Article

Selling the Game: Estimating the Economic Impact of Professional Sports through Taxable Sales

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Abstract

Sports leagues, franchises, and civic boosters tout the economic benefits of professional sports as an incentive for host cities to construct new stadiums or arenas at considerable public expense. Past league‐sponsored studies have estimated that new stadiums, franchises, and mega‐events such as the Super Bowl increase economic activity by potentially hundreds of millions of dollars in host cities. A detailed regression analysis of taxable sales in Florida over the period extending from 1980 to 2005 fails to support these claims. New stadiums, arenas, and franchises, as well as mega‐events, appear to be as likely to reduce taxable sales as increase them. Similarly, strikes and lockouts in professional sports have not systematically lead to reductions in local taxable sales.

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... This research indicates that being a game booster is a new profession, promising higher incomes than usual. Then, the authors consider this recent phenomenon as socioeconomic stratification [8,17,18]. This phenomenon appears in the social cognition of young people looking for a livelihood due to liberalised mobile networks [19][20][21]. ...
... Moreover, society intensively changes the potential cultures of young people's intellectual opportunities, transforming them into flexible, agile, and persuasive assets. The second contribution is a demand for game developers to consider the emergence of young people's intellectual opportunities and moral hazards, which can cause selfish motives [17,[48][49][50]. This study argues that the game developers must tighten their games' account systems with a rigid and secure gamer identification, so gamers cannot exchange or trade their accounts with each other. ...
... Maybe, strengthening the gamers' accounts is mandatory with multiple biometrical or physical recognition needed to gain access to play the game. Thus, there is still some economic opportunism in the mobile social networks; the game management systems can eliminate the intellectual opportunism and moral hazards of the young people's selfish motives [9,10,16,17]. In other words, this process can raise the knowledge level of young people's awareness, so they retain adaptive, agile, and flexible attitudes and behaviour, which are more beneficial for their future lives. ...
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Chapter
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There are three problems with economic impact. First, it is an exceptionally complicated estimation problem full of assumptions and fraught with errors. Second, despite this weakness, it is treated as the de facto standard report for event bidders and stadium proponents. This has led to ubiquitous, unchallenged reporting of sports impact as unequivocally positive. Finally, as a result, the public now has an unwavering belief in the existence of positive economic impact from sports. Evidence from a longitudinal study of Super Bowl 50 supports this conclusion. If it is not possible to change the public belief in the meaning or usefulness of economic impact, the solution is to reframe the conversation in terms of financial and redistributive analysis. 2
... This facilitates identification of the impact of particular events as well as the presence of professional teams playing home games during the regular and post-season periods. Baade et al. (2008) examine four large Florida cities home to major-league teams and mega-events. These cities also experienced work stoppages, league expansions, new stadiums, and other nonsports-related economic shocks over the sample period. ...
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... The NETS sales estimates provide a broader measure of economic activity than taxable sales, which is commonly used in sub-state level analyses. Baade et al. (2008) and others argue that taxable sales are ideal measures of sports and sports stadium impacts given the direct connection between taxable sales and sporting event spending. Income and employment measures are problematic given the small size of sporting events relative to overall economic activity and the likely economic fluctuations in a large metropolitan area. ...
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The National Basketball Association (NBA) lockout of 1998–1999 resulted in the cancellation of a significant number of games. According to the claims made by proponents of sports-driven economic growth, cities with NBA franchises should experience significant negative economic losses from this work stoppage because of the lost spending in and around basketball arenas during this event. Although it will be several years before adequate data exist for a careful ex post evaluation of the effects of the lockout, an examination of the impact of past work stoppages in professional football and basketball can shed some light on the potential impact of the NBA lockout as well as the viability of professional sports as engines of economic growth in cities. The parameter estimates from a reduced-form empirical model of the determination of real per capita income in 37 Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSAs) over the period 1969–1996 suggest that prior work stoppages in professional football and baseball had no impact on the economies of cities with franchises. Further, the departure of professional basketball from cities had no impact on their economies in the following years. These results refute the idea that attracting professional sports franchises represents a viable economic development strategy.
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Over the past 15 years, new stadiums in the National Football League have been built at an unprecedented rate, and most new facilities have utilized significant public funds. This paper looks at whether the methods used to finance these new facilities honored public finance principles regarding equity and efficiency. While some common sources of public funds for sports infrastructure such as ticket taxes and personal seat licenses are both equitable and efficient, an examination of the 20 NFL stadiums constructed or refurbished since 1992 reveals a trend towards an increased reliance on taxation of visitors through hotel and rental car taxes. Although taxation of persons living outside one's own metropolitan area is appealing, this paper suggests that these sources of funding are neither equitable nor efficient.
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Using a panel of international student test scores 1980 – 2000 (PISA and TIMSS), panel fixed effects estimates suggest that government spending decentralization is conducive to student performance. The effect does not appear to be mediated through levels of educational spending.
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The sports industry presents many unusual and interesting opportunities for the application of economic theory and econometrics. In 15 professional papers, this book addresses current economic issues in the industry, including the problem of competitive balance, the location of professional sports teams and their impact on local communities, managerial decision making, and issues related to labor markets. Extending the previous research in sports economics, the papers reflect the most recent applications of economic theory in this area. The book will be a valuable resource for professional economists working on sports economics topics. In two opening chapters on competitive balance, the contributors develop a model for college football and examine the impact of balance on attendance in major league baseball. In a section on the location of professional sports teams, the chapters then develop a model to predict the location of expansion teams, make econometric estimates of the impact of Super Bowls on the host city, and analyze the ownership of stadiums and arenas. Managerial decision making is discussed in chapters that examine alternative econometric models of production in baseball, use a production function model to analyze technological change in Major League Baseball, examine the management of team streaks, consider the competitive balance between American and National Leagues, analyze the efficiency of player trades in the National Basketball Association, and estimate the impact of participation in inter-collegiate sports on academic performance. In the final section on labor markets, the contributors estimate the impact of owner collusion on baseball players' salaries, consider the impact of the new collective bargaining agreement in Major League Baseball, analyze the impact of being a union representative, and examine the impact of the National Football League's salary cap on player's salaries.
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The National Basketball Association (NBA) lockout of 1998‐1999 resulted in the cancellation of a significant number of games. According to the claims made by proponents of sports‐driven economic growth, cities with NBA franchises should experience significant negative economic losses from this work stoppage because of the lost spending in and around basketball arenas during this event. Although it will be several years before adequate data exist for a careful ex post evaluation of the effects of the lockout, an examination of the impact of past work stoppages in professional football and basketball can shed some light on the potential impact of the NBA lockout as well as the viability of professional sports as engines of economic growth in cities. The parameter estimates from a reduced‐form empirical model of the determination of real per capita income in 37 Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSAs) over the period 1969‐1996 suggest that prior work stoppages in professional football and baseball had no impact on the economies of cities with franchises. Further, the departure of professional basketball from cities had no impact on their economies in the following years. These results refute the idea that attracting professional sports franchises represents a viable economic development strategy.
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Using the seven weeks of canceled baseball games caused by the 1994 strike as a natural experiment, the author analyzes the degree to which the absence of baseball affected retail trade and hotel room sales in the 24 U.S. cities hosting baseball franchises and in 4 control cites. The most important finding is that the strike had little, if any, economic impact on host cities. Retail trade appeared to be almost completely unaffected by the strike, and the declines in hotel room sales in 10 baseball cities were not consistent with decreases expected by changes associated with the strike.
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Cities throughout the United States are facing an unprecedented number of threats from the professional sport teams they host to build new playing facilities or lose the franchise. The recent moves of NFL teams from Los Angeles, Cleveland, and Houston to St. Louis, Oakland, Baltimore, and Nashville, respectively, have given currency to these threats. To attract or retain a team, cities are offering staggering financial support and rationalize their largesse on economic grounds. Do professional sports increase income and create jobs in amounts that justify the behavior of cities? The evidence detailed in this paper fails to support such a rationale. The primary beneficiaries of subsidies are the owners and players, not the taxpaying public.
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Many policy analysts have cautioned against public spending for professional and amateur sports. Within the last year, numerous cities have received demands from major and minor league teams for investments. These investments by the public sector can involve hundreds of millions of dollars and are usually defended by the economic impact of the facilities or teams and the economic development and revitalization which will follow. Indianapolis formulated an economic development strategy which relied substantially on sports. In addition, its development policies did not involve one team or facility, but a series of investments. As a result, the policies followed in Indianapolis afford an opportunity to measure the ability of sport facilities to encourage other investments and enhance economic development. The results reported here indicate that a sports strategy, even one as pronounced and as articulated as that of Indianapolis, is likely to have an inconsequential impact on development and economic growth.
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This paper investigates the relationship between professional sports franchises and venues and real per capita personal income in 37 standard metropolitan statistical areas in the United States over the period 1969 to 1994. Our empirical framework accounts for the entry and departure of professional football, basketball, and baseball franchises; the construction of arenas and stadia; and other sports related factors over this time period. In contrast to other existing studies, we find evidence that some professional sports franchises reduce the level of per capita personal income in metropolitan areas and have no effect on the growth in per capita income, casting doubt on the ability of a new sports franchise or facility to spur economic growth. We also find evidence that results obtained from estimating reduced-form relationships, a common practice in the literature, are not robust to alternative reduced-form specifications. © 1999 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.
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Public subsidies for sports stadiums and arenas are often justified as a means to boost the local economy. The argument relies on historical local economic impact multipliers that misrepresent the effect of consumer expenditures on professional sports. Sports expenditures are subject to extraordinary consumer substitution away from other local expenditures, and they suffer unusually large first round leakages from the local economy because, inter alia, players export their earnings to the locale of their permanent residence. This note illustrates the extent of such leakages using information about the permanent residence of players in the National Basketball Association. While 93% of average employees live in the area where they work, only 29% of NBA players do the same. The illustration shows that a standard local economic impact multiplier exaggerates the stimulative effect of sports expenditures by over 400%.
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This paper explores the impact of professional sports teams and stadiums on employment and earnings in specific sectors in US cities. Previous research focused on aggregate measures of income or employment. We find that professional sports have a small positive effect on earnings per employee in one sector, amusements and recreation, and an offsetting decrease in both earnings and employment in other sectors, supporting the idea that consumer spending on professional sports and spending in other sectors are substitutes. This helps to explain the negative total economic impact of sports found in other studies.
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Baade R. A. and Matheson V. A. (2004) The quest for the cup: assessing the economic impact of the World Cup, Reg. Studies 38, 343-354. Hosting the World Cup, the world's second largest sporting event, is a potentially expensive affair. The co-hosts of the 2002 games, Japan and South Korea, spent a combined US4billionbuildingnewfacilitiesorrefurbishingoldfacilitiesinpreparationfortheevent.Anexpostanalysisofthe1994WorldCupheldintheUSsuggeststhattheeconomicimpactoftheeventcannotjustifythismagnitudeofexpendituresandthathostcitiesexperiencedcumulativelossesof4 billion building new facilities or refurbishing old facilities in preparation for the event. An ex post analysis of the 1994 World Cup held in the US suggests that the economic impact of the event cannot justify this magnitude of expenditures and that host cities experienced cumulative losses of 5·5 to 93billionasopposedtoexanteestimatesofa9·3 billion as opposed to ex ante estimates of a 4 billion gain touted by event boosters. Potential hosts should consider with care whether the award of the World Cup is an honour or a burden.
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Using a panel of international student test scores 1980 – 2000 (PISA and TIMSS), panel fixed effects estimates suggest that government spending decentralization is conducive to student performance. The effect does not appear to be mediated through levels of educational spending.
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This study adds to our knowledge of the effects of mega-events like Super Bowls and Major League Baseball All-Star games by looking specifically at a long time-series of monthly sales tax revenues to assess the impact of these events on the host city’s revenue. The analysis indicates that sales tax revenues in Houston may be statistically significantly higher as a result of the Super Bowl by as much as 5millionoverthetimeofthegameanditsprecedingfestivities.TheMLBAllStargamehasamuchsmallereffectonrevenues,thoughpossiblyasmuchas5 million over the time of the game and its preceding festivities. The MLB All-Star game has a much smaller effect on revenues, though possibly as much as 1 million in extra sales tax revenues. Interestingly, there is no consistent evidence that these events raise the level of taxable sales activity, in total or in the retail or services sectors.
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Since the 1950s, taxpayers have been the primary investors in stadia built for the use of privately-owned professional sports teams. Team owners have argued that sports facilities boost local economic activity; however, economic reasoning and empirical evidence suggest the opposite. Public support for stadia is also driven by demand for community image, and owners of sports teams supply a scarce input into image enhancement--participation in the major league--for which they have been able to extract monopoly rents from dispersed taxpayers. We suggest reforms to dissipate the monopoly sports leagues exercise when negotiating with host communities for their teams.
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