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Le discours du prince d’après une inscription de Banasa
While the pre-Roman towns of Mauretania Tingitana were governed by sufetes, the colonies of Tingi and Babba in the period c. 38-19 BC had coin-issuing magistrates with Roman titles. Inscriptions of the imperial age provide prosopographical information on the magistrates and decurions of Banasa, Tingi, Sala and Volubilis. In addition to quaestores, aediles and duumuiri, some magistrates served as legati or flamines but most did not rise above local office-holding. A few families held multiple magistracies, particularly at Volubilis where the Caecilii predominated in the local senate. Inscriptions also record the honouring of magistrates with statues decreed by the ordo and paid for by grateful relatives.
En tant que champ scientifique, l’histoire des périodes préislamiques est une innovation de la période coloniale, au Maroc comme dans le reste du Maghreb. La matrice idéologique coloniale ayant fortement déteint sur les récits historiques concernant les périodes préhistorique, protohistorique et surtout antique, les historiens nationalistes ont dû s’atteler à les « décoloniser ». Ce processus de réappropriation a duré plusieurs décennies, donnant lieu à une marocanisation des institutions de la recherche archéologique et des institutions en charge de l’activité historiographique, en premier lieu les universités. En plein âge d’or lorsqu’intervient l’indépendance, l’archéologie marocaine a connu une phase de déclin après 1963, puis une période de renouveau à partir des années 1980. Le renouveau de l’archéologie observé depuis cette date s’effectue sous le signe de la coopération internationale. Depuis l’indépendance, les progrès permis par la recherche archéologique ont permis d’offrir aux historiens et aux préhistoriens de nouvelles sources, renouvelant les tendances historiographiques et les sujets d’étude.
Where the dusty village of Smirat now sits hunched against the winds of the Tunisian desert, there once stood the country villa of a wealthy Roman named Magerius. Prominently displayed in Magerius’ villa was a (now well-known) mosaic depicting a beast hunt in the arena. But the presumed stars of the show, four pairs of hunters and leopards, are placed at the corners of the mosaic, while centre-stage is dominated by a figure bearing a plate of money, and a block of text explaining that these are the funds with which Magerius has generously offered to pay for the show. Contrary to the ancient donor's expectations, however, the modern observer is not struck by Magerius’ munificence, but rather by the meanness of his show compared to those put on in Rome. The emperor Titus (r. 79–81), for example, had 9,000 animals killed during the hundred-day-long inauguration of the Flavian Amphitheatre (Cass. Dio 66[66 Cary].25.1). Magerius’ leopards, worthy of a mosaic in the provinces, would have provided about ten minutes’ worth of entertainment in the capital.
Das Imperium Romanum war kein ‚Staat‘ im modernen Sinne, sondern ein diffuses Gebilde mit unterschiedlichen Substrukturen. Dazu zählten auch die amici et socii: Könige, Fürsten, Städte, nationes, gentes, die mit Rom engere oder weitere Bindungen ein gingen. Diese ‚Klientelstaaten‘ werden aus römischer wie regio naler Perspektive anhand von Fallbeispielen, aber auch anhand von inhaltlichen Aspekten in den Blick genommen. Es geht dabei nicht um eine abschließende Beantwortung moderner Fragestellungen, sondern um die Förderung eines Dialoges unterschiedlicher Ansätze und Blickwinkel zum Thema ‚Klientelkönigtum‘. Zentrale Themen sind die generelle Tragfähigkeit des Klientel-Konzepts, Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen dem Osten und Westen des Imperiums und deren Auswirkungen auf die lokalen Reiche und Gemeinden. So werden individuelle Entwicklungen ebenso wie die Bandbreite des Instruments der abhängigen Herrschaft und seiner modernen Deutung herausgearbeitet.
This publication deals with a new inscription found on the eastern limit of the Ouled Naïl mountains (western part of the Aurès Moutains, Saharian Atlas). Only a part of the text was preserved. It honored an emperor whose name was erased (probably Elagabalus) and his family. The blank makes the identification of the author of the inscription difficult, but it is most probably a military signature. The study of this new text enlightens us on the Roman stay in this area as it completes older data showing a direct route on the El Cahra / Messaad axis existed, linking the Djedi Oued eastern basin to the Aïn Errich basin. This work focuses on the rural distribution of an area in Numidia with an environmental context closer to the western mountains than to the Aurès Moutains piedmont, where a settlement of a sedentary transhumant population (towards the Hodna River or the Oued Djedi valley) thrived.
Even if, with the notable exception of Pliny the Elder, the ancient authors say little on the subject and show no real concern to provide accurate figures, the coinage appears to have played a key role in the actual operation of the Roman imperial system. Protected from the ravages of time by its very nature, it fills the coin rooms of museums all over the world. As collectors' items, coins are nowadays quoted as valuable commodities on the market. They are along with pottery the most common Roman artefacts to survive to the present. Yet the modern interest in coinage should not make us forget the place that coins occupied in both the Roman economy and culture. Regularly struck and restruck with the portraits of the new principes (whose image was sacred), often referring to those events of their reigns deemed to be the most glorious and laden with complex religious and political meanings or messages, coins are during the whole imperial period the most widespread daily signs of the emperors' power. Gradually standardized by marginalization and then elimination of the local coinages which were still struck in some of the eastern provinces at least until the mid-third century, the coinage expresses and translates into reality, despite the considerable disparities in development among the provinces, the economic and political unity of the empire. However, at the end of the third century and at the beginning of the fourth, the division of the empire among two or four co-emperors leads to a proliferation of coinages which, even in the same denomination, will not automatically have the same fineness and weight.
From the last decades of the second century to the first decades of the fourth, the economy of the Roman world without doubt suffered the aftershocks of the violent tremors that shook the empire, most of them of a military and political nature. Also without doubt, the economy underwent fundamental changes in several respects, in part as a result of these shocks, in part as a result of more silent and subterranean forces, which reveal its proper logical mode of operation. But these changes, which remain to be defined, should not obscure the elements of continuity: it would be an exaggeration to talk about a massive upheaval. Among the tremors, the following need to be mentioned so that they can be better classified: the growing threats on the frontiers, starting in the north with the first invasions in the reign of Marcus Aurelius; then in the east, with the Sassanian conquest of Persia, and the subsequent series of invasions that sent raids ever further into Roman territory in the 260s and 270s in both east and west. We must consider that the enormous investments in defence were no longer sufficient to keep the frontiers secure; wars of succession such as the empire had not experienced since 68/9, with their attendant pillaging, confiscations and executions, from Septimius Severus' victory over Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus until the reunification of the empire by Constantine, by way of the defeats of Maxentius (312) and Licinius (324); at irregular intervals, the imperial power itself becomes the focus of a struggle for which the population of the empire paid dearly;
Sont publiés ici estampilles et graffites sur amphores retrouvés en Maurétanie Tingitane, dont la plupart timbrent des Dressel 20. Ces éléments épigraphiques proviennent aussi bien des fouilles récentes que des fonds anciens de certains musées marocains. Par ailleurs, certaines estampilles déjà publiées ont été l'objet d'une nouvelle lecture. L'étude de ce matériel confirme bien l'importance des relations économiques entre les provinces voisines de Maurétanie tingitane et de Bétique au Haut-Empire.
Jean-Pierre Coriat, La palingénésie des constitutions impériales. Histoire d'un projet et méthodes pour le recueil de la législation du Principat, p. 873-923.
Le projet de faire la palingénésie de la léglislation impériale, c'est-à-dire le recueil dans l'ordre chronologique des constitutions émises par les empereurs, depuis Auguste jusqu'à la compilation de Justinien, est né d'abord dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle en Allemagne avec les travaux de G. Haenel, et surtout en Italie dans l'entre-deux-guerres. Travail neuf pour un projet ancien, par conséquent, que serait la réalisation de cette palingénésie, envisagée pour la période du Principat.
Ce serait une œuvre essentielle pour la recherche romanistique, et rendue possible parce qu'elle peut bénéficier aujourd'hui des résultats de recherches importantes sur les sources de l'activité normative des empe-
(v. au verso) reurs, de l'existence de recueils de celles-ci d'après leur origine documentaire.
Pour être menée à bien, la réalisation d'une palingénésie doit déterminer des règles de présentation pour chaque décision et respecter des principes de méthode que l'on s'est efforcé de mettre au point pour le recueil de la législation des Sévères et pour celui, en cours d'élaboration, des constitutions d'Auguste et des Julio-Claudiens.
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