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Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
1
Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting
Experiences for Returning Warriors
Introduction
In the broadest sense, returning warriors are more likely to experience feelings of isolation,
disconnection, and disassociation (Walker and Nash 1981, Solomon and Mikulincer 1990), which may
lead to more serious diagnoses, than their non-military peers. These feelings run counter to what
Sebastian Junger (2016) points out, that humans have a strong instinct to belong to small groups defined
by clear purpose and understanding. He contends that this tribe-like connection has been largely lost in
modern society but regaining it may be the key to psychological survival. This contention is especially
apropos for veterans. In over a decade of research into the ways in which the so-called “field sports1”
(predominantly hunting, shooting and fishing) address the aforementioned broadly characterized
ailments confronted by returning warriors, I have found increasing evidence that the success of field
sports in reducing isolation, disconnection and disassociation may lie less in the particular activities
themselves, and more in the ancient but evolving cultural contexts, meanings, and rituals of field sports,
which eventually become entangled in tribe-like individual and group identities, rituals, and symbols.
Authors Robert Moore and Doug Gillette write insightfully about archetypes in their book King, Warrior,
Magician, Lover: Rediscovering the Archetypes of the Mature Masculine (Moore and Gillette 1990). They
point out the fundamental importance of the Warrior having the knowledge and experience to discern
what level of aggressiveness is appropriate and under what circumstances. They also point out that
aggressiveness is tempered by mindfulness born of the discipline of the hunter’s way and the
experiences of the chase. In essence the Hunter begets the Warrior, and the Hunter-Warrior Archetype
is bound by the codes which she or he has unlocked through intentional training and lived experience.
But what if one is sent to war without the Hunter-Warrior discipline and training? Or, as is the focus
here, what if one returns from war without the benefit of the fullest manifestation of the Hunter-
Warrior Archetype to fall back upon and to guide the way back to every-day life? This chapter delves
into the application of “Ancient Medicine” and the Hunter-Warrior Archetype as an approach to warding
off the ailments and injuries of trauma, stress, and moral injury, especially as found in combat.
Post-Traumatic Stress remains a significant health concern for veterans, military personnel, and their
families (Institute of Medicine 2014). As a diagnosed disorder rather than injury2, Post-traumatic Stress
Disorder (PTSD) is the emotional disorder most often associated with combat and other potentially
traumatic experiences that may occur during military service (Strauss, Coeytaux et al. 2011). PTSD is
1 Discussions regarding conflict around animal rights and welfare and hunting and fishing are beyond the scope of
this chapter, but see Franklin, 1998 for an excellent historical and cultural synopsis. Franklin, A. (1998).
"NATURALIZING SPORTS:Hunting and Angling in Modern Environments." International Review for the Sociology of
Sport 33(4): 355-366.)
2 For an interesting discussion on the distinctions, see https://www.hopeforthewarriors.org/newsroom/ptsd-
injury-or-disorder/
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
2
described as an extreme response to a traumatic event, characterized by a combination of mental
health symptoms that are present for at least a month and impair functioning across multiple domains
(American Psychiatric Association 2017). PTSD is associated with significant adverse consequences for
veterans and military personnel, including high rates of depression and other psychiatric comorbidities,
substance abuse, suicidality, impaired social, occupational, and family functioning, decreased quality of
life, and increased rates of medical morbidity, health risk behaviors, and requirements for health service
use (Giordano, Bader et al. 2018). Left untreated, veterans and military personnel with PTSD are at risk
for a lifetime progression of increasing functional disability, psychological distress, and poor quality of
life (Fulton, Calhoun et al. 2015).
Though the US Department of Veterans Affairs and the US Department of Defense (2017) provide a
spectrum of treatment approaches, these approaches have not demonstrated consistent long-term
clinical effects (Polusny, Erbes et al. 2015), as many patients still have diagnosable PTSD following
treatment (Steenkamp, Litz et al. 2015). In this context, it is not surprising that Complementary and
Alternative Medicine (CAM) (Benedek and Wynn 2016) and Complimentary Integrative Health (CIH)
approaches, especially nature-based approaches, are being explored as viable treatment options, as
they leverage individual interests and motivations for participation (National Center for Complementary
and Integrative Health 2015).
As nature-based approaches have gained popularity across a variety of disciplines, therapeutic
recreation (TR) practitioners have used nature-based interventions and activities to address functional
outcomes and provide recreation opportunities for veteran and military populations with PTSD
(Hawkins, Townsend et al. 2016, Craig, Alger et al. 2020). Multiple types of nature-based approaches,
such as outdoor adventure therapy, wilderness therapy, outdoor experiential therapy, and eco-therapy
utilize the natural environment for specific therapeutic outcomes (Poulsen, Stigsdotter et al. 2015).
Although this line of research is relatively new, preliminary evidence suggests that nature-based
recreation approaches merit continued investigation to evaluate efficacy and implementation within the
VA, DoD, and community-based TR and recreation settings serving veterans and military personnel
(Townsend, Hawkins et al. 2018). Despite this promising trajectory there are very few investigations into
the efficacy of the complex endeavor of hunting as therapeutic recreation (Tidball 2016). This chapter
presents both theoretical development of hunting as TR as well as empirical data for its support as a
useful modality in some situations.
What is an Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experience?
Across the spectrum of outdoor education and recreation therapy programs, Baldwin, Pershing, and
Magnuson (2004) argue that there are key elements in common among many of these programs,
including the following items:
1. Planned and purposive use of adventure-based activities with specific goals
2. Real-life learning contexts
3. Participant becomes agent of change
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
3
4. Goal-directed challenges necessitating the use of individual or group generated solutions
5. Outdoor or natural environment setting
6. Small group (usually ten or less) context
7. Structured facilitation
Though there is great merit in the notion that the efficacy of wilderness programs is derived from simply
being in contact with the natural environment itself (Bardwell 1992, Mitten 1994), I agree with the idea
that structured programs work to “focus the power” of nature, especially in the context of veterans, and
that highlighting this relationship works to further enhance health-related outcomes (Mitten 2009). A
way of further enhancing the relationship between humans and the natural environments from which
they arise and creating subsequent health benefits is through the active use of Intentionally Designed
Experiences (IDEs) (Sheard and Golby 2006). Like Mitten’s (2009) conceptualization that outdoor and
nature-based programs serve to provide a focus of the benefits of nature, the idea of IDEs is that
programming in the natural environment should be purposeful in its planning and implementation in
order to achieve specific benefits, thus becoming a type of vector, or even multiplier, for the benefits
imbued by the more passive theories regarding simple exposure to nature (Ewert and Voight 2012).
With the above in mind, Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences are characterized by
the planned and purposive using of the complex endeavor of hunting with the specific therapeutic goals
of reduction of stress and anxiety, feelings of disconnectedness and of isolation, feelings of loss or guilt,
and impulsiveness or aggressiveness. These therapeutic goals are met via planned and structured
participant engagement in field-based “learn-by-doing” contexts among a supporting family and
community of mentors and elders wherein the participant is explicitly prepared and situated to be an
agent of change. Interlocking and sequential goal-directed challenges are presented during the
Experience that require both individual and small team generated solutions, all occurring in or near the
woods, waters, fields, and mountains that are the habitats of wildlife.
Hunting and Human Nature
The linkages between hunting and making war are deep. Some archaeologists argue that humans, or our
earlier ancestors, have been hunting for the last 2 million years. However, the hunting instinct of early
humans is both controversial and unpopular in many circles. In the early part of the 20th century,
scholars argued that early human urges to hunt and kill gave rise to the development of knives, spears,
and axes, and also to increased brain size. The highly renowned archaeologist Raymond Dart (1953) in
particular espoused the idea that extreme violence is a part of human nature. In his scientific paper
titled The Predatory Transition From Ape to Man, he proposed that a line of carnivorous apes branched
off the simian tree and later evolved into humans. The hunting habit, theoretically, led these new
primates not only to tool use and hunting success, but also to the killing of their own kind. Dart’s “killer
ape” theory was promoted by Robert Ardrey in his book African Genesis (1961), but it never gained wide
acceptance, and is generally dismissed today. Alternatively, Margaret Mead (1940) wrote that “warfare
is only an invention, not a biological necessity.”
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
4
More recently, Professor Henry Bunn and his colleagues (Bunn, Pickering et al. 2012, Domínguez-
Rodrigo 2012, Bunn and Gurtov 2014) looked at a butchery site in the Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania. The
carcasses of wildebeest, antelopes and gazelles were collected there by early humans, likely members of
the species Homo habilis, at least 1.8 million years ago. The meat was then stripped from the animals'
bones and eaten. Professor Bunn believes that his work demonstrates that early humans were not
simply scavenging meat from that which was killed by lions and leopards, as some scholars surmised.
Rather, he found a completely different pattern of meat preference between early humans and other
carnivores, indicating that early humans were not just scavenging from lions and leopards and taking
their leftovers. Professor Bunn asserts that early humans were actually picking what they wanted and
were killing it themselves. He believes these early humans probably sat in trees and waited until herds
of antelopes or gazelles passed below, then speared them at point-blank range. Since that time,
humans have engaged in hunting activities of one sort or another, right up to today. Though the
technologies have changed somewhat, the fundamentals of the hunt do not differ much from the
descriptions provided by Professor Bunn, as will be discussed in greater detail in the pages that follow.
The Hunter-Warrior Archetype - Hunter Gatherers & Warrior Societies
Hunter-gatherer societies share many characteristics with Warrior societies and even modern soldiers.
Carol Pearson (2018) writes that the Warrior as an archetype may have evolved from hunters turning
their skills to new uses. For example, she writes, the abilities needed to hunt animals developed into
those that helped Hunter-Warriors conquer new lands for their people to inhabit and gain access to
needed food supplies, water, or other necessities. It also helped those who fought back against these
invaders, just as they would with fierce wild animals charging into a village.
Nomadic hunter-gatherer societies usually have non-hierarchical social structures, unlike higher-order
horticultural, pastoral, and industrial societies. The group usually consists of a small number of family
units, often related, comprising a tribe, a notion we will return to. Hunter-gatherers are foragers,
dependent upon the natural availability of food, and are relatively mobile. This nomadic lifestyle, in
which all possessions must be carried, leads hunter-gatherers to rely on materials available in the wild to
construct simple shelters. There is rarely any elaborate building of permanent housing or development
of cities in such societies.
Note in the above description of nomadic hunter-gatherer societies, with the notable exception of
hierarchical social structures, how many characteristics are shared with the soldier- small tribal groups,
mobility, the necessity to carry all of ones belongings, rustic and transient shelters. As a veteran on an
outdoor recreation outing described it, outdoor expeditions are “not unlike war…There’s something that
can kill you. There is a tight group that depends on you for survival, and everyone is a part f it. Bonds
develop that have meaning. Life is better when it’s simple… you have your place. We all have it” (, p.
216Williams 2017).
Linkages between hunting and warriors can be found in more advanced ancient societies as well.
Consider that hunting in Greek antiquity (MacKinnon 2014) has been linked with warfare training. Here,
humans assert power over wildlife through superior skill, fortitude, and technique, all arguably noble
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
5
qualities for success in warfare. The connection of hunting as a challenge or rite of passage to ensure
readiness for war underlies, in many respects, the description of Odysseus hunting his first wild boar on
Mount Parnassos. Plato finds favor in such brave, skillful hunting, where hunter and prey are equally
matched (Lonsdale 1979).
According to May Zeiss Stange (2014), the myths and rituals of ancient Greece portray the central role
that hunter-awareness played in the historical understanding of culture at large, as well as in
relationship to nature. The Greek historian Xenophon maintained a hunting ground on his estate near
Sparta, which included a temple to Artemis. There he held an annual festival in honor of the goddess of
the hunt:
All citizens and neighbors, both men and women, took part in the festival. The goddess provided
barley, wheat bread, wine, dried fruits, and a portion of the sacrifices from the holy pasture, and
from the hunted animals too. For a hunt was held at the festival by Xenophon’s sons and those of
the other citizens, and any of the grown men who wished also took part. They took game, some
from the holy ground itself and some from Pholoe, boars and roe deer and fallow deer
(Xenophon 1985)
Considering these references to hunting in antiquity, it is not a great stretch to seek to better
understand these historical linkages between warriorhood and hunting. Are there important aspects or
ingredients to these linkages, this ancient medicine, that may still be relevant today? This chapter argues
that indeed there are, and they are perhaps more important now than ever before.
On Tribes and the “Chiefs of Old”
Edward Tick, in his excellent book titled Warrior’s Return – Restoring the Soul After War, (2014)
describes the importance of “warrior medicine” and “soul medicine”, which he writes is restorative in
that it points to “the right and proper relationships to the rest of our lives – our bodies, minds, and
hearts; our histories, families, communities, and nation; our work, purpose, and goodness” (p. 176). He
goes on to enumerate many examples from traditional societies in which warriors re-enter their
suspended lives, via rituals, symbols, and ceremonies. In keeping with what Carol Pearson writes, above,
Tick describes this “warrior medicine” as archetypal, that it “awakens the individual to the inner Warrior
archetype and teaches its recurring themes and stories. It guides the veteran to draw on the strongest
powers and traditions in order to endure and succeed… to claim his or her place in history… to give
meaning to what was absurd and shape a transpersonal vision out of horror… [and] supports the warrior
in achieving continuity between military and civilian service and fitting personal history into the
worldwide spiritual warrior tradition… it helps the survivor create a new identity and way of life as an
elder warrior.”
Sebastian Junger, in his book Tribe- On Homecoming and Belonging (2016) identifies the absence of so
much of what Edward Tick is describing in the case of many veterans in his observation that the
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
6
fundamental problem “lies in the psychological shock American veterans encounter at home, rooted in
the vast gulf between the essentially tribal nature of war and modern, individualistic societies” (Bethune
2016). He astutely observes that “contemporary culture’s failure to properly reintegrate those who
suffer danger and trauma – not just soldiers but emergency personnel and others – is not a matter of
misapplied funding for mental health care, but of modernity’s inability to offer a communal bond that
matches the veteran’s intense experiences” (Ibid). This point begs the question – where might such
communal bonds that match veterans’ intense experience exist?
Hunting Traditions, Tribal Aspects, and Moral Codes
“The warrior knows through clarity of thinking, through discernment. The warrior is always alert.
He is always awake. He is never sleeping through life. He knows how to focus his mind and body.
He is what the samurai called “mindful.” He is a “hunter” in the Native American tradition. As
Don Juan, the Yanqui Indian warrior-sorcerer in Carlos Cstaneda’s Journey to Ixtlan, says, a
warrior knows what he wants, and he knows how to get it. As a function of his clarity of mind he
is a strategist and a tactician. He can evaluate his circumstances accurately and then adapt
himself to the “situation on the ground,” as we say.” (Moore and Gillette 1990)
Hunting practices are the skills and activities applied directly in hunting and processing animals, from
pursuit techniques to butchering to disposal of unused animal parts.
Primitive cultures are well known to have remarkable relationships with animals, and complex
important rituals associated with hunting. Animals provide much more than meat. Hides and fur, teeth,
antlers, horns and hooves and bones are all significant and are used for fashioning into tools and
ceremonial objects. According to John Cohan (2010), two broad areas of hunting rituals exist. One
pertains to “bribing” or coaxing animals to present themselves to hunters, and the other involves
appeasing the spirits of the animals once they have been slain. Cohan (Ibid.) reports that when animals
are hunted, they are usually treated in a distinctive, reverent manner, partly to propitiate the ghosts of
the animals, so as not to be punished by them. In particular, according to Cohan, elaborate ceremonies
surround bear hunting.
Bears are known to possess high intelligence, they sometimes walk in a human-like manner, they
occasionally sit down against a tree with their paws, like arms, at their sides and perhaps one leg drawn
up under their body. They are said to exhibit a wide range of emotions that are very humanlike. The
Nivkh people celebrate the Bear Festival, which involves a ritual sacrifice of a bear to commemorate
deceased ancestors, or on special occasions. In the disposal of the bear’s remains, there is great respect
accorded the bones, which are ceremoniously and carefully buried intact in proper position (Cohan
2010, Byghan 2020).
Cohan (2010) documents that the Motu in Papua New Guinea treat tuna with great reverence, and have
elaborate preparations for the fishing season, including fasting, ritual bathing, singing, and dancing. They
provide a blessing over the fish before killing them. If a tuna is accidentally bumped against the side of
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
7
the canoe, the fisherman must kneel and kiss the fish; otherwise no more fish will enter the nets that
day. Native Americans in the North Pacific have revitalized the First Salmon Ceremony (Gunther 1926,
Amoss 1987), an aboriginal “first fruits” ritual, involving elaborate preparation and ceremonies to
welcome the salmon. Protocols carefully prescribe the manner of fishing, cooking, eating, and disposal
of fish bones. Reindeer breeders in Siberia practice a communal reindeer sacrifice in order to insure
food, happiness, health and prosperity (all of these examples and more can be found in Cohan 2010).
Many of the animal or fish based hunting and gathering rituals described above also include background
or preparatory activities such as training and ceremonies. Communities used to beat drums (drumming
itself is in its own right a therapeutic approach for addressing PTSD among veterans – see Bensimon,
Amir et al. 2008) before hunting and harvest feasts, during marriage and funeral ceremonies, and when
preparing for and during battle (Beattie 1963, Blades 1992).
Hunting also involves a traditional moral code. The traditional moral code is the system of communally
held moral judgments members use to guide their practices, and also informs and reifies norms and
rules. The judgments are specifically moral when they (1) concern interpretations of right and wrong,
good and bad or proper and taboo, and (2) reflect traditional values, such as respect for the woods, self-
reliance or reciprocity (Reo and Whyte 2012). Subsistence practices, moral judgments, and values are
traditional when they are transmitted to and instilled in community/family members through
intergenerational relationships as evident through ritualization (i.e., incorporation into ceremonies) and
relative consistency across generations (Ibid).
Medicine Ways and the Sacred Hoop
I was aware from previous studies that many Native cultures approach health, wellness and healing
through the “medicine wheel” or “sacred hoop,” and that balance between all four spheres of humanity
is required: the mental, physical, emotional, and spiritual (Lavallee and Giles 2007). This includes
balance within ourselves, between other living things and Earth (National Aboriginal Health Organization
2005). More recently I learned, while contemplating the meaning of my interview data, that in
indigenous cultures, an individual’s health and wellness is based on maintaining balance between the
emotional, physical, mental and spiritual realms; thus healing from trauma and grief includes re-
establishing a balance between these four realms (Anishnawbe Health Clinic 2006).
The National Library of Medicine hosts a detailed exhibition describing how the Medicine Wheel,
otherwise known as the Sacred Hoop, has been used by many generations of Native People for health
and healing (National Institute of Medicine 2020 website). The Hoop is a symbolic representation of the
Four Directions and other elements, all of which are intended to symbolize dimensions of health and the
cycles of life.
Some have written that the Medicine Wheel or Sacred Hoop can be used as an introspection tool, one in
which the builder can engage ideas of symmetry and balance. During the process of constructing a
Hoop, one might begin to recognize areas of life that are not in balance, where attention or focus are
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
8
lacking (see http://www.thepeopleofthehuntingground.com/ for an interesting discussion about the
creation of Sacred Hoops and Medicine Wheels).
Hoops, are, of course, round. The following quote describes the Native American’s, arguably our most
immediate and accessible example of the Hunter-Warrior Archetype, preference for circles (Hook 1997):
“You have noticed that everything an Indian does is in a circle, and that is because the Power of
the World always works in circles, and everything tries to be round... Everything the Power of the
World does is done in a circle. The sky is round. And I have heard that the earth is round like a
ball, and so are all the stars… the life of a man is a circle from childhood to childhood, and so it is
in everything where power moves.”
This departure from linear thinking is important, especially in the context of this chapter and book,
because it influences how people approach problems or form knowledge (Marchand, Vogt et al. 2020).
In my case, both as a researcher and as a veteran who hunts, I did not seek out the circular organization
of information, rather it found me. As I worked my way through my interview data and coded themes, I
started to see patterns, relationships between one theme and the next, and a progression of those
themes which was circular, or more aptly, cyclical. What follows is what emerged and is intended to
complement existing literature and indigenous knowledge, without derivative or coopted intent.
The Sacred Hunting Hoop - Hunting Elements, Phases, and Cycle in the Returning Warrior Context
What does the hunt actually do for the hunter? It confirms his continuity with the dynamic life of
animal populations, his role in the complicated cycle of elements . . . and in the patterns of the
flow of energy. . . Regardless of technological advance, man remains part of and dependent on
nature. The necessity of signifying and recognizing this relationship remains. The hunter is our
agent of awareness (Shepard 1959).
The following observations are a result of a handful of formal research studies that looked into the
therapeutic efficacy, as well as self-reported motivations and benefits, of intentionally designed
therapeutic hunting experiences (IDTHEs) for returning warriors. The work was conducted in
collaboration with the Wounded Warriors in Action Foundation (WWIA.org), whose mission is to “serve
our Nation's combat wounded Purple Heart recipients by providing world-class outdoor sporting
activities as a means to recognize and honor their sacrifice, encourage independence and connections
with communities, and promote healing and wellness through camaraderie and a shared passion for the
outdoors.”
Fifty-three semi-structured interviews of combat-wounded veterans were conducted and recorded,
transcribed, and coded. The interviews were recorded at multiple iterations of IDTHEs, in seven
different sites across North America, from Alaska to Maine, and from near the Canadian Border (in
Wisconsin and upstate New York) to Florida. Of the veterans interviewed, 33 were Army, 15 were
Marines, 2 were Navy, and 1 was Air Force. Two of those interviewed were military spouses. Regarding
the gender break down, I interviewed 48 males, and 5 females, 3 of which engaged actively in hunting.
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
9
As the primary researcher and leader of the Lab engaged in this work, I benefited immensely from
participant observation, and actively hunted with each of the servicemembers or veterans interviewed.
That is to say, I participated in and observed their experience of the Hunting Elements, Phases and
Cycles describe in the following paragraphs.
As stated earlier, the success of field sports in reducing isolation, disconnection and disassociation
among veterans may lie less in the particular activities themselves, and more in the ancient but evolving
cultural contexts, meanings, and rituals of field sports, which eventually become entangled in individual
and group identity. This complex series of linking relationships can be conceptualized as a cycle of
elements that flow and progress through phases. These phases, in order of experience within the cycle,
are (1) Purification and Justification; (2) Encounter; (3) Culmination; and (4) Transformation.
The elements that flow through these phases of the hunting cycle are (1) The Search; (2) the Stalk; (3)
The Kill; (4) The Butchering; (5) The Cooking; (6) The Eating; (7) The Reflection. Each of these phases,
and some elements, will be discussed in turn.
Figure 1. The Hunting Hoop (Cycle), with four phases and seven elements, depicting the interrelated and
deeply significant processes by which Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences address
isolation, disconnection, and dissociation among veterans.
Purification and Justification
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
10
The Purification and Justification phase are where most hunts of the type we are interested in begin. It is
in this phase where the would-be Hunter-Warrior will need to do the work, put in the time, to
understand the quarry and its habits and habitat. On WWIA Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting
Experiences, the veteran participant is met where she or he is in terms of experience. A WWIA guide is
assigned, and whether brand new novice or experienced hunter, the hunt begins (and ends) with
mentorship, and with studious observations and recordings and retellings. The process of engaging the
quarry, of becoming familiar, perhaps even familial, is the process by which the Hunter-Warrior makes
him or herself worthy of the sacredness of the hunt and is therefore “justified.” The worthiness is not
judged in a concrete or real sense so much as it is embedded in language and actions among mentors
and elders. Much is learned by trial and error, but perhaps more is learned via cultural transmission and
socialization by elders and the more experienced. This sharing of skill in the service of a commonly
desired outcome is highly social and relational, and cannot co-exist with disconnection, dislocation,
disassociation, or isolation. Thus, the Purification and Justification Phase set the stage for ameliorating
the isolation and disconnectedness that may lead to or be a result of more serious diagnoses.
Encounter
The Encounter Phase is where an awakening is possible. It is here that other empirical findings and their
corresponding literature may come to bear, most especially, Attention Restoration Theory (ART) (Kaplan
and Kaplan 1989, Kaplan 1995). In ART, to experience a therapeutic effect, one must first have access to
a “Restorative Environment” (Hartig, Mang et al. 1991) which is an environment that has a series of
characteristics. First, it must possess the characteristic of Fascination - the ability of an environment to
generate awe. Second, it must provide the possibility of Being Away - a feeling that can be objective or
subjective in form. Third, the environment must have the characteristic of Extension - the connection
between each element found in an environment; the feeling of being able to travel through the
environment in order to look for the information it provides. Finally, it must have the characteristic of
Compatibility - characteristics found in an environment that meet the preferences and goals of a person.
A restorative environment containing these characteristics will likely be a natural environment
characterized by an abundance of fascinating objects. "Soft fascinations" such as clouds in the sky or
leaves rustling in a breeze, gain our attention relatively effortlessly and are compatible with our wants
and needs. After spending some time of effortless attention with soft fascinations and removed from
daily stresses, people may have a chance to reflect. This brings a "restorative" benefit which thus
enables further attention, or attention restoration.
The Encounter Phase goes beyond attention restoration at the point at which the quarry finally appears.
Here, a muddled potpourri of jumbled emotions and psychological responses may appear. There is a
quickening of the pulse, a surge of adrenaline, a wide-eyed thrill of possibility. There are feelings of
enthusiasm, of excitement, of anticipation, but only rarely of mild fear or anxiety. Some call this “Buck
Fever”, which is a bit of a misnomer since it can occur at the flush of a grouse, the gobble of a turkey,
the roar of a lion, or the bugle of an elk. But fever is apt, given the flushed wave of positive enthusiasm.
This could be dangerous territory from the psychological perspective and must be deeply considered.
There is likely a connection between the aforementioned feelings in the hunting context and analogs in
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
11
the combat context. Elbert and colleagues (2010) write that “hunting behavior is fascinating and
attractive, a desire that makes temporary deprivation from physical needs, pain, sweat, blood, and
ultimately, the willingness to kill tolerable and even appetitive.” Experts (Hecker, Hermenau et al. 2015)
write about aggression types, combat addiction, and violence exposure, providing sufficient cause to
pause in this space and acknowledge that there is indeed something powerful at work in the Encounter
Phase, something to not take lightly. It is in this phase that the Hunter Warrior must see him or herself
for what they are, a person that can, or has, engage(d) in killing. But perhaps hunting provides a
pathway for contextualizing killing in a more understandable way, or a portal for moving away from the
dissonance of the Hunter-Warrior’s injuring or killing fellow humans? In any case, at the point of
encounter, after the flush of energy, enthusiasm and excitement have peaked, a decision looms.
Here is the moment within the Encounter Phase that ends only two ways – with a continuance in the
cycle or a return to the beginning to repeat the Purification and Justification Phase. Here not only does
the Hunter-Warrior encounter the quarry, s/he also encounters the decision to attempt to bring it to
hand. Here the arrow or bolt flies, the bullet seeks its mark. “If there is a sacred moment in the ethical
pursuit of game, it is the moment you release the arrow or touch off the fatal shot” (Posewitz 2002). It is
at this point in the Encounter Phase that the subject is most alone, most vulnerable and exposed. The
mentor and guide must be keenly attuned to what the subject is experiencing and have the tools to
respond. It is here that one may or may not embody the Hunter-Warrior archetype with humility and
without regret, acknowledging in a singular action that all life feeds on death, including – eventually –
our own (Stange 2014). However, whatever the ending of whichever iteration of this Hunter-Warrior
Cycle the subject is experiencing, an Encounter has occurred, and it is likely memorable.
In the event that the Encounter Phase concludes with a successful attempt to bring the quarry to hand,
we move from the Kill element to the Butchering element. This transition between elements reveals a
third and deeply personal encounter. This is the moment where the subject approaches the once -living
creature and must allow the gravity of the effort to wash over him or her. Interview data for this work
includes reports of great relief mixed with grief, of elation mixed with a touch of sadness or even
remorse. I have witnessed tears multiple times at this third encounter within the Encounter Phase.
Many of those experiencing the Hunting Hoop were at first surprised by their reactions at the third
encounter. One person, on a whitetail deer hunt, wiping away tears, laughed and said “Its weird, I just
killed this animal, and I feel so many emotions. Its so different. I feel so grateful – I feel so connected to
this animal. I feel glad to be alive, but so sad, too.” It is a powerful and sacred moment, and I have
observed this moment, participated in it with veterans, and without exception, it is one of those
moments when, as an observer, you can find no trace of isolation, of disconnection, of disassociation. It
is a real moment, a moment crackling with the ancient medicine of the path of the Hunter -Warrior,
wherein one reconciles oneself with mortality and the reality of oneness with the cycles of life and
death. Perhaps it is here that sense-making occurs, that violence and death are recontextualized and put
back on the hunter side of the Hunter-Warrior archetype, where the spilling of blood translates to
energy and life rather than purely destruction. But that translation cannot occur without the conversion
of the quarry into food, fiber, and symbols that occurs in the Culmination Phase.
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
12
Culmination
The Encounter Phase gives way to the Culmination during the moments when the marvel and
admiration for the slain quarry wane and come to their natural conclusion. There is a dawning that the
real work must begin. The processing of the creature from animal to meat, hide, bone, and antler – this
conversion is an intimate affair. Some veterans balk at first here, but generally are overcome with
curiosity and wonderment and eventually participate. The role of mentorship cannot be stressed
enough during this Phase. The careful, deliberate actions of the wizened elder communicate reverence
for the animal and what it cost to become meat. No meat is wasted. Cuts must be precise. Hide, hair, fur
or feathers must be preserved for future uses, whether practical or ceremonial. The dignity of the
creature must be preserved, so that the dignity of the Hunter-Warrior is preserved, and perhaps even
recovered.
Most veterans have not grown up learning how to slaughter and butcher their own meat, and the
prospect of doing so can sometimes be overwhelming. However, many veterans and their families are
making the choice to be as in command of their own food chain as they possibly can. Because most of us
have spent our adult lives acquiring meat in the grocery store, or in military contexts having it served
cafeteria-style in the filed or in mess halls, the basic knowledge of how to process our food puts us in an
infant like state; dependent on other adults for our food. This Is not a desirable state for most veterans,
and many jump at the opportunity to break free of this particular type of dependency. The knowledge is
out there, but the largest hurdle to processing one’s own meat is the mental hurdle. To process meat on
a small scale, you do not need expensive butcher’s equipment. You simply need a healthy animal, some
knowledge of slaughtering and butchering practices, the means to kill the animal and hang it, sharp
knives, a clean place to work, and the humility to know that you will screw it up and get better at it next
time. This entire process is eased by the presence of a skilled mentor or elder who is almost always
more than willing to pass on his or her knowledge. The WWIA Intentionally Designed Therapeutic
Hunting Experiences place a large emphasis on this process and this element of the Hunting Hoop,
utilizing the experience of faculty from Cornell University and Cornell Cooperative Extension, and
tailored publications for this purpose (Tidball and Tidball 2009, Tidball and Tidball 2016a, Tidball and
Tidball 2016b, Tidball and Tidball 2016c).
At the point at which Culmination Phase’s Butchering element concludes, the transition to the Cooking
Element begins. Veterans in our study have overwhelmingly indicated that their overall satisfaction with
Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences is closely related to their ability to be involved
in processing and preparing (cooking) their quarry. We electronically surveyed 236 veterans who
experienced Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences, served by Wounded Warriors In
Action Foundation, using Qualtrics.
One question or statement we asked veterans to respond to was “Including wild fish and game
processing, preparation and presenting in my sponsored expeditions and outings from sporting
organizations that support veterans would increase my satisfaction with those outings.” The response to
this was exceptional in terms of support for the notion of the powerful impact both the Butchering
element and the Cooking Element represents in the Culmination Phase. Of the 226 veterans who
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
13
responded to this question, 88.94 % answered that adding processing and food preparation activities
would increase their satisfaction with Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences. (see Fig
2)
Figure 2. Veterans surveyed indicate that game and fish processing and cooking instruction increase
their satisfaction in Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences.
A second statement posed for veterans to respond to was “Increasing my knowledge and skill in wild fish
and game processing, preparation, and presentation would be meaningful in my efforts to reintegrate
and heal from wartime and combat related wounds.” Of the 225 veterans who responded to this
question, 83% agreed that becoming more knowledgeable about processing and cooking game or fish
would play a role in reintegration and healing efforts, while 17% were neutral on the statement.
Figure 2. Strong agreement is indicated regarding the importance of becoming more knowledgeable
about processing and cooking game or fish and the role that plays in reintegration and healing efforts
among veterans.
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
14
Taken together, the responses to the above statements make it clear that the processing and cooking of
the quarry, as represented at the transition between the Butchering Element and the Cooking Element
of the Hunting Hoop, are important to both the enjoyment and satisfaction of participants as well as,
ultimately , to their respective healing journeys. This should come as no surprise. We are all familiar
with the phrase “Comfort food” and can remember notable meals that made us feel better. That
cooking itself is therapeutic follows logically.
Culinary therapy—or cooking therapy—is defined by Dr. Kocet (Vaughn 2017) as “the therapeutic
technique that uses arts, cooking, gastronomy, and an individual’s personal, cultural, and familial
relationship with food to address emotional and psychological problems faced by individuals, families,
and groups. Culinary therapy involves an exploration of an individual’s relationship with food and how
food impacts relationships, as well as psychological well-being and functioning.” Culinary therapy has
been shown to reduce stress, allow one to gain insight about their own behavior, increase self-esteem,
and increase brain development. For veterans in particular, the therapeutic aspects of cooking can have
a positive impact on the entire body. Like other elements in the Hunting Hoop, cooking engages all of
your senses. While you cook, your sensory awareness is increased through physically touching
ingredients, inhaling smells associated with cooking, tasting prepared food items, and visually
experiencing foods. Because cooking is a relaxing activity, it allows veterans to open up about more
serious topics and feelings. Though I have not observed formal therapeutic structure in the Intentionally
Designed Hunting Experiences I have studied, a significant number of programs, especially those hosted
by WWIA, explicitly include a cooking component in their experience.
As the Cooking Element within the Culmination Phase concludes, a meal is created. Yet another
encounter occurs here, that of the creature, who became meat, and has now become prepared food
and part of a meal. The Hunter-Warrior is presented a feast. Often, presentation is important, both for
the diners who participated in the earlier Elements of the Hunting Hoop’s cycle and for those who did
not. But perhaps more important than presentation is communion, fellowship, and conviviality. Though
many take eating together with others for granted, according to Anne Myers-Wright (2020), food is a
fundamental part of our health, relationships, culture and well-being. Anthropological studies clearly
show that meals are vitally important symbols of social connections and are central to human
communication (Mackenzie 1993). Eating together is about coming together; about belonging.
Conversely, research is revealing the negative impacts of eating alone, which has been found to be
linked to a variety of mental (Tani, Sasaki et al. 2015) and physical (Kwon, Yoon et al. 2018) health
conditions, from depression and diabetes to high blood pressure. Its no wonder that in most societies,
families celebrate important events by sharing food. Mealtimes have traditionally been those times
when whole communities or villages come together. Eating together is a symbol of shared life.
Shared meals foster a sense of belonging. Research has shown that children who eat regularly with their
families feel loved, safe and secure (Story and Neumark-Sztainer 2005). In the case of veterans
participating in the IDTHEs provided by WWIA, mealtimes are always referenced in participants reviews
as among the most memorable and meaningful moments, especially when the meals are of wild fish or
game that they procured, processed, and participated in preparing.
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
15
Transformation
The transition from cooking to eating indicates the transition from the Culmination Phase into the
Transformation phase. When the eating transcends the five senses and the experience takes on
deepening significance, sometimes via prayer, sometimes via storytelling around the table, or
sometimes simply through the breaking of bread and sharing of meat (Mann 2007), a transformation
occurs, wherein the quarry slips into the past tense. As Robert Ruark puts it, “…the best part of hunting
and fishing was the thinking about going and the talking about it after you got back” (Ruark 1993). IThe
quarry, and the hunt, becomes memorialized, first in the nutrition it provides to the diners, to the
feasters. It’s the age-old touchstone – life requires death. The quarry no longer is, but was. Yet it is
transformed by virtue of it bringing renewed life to the deep, visceral connections hewn from place and
the passage of time. The Hunter-Warrior, too, engaged now finally in the Reflection Element, is
transformed, because in the preceding Elements and Phases of the Hunting Hoop, s/he has been doing
the work of being an agent of change. But now, change has occurred, signified by the rituals and
ceremonies leading up to this moment.
Hunting is fundamentally ritualized behavior, set apart from the ordinary world and seasonally repeated
with social ceremony; thus its rituals may substitute symbolically for the entire experience (Bronner
2004). Ritual is important and applicable because, especially in the case of hunting, the practices as
organized as Hunting Hoop elements are repeatable, structured, expressive, performed, and
intentionally symbolic. Analyzed as a process, or in this case as a cycle, the practices or Elements suggest
that the act of ritualization condenses and symbolizes relationships precisely because ritualization is
central to the communicative dimension of social life (Beattie 1966, Leach 1968, Shepard 1973, Bell
1992). Further, continuing with the emphasis on ritual involving symbolic action and representing social
contract, Rappaport points out that ritual is the “fundamental social act upon which human society is
founded” (Rappaport 1992). Following Bronner, the point here is that participants in the Hunting Hoop,
especially during the Transformation phase, socialize around ritual (and ritualize the social) ”symbolizing
the conflicts between life and death as well as relationships of masculinity to modernity…” (2004).
Through this ritualization, transformations occur for the veteran, from disconnectedness and isolation to
reconnection, reconciliation, and re-entry into community.
Participants in Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences have reported that perhaps the
most significant transformation is their own perception and contextualization of killing. Or still more
profound, their own perception and conceptualization of themselves as a killer. We do not have the
space here to delve too deeply into the ramifications of this particular transformation, but it notable
that transformation such as this was referenced by at least one veteran I interviewed as a reconciliation
of the notion of spilling blood, and a confrontation with the pejorative aspects of doing so. In this
instance, the veteran was experiencing the transformation of owning his Hunter-Warrior archetypal
identify and experiencing the socialization of culturally appropriate killing (in the form of hunting) as a
form of redemption from the violence of the killing in warfare.
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
16
Something Worth Pursuing
“I just, I go into the woods. There are animals, there are deer, squirrels, what have you and I just, I’m in
the stand and I’m soaking everything in… it’s like everything slows down for me, and slowly things come
alive and I start to notice the sun, the clouds, the wind, the leaves blowing and there are birds, there are
squirrels, there’s chipmunks, there are deer and I’m in the state of vigilance, not hypervigilance but
between my situational awareness being completely peaked out, my vigilance being maxed it’s not, not
an unhealthy state. I’m not uncomfortable at all. I know I’m not going to get shot at, I know I’m not
going to have to shoot another man and that’s what makes it mellow because I’m the boss, I’m like the
master of my domain and that I think to any human being would be a good feeling…
Everything kind of slows down, it’s like I hit a pause button almost and I’m very slow and deliberate with
everything from my breathing to my movement to my mentality. I’m taking things as they come at me.
The cold bothers me but it doesn’t affect me mentally and, and when I saw those deer and, and I could
have had my choice. I don’t have any one reason why I didn’t shoot and I was trying to describe it the
other day - you know all the guys are asking ‘why didn’t you shoot it? Why didn’t you shoot it?’ and I
don’t have a reason except I didn’t want to.
You know Keith the only thing I can think of is, we’ve all pulled triggers, we’ve all done it because we’ve
had to and I just didn’t want to man. Don’t get me wrong I do want a deer I really do and I think they’re
delicious I really, really do. I can’t think of something that I love more than eating something that I’ve
harvested on my own that’s God damn good for me… but I’m not trigger shy, I’m not, I’m really not but
I’m getting so much joy just from watching them [deer] and I got them, but I’m getting the same joy from
watching the deer as I am from that woodpecker that I’m watching for 20 minutes pick apart a pine tree
or, or that squirrel who’s going back and forth eating nuts on the ground and I’m just, I’m there, I’m in
the moment man, and when the sun hits my face just right, I’m glad to be alive and I don’t know if my
feeling of being alive is peaked that way because I’m alone, I’m around nature, I’d like to think what I
feel, I think what I found was my element. I think I found that on this trip, I really, really do. I think I found
something that’s worth pursuing.”
Conclusions
In this chapter I have attempted to provide a deep explanation for how hunting, with all of its
complicated complexity, can be therapeutic for veterans. Through the tireless work and generosity of
the Wounded Warriors in Action Foundation, I have had the opportunity to experience profoundly
moving moments with fellow service men and women as we make our way through the sacred Hunting
Hoop. The grace experienced in these moments, though hard to empirically quantify, is substantial and
sustained.
A few caveats are in order. First, whenever I describe this work to non-hunters, or to those with more
urban than rural experience, I am asked honest, though sometimes naïve questions about a predictable
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
17
set of concerns. Those concerns usually include such topics as the effects of hearing gunfire, the wisdom
of encouraging veterans to handle firearms, the strange choice of promoting hunting, which results
often in killing, as therapeutic, and the potential for blood to be a trigger for onset of PTS symptoms.
The short reply is to point out that I have interacted with hundreds of combat wounded veterans
engaged in Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences and these issues rarely if ever come
up. A deeper response would be to describe the story that appears above as Something Worth Pursuing,
and many like them. Whatever the reply, the concerns are valid, and they merit additional exploration.
A second caveat is more of a confession. The fact that the hunting narrative across cultures and across
generations is a predominantly masculine one is not lost upon me. I am also cognizant of the fact that, in
my research and data sets, I have only five female participants. Despite this, I am seeing more and more
women, especially veterans, engage in Intentionally Designed Therapeutic Hunting Experiences, and
their experiences are both similar to their male counterparts and also unique. Over two million
American women hunt, and that number is growing. According to Mary Zeiss Stange (1998) by taking up
weapons for the explicit purpose of killing, women are shattering one of Western culture's oldest and
most firmly entrenched taboos. At the same time, I argue, women are leading the way through the
sacred Hunting Hoop guided by their “Artemesian awareness, grounded in the inarguable fact that it is
hunting that marks us human animals as predators… that we do, indeed must, meditate on the
implications of our predation also distinguishes us (at least as far as we know) from those other
nonhuman predators. We human hunters have both the capacity and the responsibility to reflect upon
the impact of our actions—our very existence—on the world about us (Stange 2019).” Much more work
needs to be done regarding the experience of women veterans and hunting.
Finally, by way of caveats, I am self-consciously aware of the co-opting of First Peoples culture and
Native American rituals by well-meaning (or not) social scientists and others. It is my sincere hope that
the recognition in this chapter of the importance of the sacred shared heritage of all humanity, that of
hunting and the way of the Hunter-Warrior, is not mistaken for any form of disrespect or derivitism to
Native Americans, or any other cultures existing now or in the past. It is my sincere hope that this
chapter will in fact open new avenues for the continued exploration of and recovery of the role of
ceremony and ritual in service and healing. I welcome dialog in the future on this subject.
I return to the insights of Sebastian Junger, that humans have a strong instinct to belong to small groups
defined by clear purpose and understanding, that regaining those tribal associations may be the key to
improved health and well-being among veterans, if not psychological survival. The Hunting Hoop, and its
Phases and Elements, is a way of visualizing, understanding, and hopefully appreciating the incredibly
powerful multiplier effect that results from this singular but complex endeavor, that of hunting, hunting
truly. The stacked therapeutic modalities of healing are impressive alone, but are serious medicine when
combined, ancient medicine.
But beyond the therapeutic modalities are the social realities of the vital importance of community, of
ritual, of the sacred. At the heart of it all is a reckoning, for the veteran, for the Hunter-Warrior, and for
others too. That reckoning is sacredness, sacredness of place, of life, a view of the world, as Vine Deloria
Jr (2003) describes it, that “seeks to locate our species within the fabric of life that constitutes the
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
18
natural world, the land and all its various forms of life – a set of relationships in which all entities
participate.” That reckoning is an opportunity to reconcile with him or herself – For the Hunter-Warrior
is already a Hunter-Warrior, s/he simply must learn how not to be ashamed of this fact, but to embrace
it. That modernity has skewed the Hunter-Warrior duality so far towards the War side is not the fault of
the returning Veteran, but is the result of a loss of the tribal relationships between ourselves and the
rest of nature, an amnesia regarding the teaching and learning of the rites of passage that Hunting
convey, regarding life, regarding death, and regarding our place in the world.
Every Element, through all the Phases of the Hunting Hoop, from the Stalk trough the Transformation
and Reflection, speak to the urgent need to affiliate with other life, within the expanded parameters of
the community to which we belong (Leopold 1949). Awakening this urgent biophilia (Tidball 2012) drives
the Hunter-Warrior to an expanded notion not only of community, but of him or herself. This allows for
reconnection, reconciliation, restoration, and relaxation, through RE-creation of ancient essential rituals.
Cite as: Tidball, K. G. (2020). Ancient Medicine and the Sacred Hunting Hoop: Intentionally Designed
Therapeutic Hunting Experiences for Returning Warriors. In Dustin, D., Bricker, K., Tysor, D., & Brownlee,
M. [Eds.]. Outdoor Recreation and Our Military Family: Pathways to Recovery. Urbana, IL: Sagamore-
Venture Publishing.
19
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