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ICPP5 Barcelona 2021 T08P06 Public Goods and Public Trust in Government: Evidence from India
Abstract
In modern liberal democracies, the relationship between citizens and their governments is influenced by myriad factors that shape how citizens perceive the state as well as the act of governance itself. One of the ways governments might try to gain favor with their citizens is the provision of public goods, which is considered economically efficient as well as morally necessary (Anomaly 2015). Despite huge public expenditure on services such as healthcare, education, sanitation, electricity and water supply, we know very little about whether access to public goods leads to public trust in government. Such a connection is logical-the provision of public goods is an important aspect of 'good governance'. I test this assumption in India, a highly diverse liberal democracy that is characterized by socioeconomic variations between states as well as huge disparities in income and access to basic services, where the provision of such services by the government can influence public confidence or trust in the government. I define provision in terms of availability of basic public goods to households at the state level in India, and drawing on earlier work I measure public trust in terms of the confidence people have in their state governments in India to take care of their basic needs. Using cross-sectional survey data, I show not only that the provision of public goods is associated with increased trust or confidence in state governments, but that access to health, education, sanitation and water supply are the most important such public goods. The findings have the potential to inform policy choices about the provision of public service programs in India as well a broader understanding of the relationship between public services and trust in government.
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The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.
How does a locally-managed conditional cash transfer program impact trust in government? On the one hand, delivering monetary benefits and increasing interactions with government officials (elected and appointed) may increase trust. On the other hand, it can be difficult for citizens to know to whom to attribute a program and reward with greater trust. Further, imposing paternalistic conditions and possibly prompting citizens to experience feelings of social stigma or guilt, could reduce trust. We answer this question by exploiting the randomized introduction of a locally-managed transfer program in Tanzania in 2010. Our analysis reveals that cash transfers can significantly increase trust in leaders. This effect is driven by large increases in trust in elected leaders as opposed to appointed bureaucrats. Perceptions of government responsiveness to citizens’ concerns and honesty of leaders also rise, and these improvements are largest where there are more village meetings at baseline. One of the central roles of village meetings is to receive and share information with village residents, providing some evidence on the value of a high-information environment for generating trust in government. We also find that records from school and health committees are more readily available in treatment villages. Notably, while stated willingness of citizens to participate in community development projects rises, actual participation in projects and the likelihood of voting do not. Overall, the results suggest little reason to worry that local management of a conditional cash transfer program reduces trust in government or the quality of governance—especially in high-information settings.
Evidence suggests that unemployment negatively affects various aspects of individuals’ lives. The author investigates whether unemployment changes individuals’ political evaluations in the form of trust in government and satisfaction with democracy. While most research in this area operates on the macro level, the author provides individual-level evidence. In doing so, the author investigates the assumed causal link with panel data from Switzerland and the Netherlands. In addition, the author studies the impact on life satisfaction, a “control outcome,” known to be affected by unemployment. Although there is strong evidence that changes in employment status do affect life satisfaction, effects on trust in government and satisfaction with democracy seem mostly absent or negligible in size.
Over the years, there has been an erosion of citizens' trust and confidence in their governments behind which, lies many reasons. This paper examines how digital transformation of government may play an important role in improving this eroding trust and confidence. Using a systematic literature review, the paper identifies factors that influence citizens' trust and confidence in government as an institution. Among the key factors that are commonly identified across the literature are citizens' satisfaction and expectations, transparency, accountability, digital transformation of government and performance of the government. The literature also points towards a lack of knowledge and understanding in the community of how transformation of government can influence the growing decline in citizens' engagement with government. To this effect, an initial conceptual model is proposed which captures the key constructs that may lead to better understanding of how to rebuild trust and confidence in government administrations through the digital transformation of government. Copyright © 2016, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.
It is widely agreed that one of the core functions of government is to supply public goods that markets either fail to provide or cannot provide efficiently. I will suggest that arguments for government provision of public goods require fundamental moral judgments in addition to the usual economic considerations about the relative efficacy of markets and governments in supplying them. While philosophers and policymakers owe a debt of gratitude to economists for developing the theory of public goods, the link between public goods and public policy cannot be forged without moral reflection on the proper function and scope of government power.
The Nordic countries are known for their well-functioning public administrations. In indices measuring control of corruption and the quality of the rule of law, they frequently occupy top positions. However, as we demonstrate in this article, a country's top position in comparative indices does not automatically imply that citizens view the state of affairs in the same way as depicted by experts. The observation is in no way trivial: Drawing on theories of procedural fairness, we go on to show—statistically, using individual level data—that widespread public perceptions about the unfairness of civil servants may have a negative effect on the legitimacy of the political system even in so-called high-trust and “least corrupt” settings such as the Nordic ones.
Evidence that political trust is in decline in established democracies seems conclusive, but there is less clarity about trends in political values in poor developing country democracies. This paper attempts to shed some light on the determinants of political trust in poor developing countries. It does so by exploring findings of unexpected levels of political trust among poor Bangladeshis in original research conducted in 2005, set against an exploration of how larger global debates about the cultural and institutional factors that shape political trust relate to poor developing country democracies. The paper finds that there remain significant limits to poor citizens' capacities for independent evaluation of governmental performance. However, political trust among poor Bangladeshi citizens appears to have been rational and meaningful in a context in which democratic government had proven to be comparatively effective in promoting their material welfare. The paper concludes that the Bangladesh case may shed light on political trust among poor developing country citizens by demonstrating that regardless of absolute levels of material welfare, perceived positive trends in the capacities and willingness of governments to improve material welfare for the poor may be a significant determinant of political trust in poor countries.
In low- and middle-income countries, health care systems are an important means by which individuals interact with their government. As such, aspects of health systems in these countries may be associated with public trust in government. Greater trust in government may in turn improve governance and government effectiveness. We identify health system and non-health system factors hypothesized to be associated with trust in government and fit several multilevel regression models to cross-national data from 51,300 respondents in thirty-eight low- and middle-income countries participating in the World Health Surveys. We find that health system performance factors are associated with trust in government while controlling for a range of non-health system covariates. Taken together, higher technical quality of health services, more responsive service delivery, fair treatment, better health outcomes, and financial risk protection accounted for a 13 percentage point increase in the probability of having trust in government. Health system performance and good governance may be more inter-related than previously thought. This finding is particularly important for low-income and fragile states, where health systems and governments tend to be weakest. Future research efforts should focus on determining the causal mechanisms that underlie the observed associations between health system performance and trust in government.
This article describes the gologit2 program for generalized ordered logit models. gologit2 is inspired by Vincent Fu’s gologit routine (Stata Technical Bulletin Reprints 8: 160–164) and is backward compatible with it but offers several additional powerful options. A major strength of gologit2 is that it can fit three special cases of the generalized model: the proportional odds/parallel-lines model, the partial proportional odds model, and the logistic regression model. Hence, gologit2 can fit models that are less restrictive than the parallel-lines models fitted by ologit (whose assumptions are often violated) but more parsimonious and interpretable than those fitted by a nonordinal method, such as multinomial logistic regression (i.e., mlogit). Other key advantages of gologit2 include support for linear constraints, survey data estimation, and the computation of estimated probabilities via the predict command.
Governance is thought to be a key determinant of economic growth, social advancement and overall development, as well as for the attainment of the MDGs in low- and middle-income countries. Governance of the health system is the least well-understood aspect of health systems. A framework for assessing health system governance (HSG) at national and sub-national levels is presented, which has been applied in countries of the Eastern Mediterranean. In developing the HSG framework key issues considered included the role of the state vs. the market; role of the ministries of health vs. other state ministries; role of actors in governance; static vs. dynamic health systems; and health reform vs. human rights-based approach to health. Four existing frameworks were considered: World Health Organization's (WHO) domains of stewardship; Pan American Health Organization's (PAHO) essential public health functions; World Bank's six basic aspects of governance; and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) principles of good governance. The proposed HSG assessment framework includes the following 10 principles-strategic vision, participation and consensus orientation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, equity and inclusiveness, effectiveness and efficiency, accountability, intelligence and information, and ethics. The framework permits 'diagnoses of the ills' in HSG at the policy and operational levels and points to interventions for its improvement. In the case of Pakistan, where the framework was applied, a positive aspect was the growing participation and consensus orientation among stakeholders, while weaknesses were identified in relation to strategic vision, accountability, transparency, effectiveness and efficiency and rule of law. In using the HSG framework it needs to be recognized that the principles are value driven and not normative and are to be seen in the social and political context; and the framework relies on a qualitative approach and does not follow a scoring or ranking system. It does not directly address aid effectiveness but provides insight on the ability to utilize external resources and has the ability to include the effect of global health governance on national HSG as the subject itself gets better crystallized. The improved performance of the ministries of health and state health departments is at the heart of this framework. The framework helps raise the level of awareness among policymakers of the importance of HSG. The road to good governance in health is long and uneven. Assessing HSG is only the first step; the challenge that remains is to carry out effective governance in vastly different institutional contexts.
Public trust in government is crucial for good governance, encompassing economic and social development of the region in a representative democratic setup. This study uses India Human Development Survey (2004–2005 and 2011–2012) data to examine the changing pattern of household confidence in state governments in India. Using a logit model analysis, we examine how the level of household confidence in the state government changes with households’ socioeconomic status, personal experiences, and benefits received from government programs and direct social benefit schemes. We find that households with a low socioeconomic status (such as Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes, and low-income and less educated households) are more likely to trust the state government. In addition, households that have had a positive experience or have received benefits from a government program and/or social scheme are more likely to exhibit high levels of trust in the state government. We also find that residents of less developed states are more likely to have high levels of trust in their state government than residents of highly developed states.
The household registration (hukou) system has been regarded as the root cause of social exclusion in urban China. This article studies social integration in urban China by analysing the relationship between hukou identities, which differentiate citizenship in China, and trust in the central and local governments. Compared to urban locals, both rural migrants and urban migrants have lower levels of trust in the local government, which is consistent with the fact that migrants face hukou-based social exclusion in cities. Regarding trust towards the central government, while urban migrants have the lowest level, rural migrants still maintain a strong faith. Levels of generalized trust, perceptions of inequality and orientations towards authority vary systematically across the three groups of urban populations, thereby contributing to their differing political attitudes. In particular, feelings of political exclusion are prevalent among migrants and significantly erode their political trust. While improving the economic outcomes of migrants is necessary, our paper highlights the importance of promoting political integration among diversified urban populations.
The 2012 Municipal Corporation elections in Mumbai witnessed a remarkable re-entry of urban elites into the rough-and-tumble of city politics. Six separate non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and self-proclaimed Citizens Platforms put forward ‘Citizens Candidates’ to contest the polls in nearly a quarter of the city’s 227 municipal electoral districts. In recent years, Mumbai’s globally empowered classes have grown increasingly animated by anger and vociferous about issues related to the material conditions of urban life: intractable traffic snarls, increasingly assertive street hawkers, overburdened infrastructures and, above all, the continuing and ever-increasing visibility of the slums. Such conditions are charged with tarnishing the world-class image of the city, embarrassing Mumbai’s boosters and discouraging global investment. The deterioration of the city’s fabric, claim civic activists, is a result of corrosion in the Municipal Corporation, which has become mired in corruption perpetuated by patronage-purchased ‘vote banks’ in the city’s swelling slums. Hoping to purge the Municipal Corporation of vote bank politics, Mumbai’s civil society and media-empowered middle classes attempted to reassert control over the governmental body which makes decisions on crucial issues like planning, housing and infrastructure.
Political trust has been declining not only in the developed world but also in developing and transitional countries. Political trust is necessary for the legitimacy of the government. Researchers explored the issues of political trust from many variables. However, the literature is not very clear in terms of the linkage between the quality of governance and political trust. Although some authors tried to incorporate government quality for explaining political trust, they failed to specify the linkage between them. This research will investigate the relationship between the quality of government and political trust in developing and transitional countries.
In this paper we examine the rise and consolidation of the Justice and Development Party (Adelet ye Kalinma Partisi, AKP) by analyzing its success in local elections. Our examination of the durability of the AKP takes into. account existing explanations of Turkish electoral politics such as economic voting, center-periphery relations, and traditional party cleavages, as well as the clientelistic tendencies of Turkish parties. We argue that the intensification of neo-liberal economic policies encouraged the AKP to seek alternative sources for distributive politics, which it found in Turkey's Mass Housing Administration (TOKI). Using political, economic, and socio-demographic data for 900 municipal districts in Turkey, we empirically analyze the relationship between TOKI financed housing projects and the AKP's success in the three mayoral elections between 2004 and 2014. Our results show that while traditional explanations of Turkish party voting account for some of the AKP's success, distributive politics in the form of TOKI housing projects is a stronger predictor of the party's durability. (c) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
The Congress Party's defeat in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections reflected not just its failure to retain its vote shares of the previous polls in 2004 and 2009, but also the lack of a clear social profile of its voters. Most social sections had deserted the party (barring the Muslims) as its long-term decline from being India's grand old party was evident in these elections. The lack of adequate leadership and confusion in its ranks played an important role, but there were other systemic reasons for the Congress's defeat.
Several studies suggest that public trust in government in China remains high and without any trend of decline despite the fact that public trust in government has declined dramatically in developed countries. This article analyses public trust in government in contemporary urban China with a comprehensive representative survey and tests the factors associated with public trust in government. Trust in government in China is found to be much lower than previous studies have indicated. Furthermore, the variables of citizen satisfaction with the quality of public services, general democracy, participation in government and the transparency of government are positively associated with public trust in government in China at both the city and central level. In addition, this research also finds that citizens who are younger, more highly educated and well-paid have a lower probability of trust in government in China. These findings suggest that maintaining political trust will be a challenge for the Chinese government.
Points for practitioners
The findings in this study suggest that public managers and policymakers in China should pay full attention to the challenge posed by maintaining public trust in government, and need to consider formulating specific and feasible measures to enhance public trust based on the determinants of public trust in government. Moreover, in terms of the fact that the determinants that make public trust in government decline in developed countries also affect public trust in government in China, such public managers and policymakers need to strengthen communication with developed countries to improve the handling of the common challenge of maintaining public trust in government.
In this article, we study how social assistance shapes election results across Latin America. Case studies in several countries have found electoral effects, yet it remains unclear whether and how effects vary cross-nationally, and whether electoral effects are due to mobilization or persuasion. We theorize that programs mobilize non-voters and convert the opposition simultaneously, but that the effects vary based on country-level political and programmatic differences. Using 2012 AmericasBarometer data, we develop a unified cross-national model that confirms that public assistance makes recipients more likely to turn out and, once at the polls, to vote for the incumbent. Compulsory voting laws and program politicization magnify the electoral effects of social assistance, but effects do not vary by presidential ideology or program conditionalities. These findings are consistent with the perspective that Latin American voters are boundedly rational, retrospective agents whose behavioral choices depend on their resources and environmental context.
Considering the underlying importance of trust, there is too little research into the understanding, protection and recovery of trust in health care systems, not only for the effective functioning of health care systems but also for society in general. Several researchers have pointed towards a contemporary crisis of trust in health care systems and there have been many examples that show the severe effects of mistrust. More research into public trust in health care systems could contribute to improving efficiency while protecting the health of the public.
While the dynamics of trust in the national government have been shown to be responsive to political events and governmental performance, less is known about why the publics trust in U.S. state and local government rises and falls over time. We examine the trends in confidence in subnational government using an aggregate level approach. First, we consider whether levels of trust are defined by reactions to the national government. Second, we consider how factors specific to subnational politics such as governmental performance and the quality of community life influence trust. Using measures of confidence in state and local government from 1968 to 2004 and a set of error correction models, we find evidence for both accounts. Confidence in subnational governments reflects national trends such as economic tides and public preferences for more or less government, but also exhibits unique dynamics explained by factors specific to subnational politics.
This article examines patterns of popular trust in political and public institutions in Nepal. We ask to what extent such trust is linked, on one hand, to citizens’ social and political identities, and on the other hand, to citizens’ perceptions of institutional performance. Our findings demonstrate that trust in public institutions varies extensively. Trust is high for a number of professional institutions, such as schools and hospitals. It is also quite high for local government institutions. Trust in the parliament and the government is much lower. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a weak relationship between institutional trust and identity variables. Demographic and social characteristics of participants, such as caste, and religious and political affiliations, have little significance in explaining the level of citizens’ trust in political and public institutions. Such trust primarily depends upon how citizens assess the performance of these institutions. Hence, patterns of institutional trust depend on how participants evaluate the current macro-political situation in Nepal, whether recent political changes are judged to have gone in the right direction. In a more general and comparative perspective our findings from Nepal fit with a performance-based theory of institutional trust, while, to a large extent, they disconfirm identity-based explanations.
Based on the Asia Barometer Survey of 2003, 2004, and 2006, government performance, citizen empowerment, and citizen satisfaction with self-expression values are associated with public trust in government in Japan and South Korea. This study finds, first, that government performance on the economy, controlling political corruption, the quality of public services, crime, and attention to citizen input are significantly associated with broad public trust in government in both Japan and South Korea. Likewise, citizens’ satisfaction with their right to gather and demonstrate and to criticize the government is closely connected to trust in central and local governments in Japan. In South Korea, citizens’ satisfaction with their right to gather and demonstrate is intimately linked to trust in local government. Implications for government leadership to enhance performance, transparency, citizen participation, and public trust in government are analyzed and elaborated upon in this insightful study.
Summary How do ordinary citizens access the state in the world's largest democracy? This paper examines a critical case from India, exploring the channels--formal and informal--through which residents of two tsunami-affected villages pursued public services following the 2004 disaster. External shocks, such as the proliferation of aid and NGOs, created moments in which individuals interacted differently with public agencies. Different village-level groups attempted to access state resources through distinct sets of intermediaries; marginalized groups (women and caste minorities) appeared most willing and likely to utilize formal government channels, while men from the locally dominant caste turned to informal, non-state channels.
The current study compared the public confidence in legal authorities in two different political entities: China and Taiwan. Data from the 2005 World Values Surveys were used, and the results from the ordinal logistic regression models indicated that the Chinese had significantly more confidence in their police and the courts than did the Taiwanese. The variable, nation, was found to be the strongest predictor of the levels of public confidence in legal authorities between China and Taiwan. In addition, interests in politics and a sense of anomie were two other significant predictors of the confidence. Those who were interested in politics showed a higher level of confidence in legal authorities whereas those suffered from anomie demonstrated a reduced level of confidence in both societies. It is concluded that public opinions must be understood within the broader entity contexts and data from an authoritarian state should only be used with caution.
This timely report focuses on accountability -- the current lingua franca of higher education -- and the question of the public trust as a reflection of the respect and confidence of the people that are served by the nation's colleges and universities. Designed to assist policymakers and educational leaders, the report identifies the components of a state-level higher education accountability system: acting on a public agenda, maintaining the public trust of the people served by higher education, instituting well-conceived and meaningful performance indicators, and enabling data-driven decision making are each considered essential for engaging all stakeholders in a state's higher education accountability system. Elected officials, members of the higher education system, and stakeholders all must work in partnership with one another to carry out their respective roles. The report also highlights public trust and its import as it relates to policymaking and higher education.
The study of citizens' trust in the national government has been primarily individual-level, cross-sectional analysis. In the current research, we develop a quarterly time series measure of trust in the U.S. national government from 1980 to 1997 and conduct the first multivariate time series examination of public trust in government. We find that negative perceptions of the economy, scandals associated with Congress, and increasing public concern about crime each lead to declining public trust in government. Declining trust in government in turn leads to less positive evaluations of Congress and reduced support for government action to address a range of domestic policy concerns. These results provide new evidence of the influence of public concern about crime and the centrality of Congress in understanding public evaluations of the national government and new evidence of how declining levels of trust in government may influence elections and domestic policy making.
This article proposes a narrative of city contestations beyond policy and programs. It considers why Indian metro elites, large land developers and international donors paradoxically lobby for comprehensive planning when confronting 'vote bank politics' by the poor. Poor groups, claiming public services and safeguarding territorial claims, open up political spaces that appropriate institutions and fuel an economy that builds complex alliances. Such spaces, here termed 'occupancy urbanism', are materialized by land shaped into multiple de-facto tenures deeply embedded in lower bureaucracy. While engaging the state, these locality politics remain autonomous of it. Such a narrative views city terrains as being constituted by multiple political spaces inscribed by complex local histories. This politics is substantial and poses multiple crises for global capital. Locally embedded institutions subvert high-end infrastructure and mega projects. 'Occupancy urbanism' helps poor groups appropriate real estate surpluses via reconstituted land tenure to fuel small businesses whose commodities jeopardize branded chains. Finally, it poses a political consciousness that refuses to be disciplined by NGOs and well-meaning progressive activists and the rhetoric of 'participatory planning'. This is also a politics that rejects 'developmentalism' where 'poverty' is ghettoized via programs for 'basic needs' allowing the elite 'globally competitive economic development'. Copyright (c) 2008 The Author. Journal Compilation (c) 2008 Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
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How Welfare Schemes and Their Speedy Implementation Helped BJP Win Big in Uttar Pradesh
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Trust in Public Institutions over the Business Cycle
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