Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of Indonesia in the North Natuna Sea to China's Claims

Abstract

This article discusses Indonesia’s orientation in the North Natuna Sea in the constructivism. The article aims to look at the change of Indonesia's orientation towards the positioning of North Natuna waters following China’s claims as the part of its territories. Indonesia’s orientation used to be for economic development activities. However, Indonesia then swifted such orientation to defense and security. The article applied the constructivist theory of Alexander Went. The article applied the qualitative approach whose data collection was through literature study.

Full text

CONSTRUCTIVISM APPROACH: CHANGES IN ORIENTATION OF INDONESIA IN
THE NORTH NATUNA SEA TO CHINA'S CLAIMS
Cite as
Wahyudi, H. & Luerdi, L. (2021). Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of
Indonesia in the North Natuna Sea to China's Claims. Journal of Islamic World and Politics,
5(1), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v5i1.10575

Journal of Islamic World and Politics
Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2021 ISSN: 2614-0535, E-ISSN: 2655-1330
Constructivism Approach:
Changes in Orientation of Indonesia
in the North Natuna Sea to China’s Claims
Herry Wahyudi
Universitas Abdurrab, Riau, Indonesia
Email: Herry.wahyudi@univrab.ac.id
Luerdi
Universitas Abdurrab, Riau, Indonesia
Email: Luerdi@univrab.ac.id
Abstract
is article discusses the constructivism approach in describing Indonesia’s
changing orientation in the North Natuna Sea towards China’s claims. In
2013-2014 Natuna was discussed by the central government in Jakarta in
economic, cultural, and tourism aspects. In 2015, Natuna was ocially
reviewed by the Indonesian government from a security perspective.
is security perspective is in the context of sovereignty and national
security. is article aims to look at the change in Indonesia’s direction in
positioning the North Natuna Sea aer being claimed by China as part of
its territory. is article uses the constructivism theory of Alexander Went.
Constructivism is a structural theory of the international system which has
basic claims: the state is the most principled unit of analysis in international
political theory, the key structure in the state system is inter-subjective from
matter, and identities and interests are constructed of social structures,
formed naturally by themselves. is article shows that Indonesia as an
actor in constructivism is able to change its policy orientation through the
perception of the challenges faced in the North Natuna Sea. is article uses
a qualitative approach with the method of collecting data from a literature
stu dy.
Keywords: Indonesia, constructivism, change of orientation, threat, China,
North Natuna Sea

2Journal of Islamic World and Politics
Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2021
INTRODUCTION
At present the maritime
conditions of a country can reect
its geopolitical thinking policy.
e concept of maritime strategy
adopted by several countries in
the world is certainly based on
maritime power. The maritime
power itself is understood as not
only reflecting the power at sea
represented by a country’s navy
but also in a broad understanding
as reecting the extent to which
Abstrak
Artikel ini membahas pendekatan konstruktivisme dalam mendeskripsikan
perubahan orientasi Indonesia di Laut Natuna Utara terhadap klaim
Tiongkok. Tahun 2013-2014 Natuna didiskusikan oleh pemerintah pusat
di Jakarta hanya dalam aspek ekonomi, budaya, dan pariwisata. Pada tahun
2015, Natuna resmi dikaji oleh pemerintah Indonesia dalam perspektif
keamanan. Perspektif keamanan ini dikaitkan dengan konteks kedaulatan
dan keamanan nasional. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat perubahan
orientasi Indonesia dalam memposisikan perairan Natuna Utara setelah
diklaim oleh Tiongkok sebagai bagian dari kawasannya Orientasi Indonesia
dalam melihat perairan Natuna Utara mulai berubah yang sebelumnya
lebih pada orientasi pengembangan aktivitas ekonomi beralih ke orientasi
pertahanan-keamanan di tengah hubungan ekonomi Indonesia dan
Tiongkok. Artikel ini menggunakan teori konstruktivisme dari Alexander
Went. Konstruktivisme merupakan teori struktural dari sistem internasional
yang memiliki klaim dasar: negara merupakan unit analisis yang paling
prinsip dalam teori politik internasional, kunci struktur di dalam sistem
negara bersifat inter-subjektif dari pada bersifat material, dan identitas dan
kepentingan negara terkonstruksi oleh struktur sosial, ketimbang terbentuk
sendiri secara alamiah. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia sebagai
aktor dalam konstruktivisme mampu mengubah orientasi kebijakannya
melalui persepsi ancaman yang dihadapi di Laut Natuna Utara. Artikel ini
menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode pengumpulan data
studi kepustakaan.
Kata Kunci: Indonesia, konstruktivisme, perubahan orientasi, ancaman,
Tiongkok, Laut Natuna Utara

Herry Wahyudi, Luerdi
Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of Indonesia ... 3
a country is optimally using its
maritime (Sakhuja, 2011).
China is a country that has
a highly developed geopolitical
thinking strategy in Asia. After
running the Greater Mekong
Subregion (GMS) strategy in 1992,
China once again made a grand
strategy on maritime aairs in line
with its current domestic economic
and military development. On
October 3, 2013, the Chinese
President Xi Jinping officially
announced the concept of the 21st
Century Maritime Silk Road before
the Indonesian parliament. The
core of policy was the development
of marine infrastructure from
the mainland China to the main
ports in the South Asia, Southeast
Asia, Middle East and Europe by
combining land and sea routes
referred to the term of OBOR (One
Belt One Road) (Suropati, Sulaiman,
& Montratama, 2016). is certainly
became a hope and a challenge for
Indonesia; a hope to establish better
and more sustainable cooperation
with China and a challenge of China’s
economic and military development
accompanied by its aggressiveness
in the ASEAN region, especially in
the South China Sea conict.
Of the several cases that can be
seen related to the North Natuna
Sea, Indonesia prefered hedging
strategies in dealing with China by
maintaining good relations while
maintaining sovereignty (Syauqi
& Abrar, 2018). is strategy was
chosen to maintain economic
relations between the two countries.
e construction of China’s threat
in the North Natuna Sea remained
a threat to Indonesia’s sovereignty
rather than that to economic
relations between the two countries.
Indonesia also took another strategy
to rename of the South China Sea
associated with the Indonesian
Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)
into the North Natuna Sea in 2017,
but it was not eective in changing
the construction of China’s threat to
Indonesia (Syauqi & Abrar, 2018).
Hedging according to Evelyn
Goh is a series of strategies aimed
at avoiding situations or as a backup
in situations where a country cannot
choose strategies such as balancing,
bandwagoning or neutrality. Goh
sees that hedging strategies consist
of indirect or soft balancing as
well as engagement at political,
economic and strategic levels and
involve major powers in the region
to maintain regional stability
(Syauqi & Abrar, 2018). Indonesia
would nd it dicult to implement
a balancing strategy since it still
needed the Chinese investment. On
the other hand, the bandwagoning

4Journal of Islamic World and Politics
Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2021
strategy was very unfavorable as it
would cause dependency on other
major power countries.
In addition to hedging, Indo-
nesia took advantage of diplomatic
efforts to resolve incidents in
the Natuna waters with China.
UNCLOS could be the success of
Indonesia’s diplomacy in expanding
its territorial waters and making it
an archipelagic nation. Indonesia
could use its diplomacy again
by carrying out the UNCLOS
principles. Starting with the Djuanda
Declaration on December 13, 1957
and ending at UNCLOS 1982,
Indonesia succeeded in expanding
its territorial waters 3-6 million
km2 without military expedition
activities, as revealed by Arif Havas
Oegroseno (2017) (Mcrae, 2019).
e problem of using such strategy is
that China seems to be inconsistent
with UNCLOS. In addition, due to
the fact that all ASEAN countries
also ratied UNCLOS as well as
China which ratied it in 1996, the
strategy would become a strategy of
mutual claims between China and
countries in the ASEAN region.
e South China Sea is a “hole in
the doughnut” which is ready to
be exploited by countries that have
succeeded in capturing these waters.
e implication is that Indonesia’s
diplomacy toward China will be
“charm-oensive” (Mcrae, 2019).
Indonesia’s military infra-
structure development eorts also
began in 2012. Aer the Chinese
coastguard incident which crashed
into an Indonesian shing patrol
boat in October 2013, Indonesia
began to pay attention to the military
aspect of Natuna waters. October
2016 and May 2017 were the climax,
when the Indonesian President Joko
Widodo was immediately present to
see military training in the Natuna
waters by riding KRI Imam Bonjol.
President Joko Widodo also brought
several related Ministers to the
meeting on the warship. Since then,
it is believed that the Natuna is a
priority of the Indonesian Defense
Planning 2024.
e last strategy that could be
applied by Indonesia was to use the
economy. President Joko Widodo
instructed the Ministry of Fisheries
to build a shery center in Natuna
waters. In addition, bringing 400
fishing boats (fishermans) from
Java to Natuna was also an eort to
strengthen Indonesia’s presence in
Natuna waters (JMOL, 2019).
Theoretical framework and re-
search method
Alexander Wendt’s simple
opinion about constructivism is
that international politics consists

Herry Wahyudi, Luerdi
Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of Indonesia ... 5
of intellectual endeavors in building
an international system as a “social
construction” which contrasts
sharply with positivist traditions
and materialist conceptions as
echoed by the groups of realism
and liberalism. The similarity
between realism, liberalism and
constructivism is that they both
raise anarchist traditions (culture of
anarchy), but for constructivism the
anarchist tradition is constructed by
the state itself which is a contestation
of ontology and epistemology
positivism. The constructivism
socially challenges the structure of
human life as the main tradition
of material phenomena and
rationally debates the function of
humans not only as regulators of
behavior (behavior-regulating) but
constructed identity and interests.
Constructivism is a structural
theory of the international system
that has basic claims: (1) the state is
the most principle unit of analysis
in international political theory, (2)
key structures in the state system
are inter-subjective rather than
material, (3) and identity and state
interests are constructed by social
structures, rather than naturally
formed themselves (Behravesh,
2011).
“Identity” is a concept that is
very calculated in the perspective
of constructivism and is a crucial
part in the interpersonal and
international interactions. Wendt
subjectively states that an actor’s
intentions shape motivation and
attitudes that are rooted in self-
understanding. The identity
mentioned by Wendt is not only as
a unit but also as an understanding
and that understanding is also
understood and represented by other
parties. So there are internal and
external aspects of subjectivity in
understanding Wendt’s constructi-
vism.
Indonesia as a country in the
perspective of constructivism is the
most principle unit of analysis in
international political theory, the
identity and interests of the state
are existent thanks to the social
construction rather than naturally
formed. Indonesia issued a number
of regulations in the form of laws
such as the Law No. 43 of 2008
concerning State Territories and
Law No. 17 of 1985 concerning
ratication of UNCLOS 1982. In
addition, Indonesia established
a national border management
body chaired by the Minister of
the Interior in accordance with the
Presidential Regulation No. 44 of
2017 (Purba. Sampe L, 2020).

6Journal of Islamic World and Politics
Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2021
RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Natuna’s position for Indonesia
In 2013-2014 Natuna was
discussed by the central government
in Jakarta only in economic, cultural
and tourism aspects (Meyer, Nur-
mandi, & Agustiyara, 2019). e
relations between Indonesia and
China were considered to be
still warm that year and the two
countries agreed that the problem
in Natuna waters was only the
illegal shing problem. However,
the orientation of Natuna’s position
for merely economic, cultural and
tourism aspects changed after
China redened the nine dash line
in March 2014.
In 2015, Natuna was ocially
reviewed by the Indonesian govern-
ment in a security perspective. e
security perspective was related
to the context of Indonesia’s
sovereignty and security. President
Joko Widodo in 2015 instructed
the Head of the National Planning
Agency (BAPENAS), Andrinof
Chaniago to study the Natuna to
be a stronghold of the Indonesian
military fortress or in other words
make the Natuna the Pearl Harbor
of Indonesia (Meyer et al., 2019).
In 2016, the Natuna was
fully reviewed by the Indonesian
government as a security issue, this
can be seen from several indications
such as budget allocation for military
installations in the region, eorts to
increase 5,000-12,000 personnel to
serve in the region and protest notes
delivered to China. Furthermore,
prioritizing incidents in the Natuna
waters became a matter of national
security (Meyer et al., 2019).
China first released the
nine dash line claim in 1993 and
since then the escalation of the
territorial boundary violation was
in the ambivalence curve situation,
including with Indonesia. China
has always been playing a double
standard towards Indonesia in the
case of the Natuna waters incident
since 2016. China seemed to be
careful in responding to Indonesia
regarding the incidents. China’s
perception towards Indonesia
is divided into two. First, it still
considers that the incidents in the
Natuna waters still exist. Secondly,
the strategic relations between
the two countries continue to run
well. e Chinese perspective can
be analyzed through the theory
of images from Hermann and
Fischerkeller (1995) which states
that the structure of relations
between countries is inuenced by
the image of each built between the
two countries (Kartikasari, 2019).
ere are 5 types of images built
by one country against another:

Herry Wahyudi, Luerdi
Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of Indonesia ... 7
first, enemy image considering
another country as a threat. Second,
degenerate image considering the
possibility of a country can be
exploited. ird, the colony image
considering another country weak
and inferior and incomparable to
it. Fourth, ally image considering
another country balanced and equal
so that it can be made an ally. Fih,
imprealist image considering itself
stronger and could threaten other
countries.
China placed Indonesia in the
category of an ally image regarding
the Natuna waters incidents. is
was because Indonesia was able
to cooperate with the ongoing
economic ties and Indonesia
was considered to have the same
capabilities and culture as China
(Kartikasari, 2019).
Troops and Equipment Develop-
ment
In securing the North Natuna
Sea, the TNI deployed 600 personnel
by involving 5 warships (KRI)
and a Boeing aircra. According
to the Commander of the Joint
Regional Defense Command I
(Pangkogabwilhan I) Vice Admiral
(Laksdya) TNI Yudo Morgono the
entire personnel and the Armed
Forces would be prepared for 18
combat alert operations. Initially
only 5 warships were prepared by
the Navy, seeing the increasing
intensity of the activities of Chinese
fishing vessels and Coastguards
in the region, the TNI again
increased its security as a result of
the construction of threats seen by
the TNI. ere were 2 warships with
Frigate types and 2 tanker types
which were also alerted by the Navy
to respond to the threat (Kompas,
2020).
In addition to preparing combat
standby operations, the government
through the Coordinating Ministry
of Political, Legal and Security Aairs
and the Ministry of Fisheries and
Maritime Aairs in coordination
with BAKAMLA (Indonesia’s
Maritime Security Agency) also
took a role in securing the North
Natuna Sea. According to the
Head of BAKAMLA Vice Admiral
Achmad Taufiqoerrachman, the
additional strength of BAKAMLA
was natural in nature if there was
a threat to maintain sovereignty
in accordance with ongoing
conditions, namely using the white
“hull strategy” rather than “the
gray hull strategy”(CNNIndonesia,
2020).
e term “Hull” in the shipping
world means the body of boat.
“White hull” means the hull of a ship
with white color which is identical

8Journal of Islamic World and Politics
Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2021
to “coast guard” or territorial guard
who does not have military power
to ght, is the same as sea police,
while “Gray Hull” means a ship
with hull or gray body of the ship
the ashes identied with a naval
military ship of a country that has
the power of war for large scale. All
of these terms are in accordance
with Harold Kearsley’s theory in his
book “Maritime Power and the 20th
Century” (Haje, 2020).
From the BAKAMLA slap,
it could be concluded that the
construction of threats perceived
by the TNI was different from
BAKAMLA. BAKAMLA was more
about negotiation and diplomacy
in the process of maintaining
sovereignty in the North Natuna
Sea, while the TNI was more on the
use of hard power, thus BAKAMLA
remained in the established line in
handling cases in the North Natuna
Sea. is was in line with foreign
policy outcomes in the North Natuna
Sea and eorts to deal with Chinese
ambitions in these waters using the
concept of humble-hard power.
is concept is introduced by Adam
Nieves-Johnson in his book entitled
“A Bilateral Analysis of the South
China Sean Dispute: China, the
Philippines, and the Scarborough
Shoal” meaning that humble-hard
power is a new form of hard power
without military intimidation
(Robertua & Sinaga, 2018).
Indonesia would not show
a military threat but peaceful
diplomatic activities while still
using power without showing
indications of great contradiction
in the international world. Such
form of response means that
bilateral relations between the
two countries that are currently
implementing several mega projects
are not disturbed, one of which is
the rapid train project in several
cities in Indonesia. With a focus
on investment in the form of mega
projects carried out by China in
Indonesia, the two countries do not
appear to involve problems in the
North Natuna Sea because of the
economic interests. However, with
the presence of the humble-hard
power concept Indonesia can still
maintain its sovereignty without
disrupting Chinese investment in
Indonesia.
Building Defense Infrastructure
In term of defense infras-
tructure, Indonesia is experiencing
the increased defense infrastructure
construction. Indonesia used
to have a defense infrastructure
orientation towards the land
(continental oriented) and then
it has been paying more attention

Herry Wahyudi, Luerdi
Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of Indonesia ... 9
to the maritime-oriented defense
infrastructure. is is in line with
Joko Widodo’s foreign policy which
is to make Indonesia a World
Maritime Fulcrum as a national
goal and be dened in accordance
with Indonesia’s maritime policy to
become a maritime country which is
sovereign, advanced, independent,
strong and able to contribute
positively to world security and
peace. The World Maritime
Fulcrum is aimed at not only
making Indonesia an archipelagic
state (being a maritime) but also
making Indonesia a country that
has maritime power (Seapower)
(Suropati, Montratama, & Sulaiman,
2018). So that in the Indonesian
conict with China in the North
Natuna Sea, Indonesia built a
medium-term strategic plan on the
Natuna Island called an Integrated
TNI Unit on Natuna Island (Eksa,
2018). e unit will involve inter-
generational TNI officers from
TNI Headquarters and Force
Headquarters, whose main purpose
is to provide deterrence eects on
issues in the North Natuna Sea.
And Hadi Tjajanto also said that
the project will continue on other
strategic islands in Indonesia, in
accordance with the stages of the
development of the next strategic
plan (Eksa, 2018).
The integrated TNI Unit
consists of all Army, Navy, Air Force
TNI Units as shown in the following
table.1;
Table.1 e Integrated TNI
Unit on the Natuna Island
No Army Navy Air Force Supporting
Facilities
1 Composite
Battalion (Kompi
Zeni Tempur)
Marine
Composite
Company
Integrative
Hangar
TNI Health
Hospital
2 Air Defense
Artillery Unit
Navy Port Hangar unmanned
aerial vehicle (UAV)
squadron
3 Baterai Field
artillery
Source: Processed by researchers from various sources

10 Journal of Islamic World and Politics
Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2021
e TNI Commander also add-
ed that the Natuna Integrated TNI
Unit would continue to develop, the
plan would be rened with an op-
erational control system based on
network centric warfare capabilities
(Eksa, 2018). e initial process of
this unit was the formation of units,
personnel, and unit materials that
would be carried out by each TNI
unit’s chief of sta. e TNI Inte-
grated Unit will later become a per-
manent and integrated organization
in one command, so that at any time
it is ready to be deployed to carry
out military operations.
Boarding Patrols
Efforts to secure the North
Natuna Sea are not only at the
level of the Indonesian coastguard
(Bakamla) or the TNI. e agree-
ments among 13 Indonesian
ministries or institutions, including
fishing groups and Pertamina
organizations also contribute to such
eort. is was puposively made
as the foundation of institutional
work related to the synergy and
optimization, supervision, security
and utilization of fish resources
in the region. e construction of
threats from China has become
a threat whose scale is not only
to the level of the state but also to
that of community as the smallest
part of the state element. Bakamla
in this matter will be tasked with
escorting Indonesian shing vessels
that conduct shing activities in
the region (Okezone, 2020). e
presence of Indonesian shermen
in the region will strengthen the
principle that region is “dejure”
and “traditionally” owned by
Indonesia, even though China
uses the traditional propositions
and the traditional journey of
their shermen in conducting sh-
handling activities in the region.
Indonesia through BAKAMLA
also conducted an analysis of
the strategy to be applied in the
northernmost western waters.
Seeing from the development of
the security situation, BAKAMLA
applies the concept of the Indonesian
Maritime Strategy which rests on 3
main pillars namely (Yoga, 2020):
1. Sustainable Presence at Sea
2. Sustainable Exploration of the
Sea
3. Sustainable Trust Build by Sea
e strategy presented indicates
that Indonesia continues to prioritize
a so approach in dealing with the
threat of China in the North Natuna
Sea. Indonesia does not want a tit-
for-tat with China. e construction
of threats in the North Natuna Sea
is fabricated directly by Indonesia
as a sovereignty issue that is faced

Herry Wahyudi, Luerdi
Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of Indonesia ... 11
by a country in general without
disrupting other strategic relations
with China.
is strategy was conveyed by
the Head of BAKAMLA Laksdya
TNI Aan Kurnia in a coordination
meeting with 13 ministries or
institutions led by Minister of
Political Law and Security Aairs
Mahfud MD (Ridwan, 2020).
“So far we have not been there,
so we have increased the volume of
attendance in Indonesian waters,
both in territorial waters and in
sovereign rights waters, EEZ to the
high seas. at we guard with patrol
activities and economic activities in
the future. Because aer “later there
will be more normal shing activities
carried out there,” (Ridwan, 2020).
On the other hand, in the
case of border patrols in the
North Natuna Sea, Indonesia once
received an oer from the United
States to establish cooperation in
sea patrols in the North Natuna Sea.
is oer came from United States
Secretary of Defense James Mattis in
2018 during a visit to Jakarta. e
patrol in the North Natuna Sea is
one of the points discussed in the
framework of cooperation between
the two countries. Mattis himself
dubbed the situation of the South
China Sea and Chinese activities in
the region as “mad dogs” because
of disputes that involved too many
actors (Asmardika, 2018). Mattis
also appreciated that Indonesia
renamed the part of the South
China Sea covering the territory
of the Republic of Indonesia to the
North Natuna Sea.
Conclusion
e identity as an archipelagic
country is both an advantage and
a disadvantage for Indonesia in
several aspects. In the economic
aspect, it will certainly result in
the achievement and fulllment of
very high national interests, but in
term of security it is also the riskiest
aspect of threats from other parties,
espeacilly from state actors either
collectively or individually.
e North Natuna Sea is one of
the waters that Indonesia is currently
giving special attention. is is due
to the impact of the threat posed
by China’s aggressiveness in these
waters. e construction of the threat
posed by China has made Indonesia
change the orientation of the
management of these waters from
the previously economic-oriented
aspec to the security-orientated one.
Several security border policies have
been imposed in these waters such
as developing troops and defense
equipment, building military
infrastructure and strengthening
security patrol collaboration.

12 Journal of Islamic World and Politics
Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2021
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