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Íhé Ńkètá and Òkè: concepts and practice of indigenous cultural heritage management in the Igbo cultural area of south-eastern Nigeria
Abstract
This study explored an alternative understanding of heritage through the lens of the Igbo cultural group in Nigeria. It used the Igbo concept of “ Ihe Nketa ” or “ Oke ” to examine the complex relationship between indigeneity, attachment and sustainability in the context of heritage management and conservation. A qualitative approach was used, and ethnographic methods of data collection that include interviews and focus-group discussions (FGD) applied. The interview participants included village chiefs and the elderly (men and women), and the FGD comprised village elders (men and women) and youths. The interview guide contained demographic questions to determine age and occupation, followed by interactive open-ended questions stemming from the study's objectives. The interviews were conducted in the language most preferred by the respondents such as the Igbo language, Nigerian Pidgin English and the English language. The evidence generated was thematically analysed in a descriptive and interpretive manner. The study found that while the Igbo understanding of heritage have related meaning with the definitions offered by the United Nations, their approach to heritage conservation takes a different turn through the concepts of “ Ihe Nketa ” or “ Oke, ” which recognises the ephemerality of tangible heritage resources with particular focus on the preservation of intangible heritage–knowledge over objects. The Igbo approach describes the framework for the acquisition, use and transfer of heritage resources in the Igbo society. This study contributes to the understanding of the concept of heritage through the lens of the Igbo of Nigeria. Against the centralised national management approach to heritage, this paper argues that achieving sustainable heritage management in a multi-ethnic country like Nigeria requires the recognition of the principles that conserve(d) and manage(d) heritage among the indigenous/local peoples.
... Examples of the Igbo concept of "Ihe Nkétá" or "òkè" typify the dualism between indigenous perspectives of land, and heritage conservation [32]. Igbos' view of heritage is tied with traditions, cultural norms, and practices held by a group of people about land attachment, a type of indigeneity (Ugwuanyi [33], as cited in [32]). ...
... Examples of the Igbo concept of "Ihe Nkétá" or "òkè" typify the dualism between indigenous perspectives of land, and heritage conservation [32]. Igbos' view of heritage is tied with traditions, cultural norms, and practices held by a group of people about land attachment, a type of indigeneity (Ugwuanyi [33], as cited in [32]). To some extent, heritage offers a symbolic stance for the custodians of the land within the communities who consider themselves attached to it and see the land as tangible and intangible assets (p. ...
... This view is shared by the entire community, and any attempt to remove indigenous peoples from the land is deemed to be uprootedness or detachment. The land is also a symbolic living space with communal memories, a known space, Nnebedum ( [34], as cited in [32]) noted. It is a form of symbolic interactionism (SI), Blumer [35] would contend. ...
This chapter seeks to present indigenous perspectives from emic and etic frameworks to ascertain how cross-cultural studies fit within a new explorative paradigmatic realm. The role of context to understand how the human relationship in all social settings adopts a pluralistic and inclusive mantra is paramount to address. Discussions on specific lenses of the emic and etic approaches, looking at indigenous concepts will be presented to highlight the agency and cultural tentacles deeply rooted in the emic and etic pathways. Nine key pillars are considered: 1) succinct international and indigenous emic and etic perspectives, 2) indigenous perspectives of conflict resolution, 3) shared trends in emic and etic perspectives, 4) clarification of concepts, 5) cross-cultural perspectives and community settings, 6) indigenous population resiliency, 7) social adaptation and affirmation, 8) healthcare disparities, and 9) philosophical and theoretical perspectives.
... All members of this representative/consultative assembly possess a generationally transferred Ọfϙ as a symbol of their authority. The Igbo are also a largely patriarchal society made up of patrilineages locally called 'Ụmụnna', through which heritage is passed down from one generation to another (Onyemechalu and Ugwuanyi 2021). Heads of these lineages are keepers of lineage heirloom, including the sacred ancestral Ọfϙ. ...
... Map of Igboland in present-day Nigeria (Source:Onyemechalu and Ugwuanyi 2021). ...
... To this extent, the heritage discourse in the current legislation is a continuation of that of earlier statutes which embody particular ways of defining, seeing, and interpreting heritage in the countryways that are not sufficiently inclusive of indigenous perspectives. This is an issue internationally, with Onyemechalu and Ugwuanyi (2021) recognising the need to preserve the 'intangible heritage-knowledge over objects' (p. 1). They draw on understandings of the indigenous peoples of south-east Nigeria, whose approach to notions of heritage which is as much a social and cultural process as it is a matter of legal definition. ...
The purpose of this work is to explore how indigenous heritage has been both under-represented and misrepresented in colonial and post-colonial architecture in Tāmaki Makaurau/Auckland, the largest city in Aotearoa/New Zealand. This work combines case-studies with a review of conceptual material relating to multi-cultural perceptions of heritage, and their manifestations in a modern cityscape. Included in this approach is a consideration of indigenous perspectives on the built environment. What emerges from surveying this confluence of culture and heritage is that the popular portrayal of the city’s built past is confined to the colonial era and onwards, and that this has had the effect of associating Tāmaki Makaurau/Auckland’s architectural heritage with its European history – so much so that even depictions of Tāmaki Makaurau/Auckland’s Māori built heritage occur primarily in the context of European architecture.
... I have consistently argued that heritage has utilitarian values within a 'living community' in which human and nonhuman beings participate in the process of shaping cultures and identities (Ugwuanyi, 2020). Results from Nigeria show that these utilitarian values are more important to most people in local communities, especially in Africa (Ugwuanyi, 2018(Ugwuanyi, , 2021(Ugwuanyi, , 2019; see also Onyemechalu and Ugwuanyi, 2022). Even though a heritage may look abandoned (the Western condition of endangerment), in African time and space, the heritage utility follows a repetitive rhythm or cyclical cosmos that makes them become useful or active on an annual or seasonal basis (Ugwuanyi and Schofield, 2018). ...
Every institution has a mandate, and every mandate has a purpose. For a heritage institution, the mandate is to ‘manage’ heritage. In the case of the nations created in Africa by the imperial powers, the purpose is to legitimise the modern states by establishing a national narrative and identity to help colonial and post-independent African leaders maintain relations established by the colony. This chapter draws from the decolonial analytical tools of ‘coloniality of power’, ‘coloniality of knowledge’, and ‘coloniality of being’ using instances from Nigeria to discuss the areas of concern for the decoloniality of heritage institutions in West Africa. Applying the coloniality of power, this chapter examines how heritage institutions are implicated in constructing current global geocultural and social identities through a racially hierarchised, Western-centric, asymmetrical, and modern power structure. This chapter interrogates how the institutions support the coloniality of knowledge by helping to determine who produces which knowledge, for whom, and for what purpose. The chapter further engages how heritage institutions contribute to the objectification of Africans – coloniality of being. It justifies how the coloniality of heritage has persisted because of the global asymmetry in heritage management.
... I believe that futures thinking within critical heritage studies should be inclusive of other experiences, lest it fails to be different from the past-creating 'difficult futures'. Learning about other (mostly non-Western) cultures' prioritisation of the preservation of their intangible heritage over the tangible (see Mire 2007;Onyemechalu & Ugwuanyi 2021) affords an opportunity to formulate more inclusive and sustainable plans for cultural heritage futures. Perhaps doing so may help address any Book Reviews worries about limited spatial and conservation resources occasioned by Avrami's 'unending World Heritage listings' (Chapter 13). ...
This is a review of the book, Cultural Heritage and the Future, edited by C. Holtorf & A. Högberg.
View Here: https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2022.126
... Doing so is often likened to digging up one's buried relative; a crime that angers the gods. Many scholars have noted the role of taboos as one of the various traditional management mechanisms for safeguarding cultural heritage (Onyemechalu and Ugwuanyi, 2021;Poulios, 2014;Peoples and Bailey, 2012;Oriji, 2011;Joffroy, 2005;Ndoro and Pwiti, 2001). Jianguo et al. (2003) observed that for a long time, humans' societies have tried to conserve or protect natural and cultural landscapes for various value-based reasons. ...
Purpose
This study examines the cultural history of the Api-Opi deity in Opi, Nsukka, Enugu State of Nigeria. The study sets out to examine the re-emergence of youthful worshippers of Api-Opi, despite the penetration of Christianity in the area.
Design/methodology/approach
The study employed ethnographic observation and field visits to the shrine of Api-Opi in Opi community of Enugu State, Nigeria. In addition, this study uncovers new information drawn from semi-structured interview questions undertaken in the study area between March and October of 2019.
Findings
Against certain claims on the impact of Christianity on Africa's traditional religions, the study found that the Api-Opi deity has withstood these post-colonial changes, growing its followership, particularly amongst the youths. It demonstrated the resilience of Igbo Traditional Worship System even in the midst of culture clash and religious iconoclasm advanced by Christianity in Igboland, Nigeria.
Originality/value
Evidence from this study helps debunk the notions of Eurocentric scholars who say African traditional religions are fetish, barbaric or primitive. It also shows how indigenous communities have protected and preserved their religious heritage despite the wave of modernization and other eternal influences. The study contributes to the increasing conversations about the role of traditional religion in the cultural resilience/revitalization of indigenous communities.
... In urban areas, in general, people are more comfortable building houses with modern concepts or living in houses and apartments. Not only in cities, rural communities have also begun to change their homes into modern buildings (Onyemechalu & Ugwuanyi, 2021). These changes are, of course, adapted to current needs. ...
Several research studies have found that the Mataram Palace was built by Prince Mangkubumi Sukowati (Hamengku Buwono I) in 1756 AD. This building has spiritual and life values that appear in its architecture. Based on data obtained by the author from various sources, before the establishment of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat palace, the only palace (kingdom) in Mataram was Kasunanan Kartasura, but after the Giyanti agreement, or the Round Table, which was signed on February 13, 1753. Traditional houses are a concrete form of culture. This research is qualitative-descriptive field research. The population in this study were relatives of the Mataram Palace, religious leaders, and philosophers from UGM. Data was collected by observation, semi-structured interviews, and documentation. The results showed that: 1) The architect of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Palace was Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono I. His expertise as a building architect had been possessed since he was young. His king had the title of Pangeran Mangkubumi Sukowati. 2) Traditional buildings or traditional houses in the Mataram Palace contain philosophical elements that are full of religious values, beliefs, norms, and cultural values of the Javanese ethnicity.
This research was carried out to investigate the various cultural practices of the Igbo people of Eastern Nigeria that were/are useful in saving the ecosystem from capricious human activities in traditional society. This is with the aim of finding how they could be adopted to checkmate the modern practices that degrade and violate the environment. The researchers adopted a qualitative approach for data collection. This is because the research is a social survey and addresses social issues. As such, data were collected using surveys and oral/personal communication. The study discovered that there is a nexus between indigenous cultural/cosmological knowledge and ecosystem preservation/sustainability and as such notes that the current earth devastation within modern Igbo society is a result of neglect of the indigenous knowledge system. The work observes that, if this knowledge system is incorporated into current ethics of eco-preservation, the present eco-risk would diminish. The work therefore recommends that cultural/indigenous environmental education, advocacy and ecosystem activism and locally managed ecotourism be incorporated into both formal and informal education of the modern Igbo knowledge system.
This paper examines ongoing challenges facing Indigenous peoples and their heritage, the consequences of inadequate heritage protection, and new initiatives that counter this. Indigenous scholars, tribal leaders, and others have done much to educate outsiders as to their heritage values and ways of life. My goal is to identify areas where governments, industry, the public, and even academic researchers have failed to understand this. I first examine seven significant challenges: 1) heritage site destruction and disturbance; 2) repatriation of ancestral remains; 3) unauthorised study of ancestral remains; 4) restrictions on access to or protection of sacred places; 5) dismissal of oral histories and traditional knowledge; 6) cultural appropriation and commodification; and 7) limited consultation or participation in heritage management. I then review six areas where informed and innovative actions are providing effective, respectful, and responsible heritage protection therein: 1) Indigenous participation, decision making and benefits flow; 2) Indigenous intellectual property; 3) research ethics; 4) new applications of archaeological methods; 5) policy development and implementation; and 6) corporate responsibility, public outreach and education.
Over and over again, the gender issue has remained topical among researchers and policy makers alike. In Nigeria, the clamour for more equitable distributions of positions to favour the women folk, has led to the thirty five percent affirmative programme which seeks to allot thirty five percent of elective positions for women in the National Assembly. The logic had been that women are by nature the weaker sex and therefore need special privileges. Further, it is argued that it is indeed a man's world and that is why women cannot find a survival space. While these logics may have their merits, the theses of this paper is that the problems go beyond these presentations. In particular for Nigeria and for the Igbos of South Eastern Nigeria, the source of the problem is to be located in the culture, folklore and language of the Igbos which from cradle has rendered the woman subservient to the man. Therefore, any changes that may take place must start with dismantling these basic stereotypes such that relative space can be created for the triumph of the woman in modern Nigeria.
Archaeology has an authority beyond the jurisdiction of the state as Smith’s Authorised Heritage Discourse propounds. For postcolonial societies, the power of archaeology lies in the narrative template that has defined what heritage is and how it should be preserved. These heritage narratives are set in stone and privileges one knowledge system over all others. These archaeological and heritage narratives have been used to create the heritage systems used today to preserve sacred sites of indigenous peoples in Africa, the Americas, Australia and other parts of the world. This paper examines how archaeology and heritage as disciplines with origins in the west have created a global heritage template that fails to understand other ways of knowing.
The continued practice of ‘Authorized Heritage Discourse’ (AHD) in Nigeria and the non-impact it has on local communities calls to question the sustainability of heritage management in the country. The way archaeology, anthropology and other related disciplines that study and contribute to the management of heritage were introduced into the country made the entire heritage management processes non-inclusive and unsustainable. Established heritage institutions have for long existed as ivory towers with little or no impact on local communities. This paper examines the implications of this hegemony on the Nigerians’ heritage consciousness and further established how the current practices exclude the people that create and use heritage in their cultural places. The essay considered the recognition and integration of indigenous heritage knowledge systems and practices (focusing on the Igbo village arena (or ‘square’) with specific examples from Nsukka cultural area in southeast Nigeria) into the western model-AHDto boost public inclusion and encourage sustainability .
The inherent nature of heritage as a symbol of a community’s identity – whether it be dependent on national, ethnic, or religious affiliations – has made it a frequent target during warfare despite heritage destruction being a war crime according to the 1954 Hague Convention. During war, the institutions responsible for preserving heritage spaces are often unable to offer support, making it the community’s responsibility to uphold preservation methods which can be secondary to the pressing issues of safety. The protection of heritage amid war depends on numerous variables ranging from community knowledge to the available resources and capacity to enforce preservation strategies.
The Old City in Sana’a, Yemen – a UNESCO World Heritage Site – has recently been at the center of a foreign-backed civil war. Since 2015, it has suffered damage from strategic bombing to its historic core. It is therefore an appropriate site for studying the relationship between architecture and war; for highlighting the toll of armed conflict upon a world heritage city; and for proposing both proactive and reactive approaches that can help mitigate further damage. By researching proposed and existing strategies for preserving heritage in war and applying them to the Old City of Sana’a, this thesis sheds light on the obstacles that heritage sites face in planning for war. Ultimately, it seeks to contribute to the continuing conversation around the protection of heritage in Sana’a and worldwide, with the hope that improvements will be made in Sana’a during a time of eventual peace. The lessons learned in Sana’a will have relevance for other World Heritage Sites, and specifically for developing cities with historic cores that are beginning to create management plans for their future.
Identity, as discussed in this paper, is seen as a phenomenon which is constantly changing under certain circumstances. From empirical point of view, the identity of man is influenced by the environment through experience and unconscious socialization; it is continually modified by the individual’s encounter with the world. The aim of this work is to analyse the intricacies involved in understanding the situation and mentality of the Igbos as far as identity is concerned and to determine how this hampers or helps in the development of the Igbo/African society. In this work ‘identity’ as a means of development with regard to the Igbo people of South-East Nigeria is treated. The work is methodically qualitative. It analyses literatures and different views on identity and tailors the discussion of development along the lines of hermeneutical approach to subjective experiences. The Igbos and Africans find themselves sometimes in the danger of a mixture of identity. This is the case with most of the Igbo people who are scattered all over the world and who are becoming more foreign in their trends and ways of life. Being unable to maintain a definite identity, one is lost in the politics of development. Those who still hang on to pure imitation of the western life are jeopardizing their autonomy and by extension, frustrating development of the African society. Rediscovering the Igbo/African Identity and putting it to the service of development in the African continent is the task of the Africans themselves.
This paper is divided into three parts. The first part gives a brief introduction to Gandhara in terms of geography and research activities in a historical perspective. The second part discusses the need for community involvement in Gandhara archaeology and the importance of Cultural Resource Management (CRM) in the field. The last part demonstrates the social, cultural, environmental, economic, political and religious returns as a result of these activities.
Established during the colonial era, the majority of museums in Africa were modeled on their European counterparts. The period of Africanization that followed the independence of many African nations witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of Africans receiving higher education and specialized training. Institutions such as museums began to come under the leadership of indigenous Africans but, in most cases, the exhibits and their condition(s) remained the same. Today, African museums face new challenges: how can they become more relevant, both to the local communities they serve and to foreign visitors? How can they attract more visitors, especially from local communities? This article discusses the notion of ‘indigenous’ in an African context. It looks at the development of museums in Africa and their current metamorphosis into dynamic cultural centres that address pertinent social, cultural and even economic issues-in the face of dwindling government funding and increased modernization and globalization. It discusses several museums and how they are meeting these challenges, and how organizations such as AFRICOM (International Council of African Museums) and programmes such as SAMP (African–Swedish Museum Network) are contributing to the positive changes currently taking place.
Community archaeology has conferred an alternative dimension on conventional archaeology and heritage management, empowering previously powerless peoples, particularly the indigenous and local communities that have lost rights to their heritage through colonialism. So important has its impact been that there has been only limited reference in the literature to its problems. Examination of case studies from various parts of the world reveals that problems associated with defining what a community is and who is indigenous, coupled with the existence of multiple communities with multiple interests, have sometimes diminished the utility of the approach. In some cases, archaeologists and heritage managers have been unwilling to give up some of their powers and have continued to view local communities as only passive partners. In others, local communities have considered their views and concerns more important than those of the archaeologists. As a result, the so-called equal partnerships between archaeologists and communities have disappointingly ended up as uneasy relationships. Without effective solutions to some of these problems, community archeology may remain a goal to be pursued rather than becoming standard practice.
In an era of postcolonialism and postcolonization, Indigenous struggles continue. Within ‘settler societies’ issues of dispossession—particularly of lands—remain largely unresolved. As part of the discipline of geography's active movement away from its colonizing project, this introduction to this special edition of Geografiska Annaler B seeks to (re)focus a disciplinary lens, and (re)open a dialogue—and potential research trajectory - about ‘indigenous geographies’. As the papers in this special issue demonstrate, new cultural geographies have begun a process of re-engagement with issues of indigeniety through careful, sensitive, inclusive, representative and emancipatory research projects.
Defining “indigeneity” has recently been approached with renewed vigor. While the field can involve quite passionate commitment to advocacy among scholars, theoretical clarity is needed in understanding just who might be thought of as indigenous, and the reasons why this is so. Does “indigeneity” make sense only if it is understood in relation to the “non-indigenous,” and if so, how useful is the latter category across societies and nations with very different cultural histories? Two edited volumes, one which addresses this question in global perspective and another focused exclusively on Australia, are reviewed and contextualized within broader debates.
The term indigenous, long used to distinguish between those who are "native" and their "others" in specific locales, has also become a term for a geocultural category, presupposing a world collectivity of "indigenous peoples" in contrast to their various "others." Many observers have noted that the stimuli for internationalization of the indigenous category originated principally from particular nation-states-Anglo-American settler colonies and Scandinavia. All, I argue, are relevantly political cultures of liberal democracy and weighty (in different ways) in international institutional affairs. However, international indigeneity has not been supported in any unqualified way by actions taken in the name of several nation-states that were among its main points of origin. In fact, staunch resistance to the international indigenous project has recently come from four of them. In 2007, the only four voting countries to reject the main product of international indigenist activity over the past 30 years, the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, were Australia, the United States, Canada, and New Zealand. In these locations, forms of "indigenous relationship" emerged that launched international indigeneity and that strongly influenced international perceptions of what "indigeneity" is and who "indigenous peoples" may be. Some other countries say the model of indigenous relationship that they see represented by the "establishing" set is inapplicable to themselves (but have nonetheless had to take notice of expanding internationalist indigenism). The apparently paradoxical rejection of the draft declaration by the establishing countries is consistent with the combination of enabling and constraining forces that liberal democratic political cultures offer.
Cultural heritage and associated discourses of preservation have become forces of global concern through international agencies such as UNESCO. This is especially true in Anglophone West Africa particularly Nigeria, where discourses of heritage are negotiated locally in relation to existing belief and value systems. This thesis explores this negotiation in the context of the Igbo village arena (or square) found at the heart of all Igbo villages. It examines the ontologies and epistemologies of 'Authorised Heritage Discuss' (AHD) and indigenous heritage conservation models in Nigeria focusing on inclusion and exclusion. The thesis further interrogates the interface between such indigenous models and global heritage discourses and practices. It uses ethnographic method that allowed a bottom-up enquiry with power-sharing possibilities. The thesis found that other than having binaries in heritage conservation and management methods in Nigeria, there are conflicts around the knowledge domain. It shows that the divisions are products of power and discourse which are philosophical and political; philosophical because of the conceptual differences, and political because of the spatial representations and national ideology. Further to the findings is the fact that AHD uses the 'static perfection' approach to conservation against the people's psychological make up that favour unbroken continuity. The thesis also found a new way of seeing the indigenous/local community as a constituent of human and nonhuman 'beings'. Consequently, it recognises that heritage has a 'life' and lives in the same community with humans and other 'beings'. Acknowledging the announcement of a new geological epoch, the Anthropocene and the new quests for finding alternative heritage conservation design that aligns with the ethical requirements of the time, the thesis suggests the in-use conservation paradigm. Arguments put forward to support in-use method emanates from what was found among the Igbo, the fact that heritage passes through the same life cycle of birth, living, death (that includes decay and decomposition) and re-birth, which AHD either denies or delays. The principles of in-use conservation approach encourage intensive and effective care for heritage in their living community to elongate and sustain the 'utilitarian values' of heritage envisioned in its 'birthing or production mission'. By so doing, the thesis concludes that heritage would make its contributions towards solving problems of the Anthropocene, one of which is climate change that threatens the lives of all 'beings' in the universe. It strongly argues that thinking about heritage in this sense would help us make informed decisions for the future of heritage in the Anthropocene.
Recent critiques of neoevolutionary formulations that focus primarily on the development of powerful hierarchies have called for broadening the empirical base for complex society studies. Redressing the neglect of sub-Saharan examples in comparative discussions on complex society, this book considers how case material from the region can enhance our understanding of the nature, origins and development of complexity. The archaeological, historical and anthropological case materials are relevant to a number of recent concerns, revealing how complexity has emerged and developed in a variety of ways. Contributors engage important theoretical issues, including the continuing influence of deeply embedded evolutionary notions in archaeological concepts of complexity, the importance of alternative modes of complex organization such as flexible hierarchies, multiple overlapping hierarchies, and horizontal differentiation, and the significance of different forms of power. The distinguished list of contributors include historians, archaeologists and anthropologists.
This paper reflects on how heritage knowledge is built around time-space discourses. It takes a Critical Heritage Studies (CHS) position to examine heritage knowledge systems through the lenses of Walter Mignolo’s decolonial praxis on ‘locus of enunciation’ and Tim Ingold’s exegesis on ‘dwelling perspectives’. Drawing from ethnographic evidence collected among the Igbo of Nigeria, the study engages Indigenous concepts and heritage ontologies in the context of time and space in heritage making in Africa. Secondly, it interrogates the evidence with the continuity that occurs in society through intergenerational knowledge systems that began with known ancestors. Thirdly, such sustainability mechanisms are examined using what I call ‘territorial communion’ – the ways in which those local knowledge systems are ‘printed’ on the landscape through human-nature ‘relational ontologies’, and how such pictured living holds heritage in a continuum. Finally, the paper contends that a good knowledge of intergenerational ‘dwelling perspectives’ from different loci of enunciation would begin the decoloniality of heritage in Africa.
The village arena (or ‘square’ or ‘Otobo’ in Nsukka Igbo) is at the physical and socio cultural centre of Igbo life, in southeast Nigeria. It is a space where intangible Igbo cultural heritage is played out, and also serves as a virtual museum where heritage materials are kept. The arena performs its roles in two very different ways: as a sacred space hosting initiation rites and religious rituals; and as a profane space for meetings and ceremonies. Either way, these uses see the arena transition between permanency and temporality, following routines and rhythms which themselves give the practices meaning and significance, and contribute to their inscription on the landscape. This paper explores the complexities associated with these village arenas with a particular focus on their socio-cultural, political, economic and religious functions through time, as well as the way those complexities are manifest in material cultures that serve to characterize the village arena.
Historic sites, memorials, national parks, museums... We live in an age in which heritage is ever-present. But what does it mean to live amongst the spectral traces of the past, the heterogeneous piling up of historic materials in the present? How did heritage grow from the concern of a handful of enthusiasts and specialists in one part of the world to something which is considered to be universally cherished? And what concepts and approaches are necessary to understanding this global obsession? Over the decades, since the adoption of the World Heritage Convention, various 'crises' of definition have significantly influenced the ways in which heritage is classified, perceived and managed in contemporary global societies. Taking an interdisciplinary approach to the many tangible and intangible 'things' now defined as heritage, this book attempts simultaneously to account for this global phenomenon and the industry which has grown up around it, as well as to develop a 'toolkit of concepts' with which it might be studied. In doing so, it provides a critical account of the emergence of heritage studies as an interdisciplinary field of academic study. This is presented as part of a broader examination of the function of heritage in late modern societies, with a particular focus on the changes which have resulted from the globalisation of heritage during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Developing new theoretical approaches and innovative models for more dialogically democratic heritage decision making processes, Heritage: Critical Approaches unravels the relationship between heritage and the experience of late modernity, whilst reorienting heritage so that it mighht be more productively connected with other pressing social, economic, political and environmental issues of our time.
Over the past decade, sub-Saharan Africa has virtually disappeared from the screen of archaeologists engaged in broadly comparative, theoretical discussions on the emer-gence of complex society. Prior to the 1980s, the sub-continent was represented with some regularity at important archaeological conferences and discussions on these issues (e.g., Cohen and Service 1978; Friedman and Rowlands 1978; Moore 1974) even while the actual archaeology of sub-Saharan complex societies remained nascent. Since then, the visibility of Africa in comparative theoretical discussions has declined considerably, despite the surge of interest in societies organizationally inter-mediate between small-scale, non-stratified and locally autonomous groups and the internally differentiated state (e.g., Arnold 1996; Drennan and Uribe 1987; Earle 1987, 1991c; Gregg 1991; Price and Feinman 1995; Upham 1990) and despite the abundance and diversity of such societies throughout the subcontinent at the time of European colonial expansion. Sub-Saharan regions are represented briefly, if at all, in some widely cited works (Earle 1987, 1991c; Ehrenreich et al. 1995; Haas 1982; Price and Feinman 1995; Renfrew and Cherry 1986; Trigger 1993 is a notable exception). Ironically, the archaeology of complex societies in Africa has grown remarkably during this same period (see, e.g., Shaw et al. 1993). The primary objective of this volume is to reintroduce an African perspective into archaeological theorizing about complex societies. This is a daunting task because the subcontinent is vast (over three times the size of the United States) and in historic times has exhibited an astonishing diversity of sociopolitical formations. Thus, any attempt at general coverage will necessarily suffer from incomplete and unsatisfactory geographic repre-sentation, and leave a host of relevant topics and poten-tial insights unexplored. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify certain themes emerging from the recent archaeological literature that find a particular resonance in the African comparative material. The ongoing effort to broaden archaeology's focus beyond preoccupation with the development of vertical control hierarchies (with the Polynesian chiefdom as prototype) to include less hierarchical, more decentralized or horizontally complex configurations is one such theme (Arnold 1996; Crumley 1987, 1995; Ehrenreich et al. 1995; Nelson 1994; Spielmann 1994). A growing interest in the initial emer-gence of hierarchy, rather than with its elaboration into more state-like formations is another (Arnold 1996; Price and Feinman 1995; Upham 1990). Related to both of these is the critique of deeply embedded evolutionary notions which continue to subtly influence and shape archaeology's conceptualization of what constitutes complexity, and how it can be identified and studied (Rowlands 1989b; Morris 1997; Yoffee 1993). Emerging from this critique is, again, the growing concern with documenting variability in both the forms and, especially, the developmental trajectories of complexity (e.g., Blanton et al. 1996; Drennan 1996; Feinman and Neitzel 1984; Yoffee 1993). Virtually all the contributors to this volume engage critically with one or more of these issues. The result is, I hope, a persuasive argument for consider-ing Africa central to any and all comparative discussions concerning the diverse forms of and pathways to complexity. In this chapter I aim to outline in a general manner some of the ways that African case material can contrib-ute to archaeological discussions of these issues. Certain recurrent aspects of African society, such as the co-occur-rence of vertical hierarchies with multiple, horizontally arrayed, ritual associations, and particular notions of ritual power and leadership, offer opportunities to recon-sider how we think about power and how it is used in crafting polity. I also attempt to reinsert Africa into the evolutionary critiques of the past decade or two. I begin with a brief consideration of why it is that Africa has been absent from the discussion table for so long.
Landscape and temporality are the major unifying themes of archaeology and social‐cultural anthropology. This paper attempts to show how the temporality of the landscape may be understood by way of a ‘dwelling perspective’ that sets out from the premise of people's active, perceptual engagement in the world. The meaning of ‘landscape’ is clarified by contrast to the concepts of land, nature and space. The notion of ‘taskscape’ is introduced to denote a pattern of dwelling activities, and the intrinsic temporality of the taskscape is shown to lie in its rhythmic interrelations or patterns of resonance. By considering how taskscape relates to landscape, the distinction between them is ultimately dissolved, and the landscape itself is shown to be fundamentally temporal. Some concrete illustrations of these arguments are drawn from a painting by Bruegel, The Harvesters.
The employment of autochthony discourses has become a prominent feature of contemporary politics around the world. Autochthony discourses link identity and space, enabling the speaker to establish a direct claim to territory by asserting that one is an original inhabitant, a ‘son of the soil’. Drawing from recent African examples, this contribution argues that the employment of autochthony discourses is an attractive response to the ontological uncertainty around political identities within the postmodern/postcolonial condition. Autochthony discourses can resonate deeply with populations longing for a sense of primal security in the face of uncertainty generated by a variety of sources, from the processes of contemporary globalisation to the collapse of neo-patrimonial structures. Yet this sense of security is inevitably fleeting, given the instability and plasticity of autochthony claims. The contribution examines why these discourses are often characterised by violence, and argues that autochthony is frequently linked to the desire for order inherent in contemporary state making, which invariably relies on multiple manifestations of violence.
The protection of cultural heritage sites is normally evaluated in terms of universal and scholarly significance criteria, although increasingly the contributions of sites and monuments to the economic and social well-being of communities have been recognized. Human rights discourse, despite its many problems and limitations, offers a possible mechanism for evaluating heritage in terms of social justice and well-being. A cultural heritage right based on descent is particularly problematic and cannot be supported by archaeological, historical, and anthropological theories. A cultural heritage right based on whether people are in practice able to participate in sites and objects in such a way as to fulfill their capabilities is an alternative, as long as it also includes responsibilities to other communities with conflicting interests. However, few archaeologists and heritage managers have the training and expertise to work out short- and long-term economic and social benefits of artifacts, sites, and monuments, and they have limited experience in facilitating human capabilities [End Page 861] through heritage beyond scholarship, aesthetics, and identity politics.
The history of Igbo scholarship has benefits from pioneer scholars such as Victor Uchendu, Ikenna Nzimiro, Don Ohadike, Michael
Mbabuike, Ezenwa-Ohaeto, and Angela Uwalaka, among many others. Collectively, their scholarship defined the contours of Igbo
political economy, anthropology, and sociology, and linguistic. As an agricultural people, the history of the Igbo people
was defined by their relationship to the land and their ecology. These scholars, to whom I humbly devote this piece, have
touched upon the changing nature of Igbo political economy as much as the link between Igbo agriculture and their identity.
This article argues that the Somali people have a distinctive view on heritage and a different approach to its preservation relevant to their society. It suggests that a locally appropriate theoretical framework for heritage management and archaeological research can only be achieved if this local approach is taken into consideration and integrated into archaeological and heritage methodologies. The lack of qualified Somalis and indigenous perspectives in the archaeological research and heritage management policies characterizes Somali cultural heritage and archaeological research history. This research shows that previous approaches that have been pursued lacked dialogue and incorporation of local views of heritage practice. This lack of dialogue has been of paramount importance for the failure of the preservation of Somali cultural heritage, evident both in the previous neglect of its preservation and in the current looting and destruction of archaeological sites in Somaliland, Puntland and south-central Somalia. It is demonstrated how Somali indigenous perspectives are concurring and contributing to world heritage management and archaeological research methods. I suggest that any heritage work must integrate local approaches and trained local groups should lead archaeological research and heritage management in order to achieve sustainable development and self-representation.
After Captain Cook: The Archaeology of the Recent Indigenous Past in Australia
- D Byrne
Byrne, D. (2002), "An archaeology of attachment: cultural heritage and the post-contact", in Harrison,
R. and Williamson, C. (Eds), After Captain Cook: The Archaeology of the Recent Indigenous Past
in Australia, AltaMira Press, Walnut Creek, CA, pp. 135-146.
We will not relocate until our ancestors and shrines come with us
- W Apoh
- K Gavua
Apoh, W. and Gavua, K. (2016), "We will not relocate until our ancestors and shrines come with us", in
Schmidt, P.R. and Pikirayi, I. (Eds), Community Archaeology and Heritage in Africa:
Decolonizing Practice, Routledge, London, pp. 204-223.
Accounting for what we treasure: economic valuation of public heritage
- S Ellwood
Ellwood, S. (2018), "Accounting for what we treasure: economic valuation of public heritage", in
Labrador, A.M. and Silberman, N.A. (Eds), The Oxford Handbook of Public Heritage Theory and
Practice, doi: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190676315.013.21.
Indigenous philosophies, counter epistemologies and anti-colonial education
- G Dei
Dei, G. (2016), "Indigenous philosophies, counter epistemologies and anti-colonial education", in
Lehman, W. (Ed.), Reader in Sociology of Education, Oxford University Press, London,
pp. 190-206.
Definition: heritage [online] English heritage
- English Heritage
English Heritage (2013d), "Definition: heritage [online] English heritage, UK", available at: http://www.
english-heritage.org.uk/professional/advice/hpg/hpr-definitions/h/536272/.
Definition: cultural heritage [online] English heritage
- English Heritage
English Heritage (2013e), "Definition: cultural heritage [online] English heritage, UK", available at:
http://www.english-heritage.org.uk/professional/advice/hpg/hprdefinitions/c/534826/.
States and people of the Niger-Benue confluence area
- A Obayemi
Obayemi, A. (1980), "States and people of the Niger-Benue confluence area", in lkimi (Ed.),
Groundwork of Nigerian History, Longman, London, pp. 144-164.
Heritage management, theory and practice
- J Schofield
Schofield, J. (2008), "Heritage management, theory and practice", in Fairclough, G., Harrison, R.,
Jameson Jnr., J. and Schofield, J. (Eds), The Heritage Reader, Routledge, London, pp. 15-30.
Male Daughters, Female Husbands, Zed Books
- I Amadiume
Amadiume, I. (1987), Male Daughters, Female Husbands, Zed Books, New Jersey.
Indigenous knowledge, cultural values and sustainable development in Africa
- A Apusigah
Apusigah, A. (2011), "Indigenous knowledge, cultural values and sustainable development in Africa",
A Paper Presented at the 2nd Annual Ibadan Sustainable Development Summit, Nigeria, August
2011, pp. 1-17.
From objects to processes: UNESCO's intangible cultural heritage
- C Bortolotto
Bortolotto, C. (2007), "From objects to processes: UNESCO's intangible cultural heritage", Journal of
Museum Ethnography, Vol. 19, pp. 21-33, available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40793837.
Nigeria and Mali: the case for repatriation and protection of cultural heritage in post-colonial Africa
- E A Klesmith
Klesmith, E.A. (2014), "Nigeria and Mali: the case for repatriation and protection of cultural heritage in
post-colonial Africa", Notre Dame Journal of International and Comparative Law, Vol. 4 No. 1:1,
pp. 45-76, available at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndjicl/vol4/iss1/1.
The process of empowerment
- S Longwe
Longwe, S. (1997), "The process of empowerment", in AMwA (Ed.), Compilation of Background
Working Papers and Lectures Prepared for the 1st African Women Leadership Institute,
Entebbe, Uganda, Feb 22 -March 14, 1997, pp. 2-19.
Monumental challenges: the lawfulness of destroying cultural heritage during peacetime
- K Wangkeo
Wangkeo, K. (2003), "Monumental challenges: the lawfulness of destroying cultural heritage during
peacetime", Yale Journal of International Law, Vol. 28 No. 1, available at: http://digitalcommons.
law.yale.edu/yjil/vol28