound, stable over time, and largely independent of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory-the standard measure of agentic narcissism. In Studies 3 and 4, agentic and communal narcissists shared the same self-motives, while crucially differing in their means for need satisfaction: Agentic narcissists capitalized on agentic means, communal narcissists on communal means. Study 5 revisited the puzzle of low self-other agreement regarding communal traits and behaviors. Attesting to the broader significance of our model, this low self-other agreement was partly due to communal narcissists: They saw themselves as high, but were seen by others as low, in communion. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).
Publisher Summary This chapter addresses the universals in the content and structure of values, concentrating on the theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries, and its four basic issues: substantive contents of human values; identification of comprehensive set of values; extent to which the meaning of particular values was equivalent for different groups of people; and how the relations among different values was structured. Substantial progress has been made toward resolving each of these issues. Ten motivationally distinct value types that were likely to be recognized within and across cultures and used to form value priorities were identified. Set of value types that was relatively comprehensive, encompassing virtually all the types of values to which individuals attribute at least moderate importance as criteria of evaluation was demonstrated. The evidence from 20 countries was assembled, showing that the meaning of the value types and most of the single values that constitute them was reasonably equivalent across most groups. Two basic dimensions that organize value systems into an integrated motivational structure with consistent value conflicts and compatibilities were discovered. By identifying universal aspects of value content and structure, the chapter has laid the foundations for investigating culture-specific aspects in the future.
We propose a refined theory of basic individual values intended to provide greater heuristic and explanatory power than the original theory of 10 values (Schwartz, 1992). The
refined theory more accurately expresses the central assumption of the original theory that research has largely ignored: Values form a circular motivational continuum. The theory defines and orders 19 values on the continuum based on their compatible and conflicting motivations, expression of self-protection vs. growth, and personal vs. social focus. We assess the theory with a new instrument in 15 samples from 10 countries (N=6059). CFA and MDS analyses support discrimination of the 19 values, confirming the refined theory. MDS analyses largely support the predicted motivational order of the values. Analyses of predictive validity demonstrate that the refined values theory provides greater and more precise insight into the value underpinnings of beliefs. Each value correlates uniquely with external variables.
Little research has examined different dimensions of narcissism that may parallel psychopathy facets in criminally involved individuals. In this study, we examined the pattern of relationships between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, assessed using the Narcissistic Personality Inventory-16 and the Hypersensitive Narcissism Scale, respectively, and the four facets of psychopathy (interpersonal, affective, lifestyle, and antisocial) assessed via the Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version. As predicted, grandiose and vulnerable narcissism showed differential relationships to psychopathy facets, with grandiose narcissism relating positively to the interpersonal facet of psychopathy and vulnerable narcissism relating positively to the lifestyle facet of psychopathy. Paralleling existing psychopathy research, vulnerable narcissism showed stronger associations than grandiose narcissism to (a) other forms of psychopathology, including internalizing and substance use disorders, and (b) self- and other-directed aggression, measured with the Life History of Aggression and the Forms of Aggression Questionnaire. Grandiose narcissism was nonetheless associated with social dysfunction marked by a manipulative and deceitful interpersonal style and unprovoked aggression. Potentially important implications for uncovering etiological pathways and developing treatment interventions for these disorders in externalizing adults are discussed.
Interest in the problem of method biases has a long history in the behavioral sciences. Despite this, a comprehensive summary of the potential sources of method biases and how to control for them does not exist. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine the extent to which method biases influence behavioral research results, identify potential sources of method biases, discuss the cognitive processes through which method biases influence responses to measures, evaluate the many different procedural and statistical techniques that can be used to control method biases, and provide recommendations for how to select appropriate procedural and statistical remedies for different types of research settings.
Narcissism is a polyhedric construct. It assumes different forms: grandiose versus vulnerable, agentic versus communal, admirative versus rivalrous, collective versus individual. These predict unique outcomes, but can be integrated under structural models that contribute predictive power or process models that contribute explanatory power.
The narcissistic nucleus may be unstable, especially for some forms (vulnerable, collective).
Parental overvaluation may predict grandiose narcissism, although the role of parental inconsistency in predicting other forms of narcissism (e.g., vulnerable) is worth investigating.
Narcissism may entail some intrapersonal benefits for narcissists (especially grandiose ones), such as psychological health, serving as a buffer against adversity, and motivating better performance.
Given that narcissism entails interpersonal and social costs, laboratory techniques have addressed ways to curtail it, although long-term and behaviour-oriented interventions are needed.
In the current study, we looked for the relations between broad personality dimensions (metatraits of personality and higher‐order values) and everyday behaviours. We asked participants (N = 374; aged 17 to 53, Mage = 23.72) about their current behaviour, followed by questions on situational context (company and perceived autonomy) seven times per day for seven consecutive days, using an experience sampling mobile app. This method allowed us to capture a wide range of descriptions of behavioural acts (n = 13 873), which were then empirically categorized. Personality metatraits distinguished within the Circumplex of Personality Metatraits (i.e. Stability vs. Disinhibition, Plasticity vs. Passiveness, Integration vs. Disharmony, and Self‐Restraint vs. Sensation‐Seeking) and values from the refined model of Schwartz et al. (Openness to Change vs. Conservation and Self‐Transcendence vs. Self‐Enhancement) were measured by self‐descriptive questionnaires. Multilevel logistic regressions with multiple predictors, including traits and values simultaneously, revealed significant effects or tendencies for 20 of the 35 categories of activities, five kinds of company, and perceived autonomy. The best predictors of activities and situational context were the higher‐order values Openness to Change vs. Conservation. © 2020 European Association of Personality Psychology
In the current paper, we compare two clinically relevant constructs: vulnerable narcissism (VN) and borderline personality (BP). Although they may resemble qualitatively different constructs, they may also be interpreted as simply existing within a disagreeable and introverted neurotic. Given this inconsistency, we preliminarily compare the extent to which VN and BP are convergent, as well as examine the divergences between them in the context of the underlying motivational dynamics-values. The study was conducted on an adult sample (N = 345). To analyse the structure of VN and BP, we used exploratory structural equation modelling; to examine their relationships with values, we used the structural summary method. Our results partially supported the notion that BP and VN are associated, yet structurally distinct constructs. Moreover, the analysis of values revealed that BP is more likely to value openness to change, while VN values self-enhancement.
Grandiose and vulnerable aspects of narcissism have been examined as a function of the five-factor model (FFM), but given narcissism's strong theoretical link to self-centered, self-enhancing motivation, personal values may be relevant predictors of both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. Therefore, the purpose of the current study was to examine whether personal values predict grandiose and vulnerable facets of narcissism beyond the FFM. Undergraduates (N = 409) completed online measures of grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, values, and FFM personality traits. In line with hypotheses, bivariate correlations between personal values and both narcissistic dimensions exhibited sinusoid patterns, with strongest positive links to self-enhancement values and strongest negative links to self-transcendence values. Results also indicated that higher order personal values predicted additional variance in both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism beyond the FFM. Relationships between self-transcendence, self-enhancement values and grandiose narcissism were stronger than for vulnerable narcissism; however, vulnerable narcissism, but not grandiose narcissism, was positively linked to conservation values.
Past research suggests that grandiose narcissists expect admiration from others and are punitive against transgressors, but vulnerable narcissists are not nearly so socially confident. Instead, vulnerable narcissists may exhibit a hostile attribution bias, where they are suspicious and mistrustful of others’ motives. Using both a vignette-based methodology in Study 1 (N = 205) and a trait-based methodology in Study 2 (N = 137), we found a consistent link between vulnerable narcissism and hostile attribution bias. Importantly, no such link exists for grandiose narcissists, suggesting that hostile attribution bias is specific to vulnerable narcissists. These findings provide intriguing avenues for future research and add clarity to the field’s understanding of who vulnerable narcissists are and how they view their social worlds.
In this chapter, I present a theoretical framework that is aimed at explaining the complex and seemingly paradoxical structure, dynamics, and consequences of grandiose narcissism: the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept (NARC). I first very briefly review the state of research on grandiose narcissism, showing that the content conceptually aligned with, and the measures typically applied to assess, grandiose narcissism can be sorted into more agentic and more antagonistic aspects that show unique nomological networks, dynamics, and outcomes. Then I describe a novel self-regulatory perspective, the NARC, which distinguishes between these agentic and antagonistic aspects of grandiose narcissism. According to the NARC, narcissists overarching goal to create and maintain a grandiose self can be pursued by two social strategies (narcissistic self-promotion and narcissistic self-defense) that translate into two sets of dynamics (narcissistic admiration and rivalry) with distinct affective-motivational, cognitive, and behavioral states that tend to have different social consequences (social potency and conflict). The NARC is meant to provide a clearer understanding of what grandiose narcissism is, how it works, and why it produces a rich variety of seemingly contradictory outcomes. I continue by presenting a summary of existing empirical evidence for the validity of the NARC, underlining its two-dimensional structure, the distinct mental and behavioral dynamics of narcissistic admiration and rivalry, and their unique intra- and interpersonal as well as institutional outcomes. Finally, I outline an agenda for future research that focuses on how admiration and rivalry combine, fluctuate, and develop within persons. © Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018.
The narcissism spectrum model synthesizes extensive personality, social-psychological, and clinical evidence, to address three key, interrelated problems that have plagued narcissism scholarship for over a century. These problems can be summarized as: What are the key features of narcissism, how are they organized and interlinked, and why are they organized that way? By viewing narcissism as manifested in transactional processes between individuals and their social environments, this model integrates existing measurement and theoretical perspectives on narcissism and provides a guiding framework for future examination of its developmental pathways. Specifically, narcissism is defined as entitled self-importance, with an inflated sense of importance and deservingness marking the core phenotype. However, differences in entitlement reflect two distinct functional patterns of influence, based on approach-dominant (bold) and avoidance-dominant (reactive) personality orientations supported by reinforcing social experiences. Critically, these distinct patterns of influence yield distinct dimensions of narcissistic grandiosity (hubris and exhibitionism) and narcissistic vulnerability (resentment and defensiveness). The narcissism spectrum model builds common terminology regarding core features of narcissism, is grounded in a shared set of observations about the empirical structure of narcissistic traits, and provides a novel and comprehensive framework for integrating scholarship of narcissism with that of personality and psychopathology more broadly. © Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018.
The current study was conducted to examine the influence of regulatory focus and regulatory mode on narcissists' subjective well-being considering the differentiation between narcissistic grandiosity and narcissistic vulnerability. Across two samples (Ns = 297, 143), grandiosity is positively correlated with life satisfaction and this positive relation is mediated by a high promotion focus (samples 1 & 2). Vulnerability is negatively correlated with life satisfaction and this negative relation is mediated by a low promotion and a low prevention focus (sample 1) and by a low promotion focus and high assessment orientation (sample 2). The current study indicates that promotion focus and assessment strength, have different implications for narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability and provides new insight into how narcissistic self-regulation strategies affect life satisfaction.
Communal narcissism can be defined as grandiose self-views in the communal domain. Within the literature, two forms of communal narcissism, normal and pathological, can be distinguished. However, no study to date has investigated their convergence and divergence. Using a large community sample (N = 781), the current study aimed to fill this gap through examination of 1) the distinctiveness of normal and pathological communal narcissism; 2) their relationship to broad personality characteristics; and 3) values. Results suggest that 1) normal and pathological communal narcissism are structurally distinct constructs; 2) the difference in relation to personality characteristics is limited to neuroticism; and 3) they share the values of self-enhancement and self-transcendence.
Objective:
Increasing attention has been paid to the distinction between the dimensions of narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability. We examine the degree to which basic traits underlie vulnerable narcissism with a particular emphasis on the importance of neuroticism and agreeableness.
Methods:
Across four samples (undergraduate, online community, clinical-community), we conduct dominance analyses to partition the variance predicted in vulnerable narcissism by the five-factor model personality domains.
Results:
These analyses demonstrate that the lion's share of variance is explained by neuroticism (65%) and agreeableness (19%). Similarity analyses were also conducted in which the extent to which vulnerable narcissism and neuroticism share similar empirical networks was tested using an array of criteria including self, informant, and thin slice ratings of personality, interview-based ratings of personality disorder and pathological traits, as well as self-ratings of adverse events and functional outcomes. The empirical correlates of vulnerable narcissism and neuroticism were nearly identical (mean rICC = .94). Partial analyses demonstrated that the variance in vulnerable narcissism not shared with neuroticism is largely specific to disagreeableness-related traits such as distrustfulness and grandiosity.
Conclusions:
These findings demonstrate the parsimony of using basic personality to study personality pathology and have implications for how vulnerable narcissism might be approached clinically. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
This article focuses on the interplay between narcissistic leaders and organizations. It attempts to capture the gist of this interplay with a model outlining the narcissistic organizational trajectory. The Energy Clash Model borrows and adapts a phase/state physics metaphor to conceptualize narcissism as a force that enters or emerges in a stable system (i.e., organization) as a leader, destabilizes it, and stabilizes it at a different state or is expelled. The model consists of three time-contingent phases: perturbation, conflict, and resolution. Narcissists create instability through waves of excitement, proposed reforms, and an inspiring vision for organization’s future (perturbation). With the passage of time, though, systemic awareness and alertness intensify, as organizational costs—in terms of human resources and monetary losses—accrue. Narcissistic energy clashes directly with the organization (conflict), a clash likely to restabilize the system eventually. The conflict may provoke the exit of the narcissistic leader or his or her accommodation, that is, steps or controls negotiated between the system and the leader (resolution). Although narcissism is subject to organizational liability, narcissistic energy, when managed and directed properly, may contribute to organizational innovation and evolution. Thus, several interventions for working with narcissistic leaders are discussed.
Many ambiguities exist in the published results of the literature regarding narcissism. The Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept (NARC; Back et al., 2013), which separates the bright and dark sides of narcissism, has helped to resolve some of these ambiguities. The current study used this model to examine the relationship between both sides of narcissism and two other personality characteristics: traits and values. Admiration was strongly related to extraversion and weakly related to all of the traits except conscientiousness, while rivalry was most strongly related to disagreeableness and weakly related to emotional stability and conscientiousness. Regarding relationships with values, admiration was related to openness to change and achievement values, while rivalry was related to power-dominance and power-resources values. Our results support the distinctiveness of the two narcissistic dimensions that are assumed in the NARC. Moreover, we demonstrate that both values and traits provide a unique contribution to explain admiration and rivalry.
G*Power (Erdfelder, Faul, & Buchner, 1996) was designed as a general stand-alone power analysis program for statistical tests commonly used in social and behavioral research. G*Power 3 is a major extension of, and improvement over, the previous versions. It runs on widely used computer platforms (i.e., Windows XP, Windows Vista, and Mac OS X 10.4) and covers many different statistical tests of the t, F, and chi2 test families. In addition, it includes power analyses for z tests and some exact tests. G*Power 3 provides improved effect size calculators and graphic options, supports both distribution-based and design-based input modes, and offers all types of power analyses in which users might be interested. Like its predecessors, G*Power 3 is free.
ABSTRACT Evidence has accrued to suggest that there are 2 distinct dimensions of narcissism, which are often labeled grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. Although individuals high on either of these dimensions interact with others in an antagonistic manner, they differ on other central constructs (e.g., Neuroticism, Extraversion). In the current study, we conducted an exploratory factor analysis of 3 prominent self-report measures of narcissism (N=858) to examine the convergent and discriminant validity of the resultant factors. A 2-factor structure was found, which supported the notion that these scales include content consistent with 2 relatively distinct constructs: grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. We then compared the similarity of the nomological networks of these dimensions in relation to indices of personality, interpersonal behavior, and psychopathology in a sample of undergraduates (n=238). Overall, the nomological networks of vulnerable and grandiose narcissism were unrelated. The current results support the need for a more explicit parsing of the narcissism construct at the level of conceptualization and assessment.
We propose a dynamic self-regulatory processing model of narcissism and review supporting evidence. The model casts narcissism in terms of motivated self-construction, in that the narcissist's self is shaped by the dynamic interaction of cognitive and affective intrapersonal processes and interpersonal self-regulatory strategies that are played out in the social arena. A grandiose yet vulnerable self-concept appears to underlie the chronic goal of obtaining continuous external self-affirmation. Because narcissists are insensitive to others' concerns and social constraints and view others as inferior, their self-regulatory efforts often are counterproductive and ultimately prevent the positive feedback that they seek-thus undermining the self they are trying to create and maintain. We draw connections between this model and other processing models in personality and employ these models to further elucidate the construct of narcissism. Reconceptualizing narcissism as a self-regulatory processing system promises to resolve many of its apparent paradoxes, because by understanding how narcissistic cognition, affect, and motivation interrelate, their internal subjective logic and coherence come into focus.
The Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) is a self-report measure that assesses subclinical levels of narcissism. It evolved through a 54-item, four-factor version to its current 40-item, seven-factor version. This study focuses on the 40-item NPI that produces a full-scale narcissism score and seven-factor-based subscale scores: authority, exhibitionism, superiority, entitlement, exploitativeness, self-sufficiency, and vanity. This study is the first to examine its test–retest reliability. The stability coefficients are expected to be high as personality characteristics are presumed to represent enduring and stable traits. The internal consistency is also investigated, particularly as this version has fewer items, yet a greater number of factor-based subscales than its predecessor. The alpha coefficients produced by data from test, retest, and previously published research are compared. The NPI was administered to 175 American college students, and re-administered 13 weeks later. The NPI demonstrated significant test–retest correlations for all scales. Across all results, only the full-scale and authority subscale possessed adequate (α > .70) internal consistency, thus raising questions regarding the utility of the remaining scales.