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Notes for this section begin on page 182.
CHAPTER 8
Historical Maps as Narratives
Anchoring the Nation in History Textbooks
Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
In this chapter we analyse the relations between historical maps included
in textbooks and the narrative constructions of the past. The historical
map is a contemporary pedagogical device that depicts the conguration of
territory through human action, but, most importantly, it explains historical
phenomena led by connections of causality and historical context.1 In this
sense, these types of map provide comprehensive historical accounts of key
historical issues for particular social contexts. This suggests that the historical
map represents national territory while at the same time recreating national
master narrative. This is a little-studied topic in history education, which
requires understanding of master narratives’ structure and functioning. Thus,
we present a case analysis of the subject based on Carretero’s theoretical
model of national master narratives in history education.2
Ultimately, we also aim to contribute to enhancing the knowledge of
historical space as a key concept of history education. The spatial dimension
is essential for historical thinking, and a cornerstone in people’s explanation
of history. Fixed spatial notions of where the events take place underpin the
construction of historiographical knowledge and national historical narratives,
as well as the personal storytelling of the past.3 Training students and citizens
to better understand historical maps may help them to develop a deeper
and more nuanced understanding of history. Our contribution is based on
research advances into the psychology of history education, but we rmly
Historical Maps as Narratives 165
defend the need for interdisciplinary collaboration to fully understand how
people make sense of their surroundings by using representations of the past.4
Historical Narratives and How Societies Account for
TheirPasts
The interest in narrative as an object and method of research is fairly recent.5
Yet, narrative inquiry has become highly inuential and is now a major
point of reference for researchers in many disciplines.6 Originally, the use
and study of narratives was limited to the humanities and history, as an
intellectual account of ction and as an academic explanation of human
historical development respectively.7 However, late in the twentieth century,
the situation changed, and social sciences in general turned the attention
towards narrative as a meaningful way to understand human development,
human construction of knowledge and the mental processing of experience.8
Today, narrative is recognized as one of the most eective mechanisms that
societies use to account for their past, present and environment.9
Several scholars across disciplines agree that narrative ‘permits a holistic
approach . . . that preserves context and particularity . . . yields information
that may not be available by other methods . . . and provides access to sub-
jective experience, providing insights into conceptions of self and identity,
memory, language and thought, socialization and culture’.10 In this sense,
narrative research has enabled examination of social organization and cultural
worldviews in general, as well as personal and social identity construction.11
Temporality has been a central dimension in narrative studies. These have
drawn special attention to the temporal relations in narrative construction,
and have recently incorporated more dynamic approaches to time in narra-
tive to provide broader understanding of social structures, interaction and
self-identity construction.12 Surprisingly, studies on the relation between
temporal and spatial dimensions,13 and the role of space in narrative in
general, are scant, though it is relevant in social understanding and personal
development.14
Psychological research has made signicant contributions to narrative
theory and methodology.15 Psychologists in general acknowledge that
narrative is a key instrument to understand personal and social cognitive
development. It is dened as the primary human interface with reality, and
is the most eective way for people to mediate their experiences with the
environment.16 Narrative allows people to successfully appropriate and make
sense of social structures, and serves as a frame for self-understanding in the
social world.17 Ultimately, by using narratives, individuals experience a sense
of agency in representing themselves and their surroundings.18
166 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
Correspondingly, sociocultural psychology studies have shown that nar-
rative, as a cultural tool,19 provides people with a global explanation of their
social world by integrating their history, identity and culture. In this sense, a
cultural master narrative condenses the vital events signicant for a particular
group, occurring in meaningful historical locations and driven by relevant
historical characters.20 In turn, it has also been found that the historical
master narrative excels among dierent sociocultural accounts in enabling
not only understanding but mutual recognition and belonging among people
sharing a given territory.21 National historical narratives are very successful in
instilling the sense of national identity among people,22 attached to idealized
notions of national past and land where the so-called founding fathers and
they grew up, sharing customs and traditions.
Likewise, social and political psychology research has pointed out that
national master narratives are driven by a notion of identity grounded in
essentialism and exceptionalism. This rests on a sense of common past and
ethnicity that is unique and has supposedly lasted until current times.23
In-group cohesion is also built upon shared value systems and a sense of
otherness.24 Representation of group identity is parallel to the construction
of otherness, since this allows ‘the peer group to gain its own identity ex
negative’.25 In historical narratives, the other tends to be positioned either
as a colonialist invader, or an alien force inside the country.26 National
historical narrative is then elaborated under an ‘us versus them’ dichotomy.27
It provides an identity account that determines who is within the limits of
the collective and who forms part of the out-group.28 Thus, this master
narrative, functioning as a country’s ‘ocial history’, delineates the identity
frontiers of the nation. In this venue, this ocial history is not neutral. It
meets the interests of a given group who dene these frontiers and take their
historical authenticity for granted.29
More recently, discursive psychology has cast light on the scope and
functions of narratives for interaction within social space.30 Recent studies
have found two more narratives mechanisms concerning sociopolitical
interaction and spatial issues: on the one hand, master narratives shape social
spaces through the practices permitted in them– that is, they condition
individuals’ agency by stating what is allowed in common territory.31
For instance, a patriotic master narrative would prioritize civic rights and
freedom of movement for those born on national soil, but not for those
who came from other territories.32 On the other hand, these narratives
also determine what practices maintain the idea of national territory.
These practices include mandatory schooling, informal education in public
spaces such as museums and historical sites, emphasis on regional customs
and traditions, and reproduction of historical commemorations.33 All of
the above combine to form the idea of an everlasting national territory,
Historical Maps as Narratives 167
preserved by the practices of those who supposedly have inhabited it
forever.
Finally, we think that the case of the so-called ‘Spanish Reconquest’ of
the territory from Muslims in the fteenth century clearly exemplies the
above characteristics of historical master narratives, and sheds light on the
importance of the representation of territory to historical understanding and
identity construction. Previous studies have shown that there is a widespread
social assumption that the territory in dispute during that historic period
previously belonged to Spain,34 even though historiography refutes that
assumption. That territory could not be claimed as Spanish because Spain
did not even exist when the Muslims arrived in what is currently part of
the Spanish territory: Spain only became a nation-state in the nineteenth
century.35
However, Spanish history curricula have been keen on stressing the
opposite. Elsewhere our studies have shown that there are heavy identity
and emotional factors inuencing students’ historical narratives about the
‘Reconquest’.36 Spanish students of dierent ages explain this issue in the
third person plural– we reconquered our territory– in opposition to the others–
them, the Muslims– and emphasizing the continuity of their assumed Spanish
identity and Spanish territory from that time to the present day. Even
further, in recent years the historical re-enactment of the ‘Reconquest’ has
gained popularity in Spain, serving as a mechanism to strengthen national
but also regional identity, and even providing fodder for the jingoism of
conservative parties claiming to defend Spanish borders from undocumented
immigrants.37
This example, and the above-mentioned advances in narrative research,
show the important role of space in narrative analysis, and more specically,
of people’s ideas of territory in understanding historical developments. As
this line of research is still little explored, the present chapter is an eort to
cast light on the subject.
Analysing Historical Narratives
By what mechanisms do historical narratives condition people’s perceptions
of the past and their environment? Historical narratives are present in a wide
variety of sociocultural artefacts and institutions, such as history textbooks,
museums, public commemorations and social media content. These have a
strong inuence on the historical framework that individuals use to navigate
their everyday lives.38 In order to understand these phenomena, we may pay
attention to the interconnection between production and consumption of
historical narratives.39 The production process is related to how a society,
168 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
state or group creates cultural products such as textbooks, lms, traditions
and mainstream media content, among other things. The consumption
process takes place when people use those cultural products to interact with
other people and make sense of social life.
Previously, Carretero and colleagues40 have elaborated a theoretical
model for historical narratives that helps to explain the interconnected nature
of these processes by focusing on historical narratives’ structure and function-
ing, and the ways these accounts impact students’ historical understanding.
This model is akin to the proposal of Penuel and Wertsch (1995) about the
existence of a schematic narrative template common to numerous founda-
tional narratives, and exemplied by the United States’ foundational histori-
cal narrative, or the cases of Russia, Estonia and Georgia.41 This theoretical
model also has anities with the aesthetic dramaturgical model delineated
by Fulda, in which the narration of history is underpinned by xed plots and
characters’ intentions. Therefore, the examination of historical narratives
requires a closer look at the ‘emplotment’ and the multiple layers embedded
in them.42 The model we present aims to deepen the analysis of these mutual
concerns, endowing a set of features key to the denition, operation and
eectiveness of historical narratives. These features consider both patterns of
sociocultural production and the reception of historical narratives, similar to
what Fulda refers to as the approach to history based on cognitive macro-
schema and sub-schemata.43
According to Carretero and colleagues’ ndings in extensive research
conducted in Spanish-speaking countries,44 historical narratives are structured
on the basis of six core features: (a) a unifying main historical subject; (b) a
monocausal and teleological historical plot; (c) an essentialist notion of the
nation; (d) a heroic status of historical characters; (e) collective identication
processes; and (f) a narrative moral anchoring. During the data processing of
this study, we found that four of these six core features, (a) (b) (c) and (d),
were suitable to analyse the history textbooks’ historical maps. Thus, below
we delve into the characteristics of these four features.
(a) A Unifying Main Historical Subject
In historical narratives, the nation is typically established as the main historical
subject, pre-existent to and ubiquitous throughout history. It is contradicto-
rily ahistorical, not seen as determined by any context or changes across time
but rather by an omnipresent character, immune to historical transformation;
for instance, in the above-mentioned example of the Reconquest, Spain is
supposed to have always existed. Thus, the nation as a historical subject is
essentialist, imagined as if its territorial boundaries have existed from the
dawn of time until the present. The historical subject is also homogeneous.
The nation means the ‘people’, the dierent social groups, ethnicities and
Historical Maps as Narratives 169
minorities integrated as one single body. We have found these characteristics
in previous studies. Historical narratives from students of dierent ages in
Spain, Argentina and Chile mainly show that the nation takes centre stage
as the main historical subject. Its existence is taken for granted and is repre-
sented as a homogeneous body integrating ‘all’ its inhabitants– for example,
Argentina as all the Argentineans– instead of considering a diverse range of
social and political groups shaping the country’s identity.45
(b) A Monocausal and Teleological Historical Plot
Historical narratives are usually articulated by schematic narrative templates,46
such as the search for freedom or defence of territory.47 These types of plots
are mostly straightforward and guided by monocausal explanations, opposite
to multicausality as in the case of historiography. A teleological notion of
history underlies monocausal plots. The existence of a natural territory eter-
nally belonging to the nation is a pre-established outcome of the historical
process, instead of considering the conguration of national territories as the
result of complex political, social and historical processes. Needless to say,
this historical territory is precisely the same as the present national territory.
For example, we have found in our studies that when Spanish students were
asked to make historical sketches of how the Iberian Peninsula was centuries
back, they tend to draw the current national territories of Spain and Portugal
as if these were the natural frontiers of two countries that simply did not exist
at that time.48
(c) An Essentialist Concept of the Nation
As explained in the rst feature, the concept of the nation in historical
narratives is conveyed as an entity that predates any historical process, even
those that led to its formation. Along with this feature is identity– a sense
of belonging that is equally eternal and essentialist. Our empirical studies
show that historical concepts (e.g. nation, revolution and independence)
are expressed within the framework of the general structures provided by
master narratives. Adolescents use a concept to construct a narrative and,
at the same time, that narrative expresses the concept itself. Therefore,
concepts play a double role in historical narratives. On one level of analysis,
they are tools for building narratives, giving them meaning and direction.
At the same time, the characteristics of the concepts are dened through the
narratives, which contextualize and particularize them.49 In other words,
from a disciplinary point of view, historical concepts are abstract and open
entities, but when they are part of master narratives they become concrete
and essentialist.
170 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
(d) A Heroic Status of Historical Characters
Historical master narratives oer key events as well as role models for people
to identify with.50 Historical characters symbolically enable individuals to
recognize themselves in a collective imaginary, the national identity, and
to take up specic positions, and the set of values inherent to the actions
and stances of those historical characters.51 Characters are usually located in
the storyline in terms of their agency, and are positioned with the attendant
rights and values; some studies’ results show how historical narratives posi-
tion historical actors on the basis of their actions (i.e. making them those
of victims, heroes or aggressors), and attribute to them the entitlements
inherent to these positions.52 National heroes tend to appear in history text-
books and students’ narratives as individuals who had an a priori historical
project, rather than as human beings in the context of complex social and
political settings. Thus, historical gures such as Columbus and El Cid (circa
1048−1099) in Spain and José de San Martin (1778−1850) in Argentina are
presented in history textbooks and represented by students as heroes having
a far-reaching project, which really does not correspond with their actions.53
Historical Maps as Narratives: What Does the Map Say
PerSe?
Prior studies demonstrate that history education, as any other subject in
school, has implicit and explicit narratives to convey mainstream social and
educational goals.54 There is prescribed content presented to students in the
classrooms, but there are tacit moral and ideological narratives that underlie
this content and permeate youth learning. The textbook, as the main
ocial learning resource in history education, exemplies his. It successfully
disseminates mandatory school history as well as the national master narrative
and the implicit symbolism inherent to it that pertains to class, ethnicity and
culture, to mention a few.55 Supporting resources in history textbooks, such
as timelines and maps, help students to better understand historical content,
and pass on both explicit and implicit narratives. The role and value of these
supporting resources have not gone unnoticed among history education
scholars; there are interesting eorts analysing the advances of teaching
history by using chronological friezes and images.56 Yet, there is scant
research to date, particularly on the subject of historical space learning.57
Our studies on this58 suggest that historical maps play an important role
in the conguration and development of students’ historical understanding.
The historical map is a spatial representation of the past, made in the present
for educational purposes: it aims to provide a clear broad picture of history.59
Historical Maps as Narratives 171
Historical maps mainly indicate political ownership and distribution of ter-
ritories, but more importantly, these types of map give a sense of historical
events by interlacing notions of space, time, change and continuity, as well as
socio-economic and political factors relevant to fostering people’s historical
understanding.60 The historical map embodies the country, its characteristics,
history, identity and the prospects of the social groups inhabiting it. Even
though in some countries historical maps in schoolbooks are very similar to
atlases, historic maps or early world maps, there are important dierences:
atlas depictions focus on the nature and forms of territories, the general
geographic landscape and its conguration by human action, whereas the
historic map depicts events that reect the geographic landscape at some
specic time past, having signicance to the time and place they portray;
that is, while they served in their time, now they are historical sources by
themselves.61
In our view, historical maps constitute narratives per se. They establish
causality, elaborate specic themes, depict main historical characters and rep-
resent dierent historical temporalities to provide general historical explana-
tions. By analysing the historical maps, we seek to show how they unfold the
implicit historical master narrative within history textbooks. In this sense, as
our previous studies suggest, we can hypothesize that this type of historical
maps reproduce a historical narrative based on an essentialist notion of the
nation.62 In order to conrm this assumption, herein we present the case
study of the historical maps in Mexican history textbooks. We analyse the
narrative structure of historical maps, using the four characteristics of histori-
cal narratives presented above: (a) a unifying main historical subject; (b) a
monocausal and teleological historical plot; (c) an essentialist concept of the
nation; and (d) a heroic status of historical characters. This analysis allowed
identication of the historical maps’ types, characteristics and sequences that
delineate per se a particular historical narrative. Also, this analysis shed light
on the ways in which these maps transmit a master narrative of the nation
through their own components.
The empirical data we use derives from an ongoing research on history
textbooks and students’ historical representations in Latin America. Herein
we present the analysis of two Mexican history textbooks– the ones for
the fourth and fth grades– both designed and distributed in 201663 by the
Mexican Public Education Secretary. They cover the full mandatory history
course in Mexican primary school for students from 9 to 11 years old. Their
design follows the ocial guidelines stipulated by the Mexican government
regarding the historical content mandatory for all primary schools in the
country. It is worth noting that the Mexican government provides these
history textbooks free to primary school students and history teachers, and
that their use is compulsory in public schools.64 These textbooks also benet
172 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
from the great number of historical maps that have been incorporated, in
contrast to other textbooks we have analysed in previous comparative studies
between Mexico and Spain.65
(a) Representation of Historical Maps and the Main Historical Subject
Historical maps in history textbooks are the graphic expression of the his-
torical content presented throughout the manual. They depict the territory
at every stage of a country’s history. However, the historical evolution of
territory is usually taken for granted. As can be seen in Mexican history
textbooks, there is a recurrent mechanism by which perception of historical
territory remains static, as conditioned by the iterative emphasis of modern
national territory. This is the recurrent overlapping of the present-day map of
the country over the rest of the other époques’ historical maps. For instance,
as can be seen in Figure 8.1, three dierent historical maps accounting for
dierent historical moments– The three cultural areas of ‘Ancient Mexico’,
Areas of Mesoamerica and the Main Indigenous and African Rebellions
in the New Spain during the New Spain Viceroyalty, 1523−1761– are
elaborated under the current political and territorial distribution of Mexico.
Historical Maps as Narratives 173
Figures 8.1a–c Historical maps of Mexico sketched under contemporary
demarcation: (top right) The three cultural areas of ‘Ancient Mexico’, (bottom
right) Areas of Mesoamerica and (above) Main Indigenous and African Rebellions
in the New Spain.
Figure 8.1b Legends bottom left: West; Central highlands; Gulf of Mexico; Oaxaca;
MayaRegion; North
Legends top right: 1. Northern border of Mesoamerica at the time of its greatest progress,
2.Limit of Mesoamerica at the time of the Spanish Conquest, 3. Cultural areas of Mesoamerica
Figure 8.1c (the dates refer to rebellions): 1523, Pánuco rebellion; 1524, Chiapas rebellion;
1531, Yopes indian rebellion; 1531, Mexico City Rebellion; 1541, New Galicia rebellion;
1609,Yanga blacks rebellion; 1616, Tepehuanos Indian rebellion; 1660, Tehuantepec rebellion;
1696, Chihuahua and Sonora rebellions; 1709, New reign of Leon rebellion; 1761, Rebellion
ofthe Indian Canek
174 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
This overlapping makes possible two interesting discursive mechanisms:
the merging of past and present, and the continuity of an imagined historical
subject. First, as seen in Figure 8.1, the description and distribution of
millennia-old cultures’ territory, such as the Mexicas or Mayans, relies on the
external and internal boundaries of current Mexico. Similarly, description of
the main indigenous and African revolts during the viceroyalty of the New
Spain is elaborated under the demarcation of the current Mexican map.
These maps’ temporalities range from 35,000 bc, 2,500 bc, ad 900, and the
sixteenth century to seventeenth century. However, as all these maps are
grounded in the contemporary political division of Mexico, there is a sense
of merging all these territorial temporalities into one as if there was a lack of
distinction between past and present. It is worth noting that this overlapping
is not explicitly indicated in the caption of the maps. Therefore, the students
cannot distinguish how the historical map pretends to be a description of the
past using present boundaries for didactic purposes at the same time.
Secondly, on the other hand, the juxtaposition of the maps of the
so-called ‘Ancient Mexico’, Mesoamerica, New Spain and present-day
Mexico foster a sense of ubiquity to the historical subject. In all the historical
periods to which the historical maps refer, Mexico has not existed yet.
However, the demarcation of present-day territory in those maps gives
the sense of continuity of Mexico as a historical subject throughout all its
history– ancient, colonial and contemporary. Mexico is embodied in the
modern nation’s frontiers, despite the fact that cultural boundaries have
changed from 3,500 bc to the seventeenth century, along with demographic
changes and dynamic ux of arrival and erosion of dierent civilizations. In
sum, the Mexican nation appears as a constant historical subject, omnipresent,
and the national territory is taken for granted as it is presented as a continuous
space that, despite the interventions and transformations, it has historically
remained in its essence.
(b) Military Control of the Territory as the Main Historical Plot of Historical Maps
As can be seen in Table 8.1, there are twenty-three historical maps altogether
in the two history textbooks, covering the full history course for primary
school in Mexico, from the settlements of the Americas to the beginning
of the twenty-rst century. It calls attention to the fact that the historical
maps most commonly used are military and political, as shown in eight and
seven respectively. Accordingly, the great majority of historical maps follow
a specic narrative sequence of struggle for, colonization of, and control of
the territory. They underscore the main historical events concerning the
conquest and invasion of the ‘Mexican territory’ by foreign powers (either
the Hispanic monarchy, the United States of America, or France), as well
as the liberation battles from those external forces, and the internal struggles
Table 8.1 Historical maps distribution by frequency, topic and temporality.
Module Historical
Maps per
Module
Title Topic Temporality
(Century)
1. Settlement of the
Americas and the
Dawn of Agriculture
2
The Three Cultural Areas of Ancient Mexico Culture 6000 bc – I
Routes of Settlement of the Americas Geography 6000 bc – I
2. Mesoamerica 2 The Areas of Mesoamerica Geography 2500 bc –
XV
Main Mayan Ceremonial Sites Culture
3. The Encounter between
America and Europe 5
The Four Voyages of Christopher Columbus to America Trade XVI
Spanish Expeditions Military XVI
Trade Routes from Asia to Europe and Main Trade Products Trade XVI
Hernan Cortes’ Routes to Tenochtitlan Capital City Military XVI
Spanish Expansionism and Foundation of Cities (1519–1578) Military XVI
4. The Viceroyalty of
NewSpain 4
New Spain’s Territorial Division by Realms during the XVII
Century
Politics XVII
New Spain’s Territorial Expansion between XVI and XIX
Centuries
Politics XVI–XIX
Economic Regions, Main Commercial Ports and Merchandise
Traded at
the End of XVIII Century
Trade XVIII
Main Indigenous and African Rebellions in New Spain Politics XVI–XIX
5. The Path to
Independence 2Miguel Hidalgo’s Route of Independence Military XIX
Insurgent Campaigns (1810–1821) Military XIX
Table 8.1 (continued)
Module Historical
Maps per
Module
Title Topic Temporality
(Century)
6. The First Years of
Independence 3
The First (Mexican) Empire (1823) Politics XIX
First Political Territorial Administration of Independent Mexico
(1824)
Politics XIX
Mexico’s Territory Losses (1846–1848) Military XIX
7. Reformism and
Restored Republic
1 Reform War (1858–1860) Military XIX
8. The Porriato Era and
the Mexican
Revolution
2 Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) Military XX
Railway Network in 1910 Trade XX
9. Warlords and the
National Institutions
(1920–1982)
1 Rural and Urban Populations in Mexico (1930–1980) Politics XX
10. Mexico at the Turn of
the XX Century, and the
Edge of the XXI Century
1
Migratory Flows Estimated by Regions (2010) Politics XXI
Historical Maps as Narratives 177
that congured the nation– nineteenth-century civil wars and the Mexican
Revolution. This in turn delineates a characterization of the territory in
terms of warfare: routes of siege, war campaigns, land colonization and
control, liberation battles, and political and economic expansion networks.
The above characterization suggests two conclusions. Firstly, that ter-
ritory is not historically conditioned by dierent sociocultural interplays,
migration cycles, or any human interaction but primarily through war. The
great majority of historical maps discursively present the national territory
as a battleground– a space where conquest, colonization and liberation are
at stake. Thus, historical maps’ implicit plot is simplied to a monocausal
sequence of battles unfolding in a teleological sense towards an antici-
pated end. Secondly, in the above respect, that within this war-oriented
characterization of historical maps underlies an ongoing nation-building
narrative. The sequence of historical maps speaks, implicitly or explicitly,
of the Mexican nation’s traumas, conguration and successes. In this sense,
the historical maps are oriented towards one common narrative theme, the
origins of the Mexican nation.
(c) Historical Maps’ Temporality and the Essentialist Concept of the Nation
In history textbooks, promoting understanding of the interdependence
between space and time is fundamental for young learners’ historical knowl-
edge development. Throughout these Mexican manuals, historical maps
are presented along with timelines that provide contextual support to make
sense of the territory. What calls for attention is that, without the anchor
that the timelines and historical contents provide, historical maps speak of
a delimited temporality that in turn underlies a specic historical narrative.
The two historical topics with the majority of historical maps are European
colonialism and the independence of New Spain (current Mexico). As seen
in Table 8.1, more than half of historical maps (fourteen out of twenty-three)
are devoted to explaining these two topics. Nine historical maps illustrate the
Conquistadors’ arrival in and the colonization of Mesoamerica, while ve
are used to depict the origins of the Mexican nation-state.
The majority of historical maps in Mexican history textbooks emphasize
two historical periods: the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, and the nine-
teenth century (see Table 8.1). The maps describing the sixteenth to eight-
eenth centuries illustrate the expansionism of the Hispanic monarchy in the
Americas, and subsequent colonialism. They mainly highlight the leading
role and inuence of ‘Europe’ in the conguration of current Mexican terri-
tory. The nineteenth-century historical maps refer to the birth of Mexico as
an independent nation. They extol New Spain’s military campaigns of inde-
pendence from the Hispanic monarchy, and most importantly, the political
and war congurations of the Mexican nation-state.
178 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
The emphasis given by the historical maps to these two periods suggests
a specic intentionality: the reinforcement of the nation’s origins by the
depiction of the spatial construction of the national territory. These maps
describe the foundational events of Mexico as a nation. Together they
delineate a narrative of the European and liberal construction of the Mexican
nation-state, based on the conguration of colonial territory that resulted
from European colonization, which eventually represents the grounds of
the subsequent land demarcation of Mexico as an emergent independent
nation-state. It is not the sociocultural land delimitation of the indigenous
peoples that is taken as a basis of the Mexican national territory, but the
spatial demarcation resulting from the conquest and colonization of the
Hispanic monarchy.
(d) The Historical Maps’ Main Characters and the Status of National
HistoricalHe r o e s
Although history books and history education narratives do not expressly
set it out, there is relevant research showing that the territory is mostly
determined by people’s interactions and culture development in a broad
sense.66 Over time, the territory changes or endures its frontiers as a result of
collective and individual agency. Yet, in general, collective and individual
agency is taken for granted in teaching historical maps, underestimated
or even overestimated in its inuence, as in the case of the actions of
exceptional individuals over collective action. In regard to the above, the
present analysis shows a very interesting nding: the implicit construction of
the heroic and exemplary status of certain historical characters in historical
maps. In Mexican history textbooks, the historical maps excel the agency of
individuals portrayed as ‘discoverers’, ‘conquistadors’ or ‘founding fathers’.
As seen in Table 8.1, there are maps of the voyages of Columbus to reach
‘the Americas’, the Spanish expeditions, the routes of Hernan Cortes to get
to Tenochtitlan, the capital city of the Mexica (Aztec) hegemony, and the
campaign for independence of Miguel Hidalgo (1753−1811), the so-called
founding father of Mexico.
This depiction of people’s agency gives the idea that the territory
has been congured by the military and strategic prowess of ‘heroes’–
exceptional people with admirable and patriotic values who wanted to
change the course of their country’s history. However, we can call three
aspects into question with regard to the relationship between historical
maps and historical characters’ agency. First, the characterization of these
historical agents are further labels assigned after their actions. Miguel Hidalgo
did not design a ‘Route of Independence’, rather conceiving himself as a
liberator or founding father of the Mexican nation; and nor did Christopher
Columbus plan routes to reach ‘America’, actually perceiving himself more
Historical Maps as Narratives 179
as an entrepreneur than a ‘discoverer’. These are labels that traditional
Western historiography has created to build a master narrative,67 and they
are transmitted implicitly in historical maps.
In the second place, there is the issue of the overstatement and
misinterpretation of historical characters’ intentionality. While it is true that
the actions of these historical agents had a strong impact on Europe, the
Americas, and particularly on Mexico, the intentionality of these historical
characters cannot be assumed as self-evident. Historical maps appear as
conrmation of these presumed deliberate intentions. For instance, the
map entitled ‘The Four Voyages of Christopher Columbus to America’
illustrates facts as deliberated. In other words, the map is indicating that
Columbus already knew where he was heading to and for what purposes.
Yet, historiography has demonstrated that those routes, and that map, were
post facto products, as Columbus did not have a route plan and was not
even aware of the existence of the ‘Americas’. As a matter of fact, the rst
map including part of the ‘new continent’s’ lands and also using the name of
America in honour of Americo Vespuccio was elaborated by the cartographer
Martin Waldseemüller (1470−1520) in 1507, more than ten years later
than Columbus’s voyages. Mexican history textbooks indeed overlook this
clarication, as indeed happens in many Latin American countries.68
Finally, the stress on these exceptional historical characters overshadows
collective groups’ agency. In opposition to the great gures, there are few
references to collective groups and people’s practices and customs, such as
those related to the map about the main Mayan ceremonial sites, or even
less about collective agency such as indigenous and African rebellions during
the colonial era. History textbooks’ maps give little description of the ter-
ritory that indigenous peoples occupied before the arrival of Europeans,
and without any reference to social organization. Actually, the inclusion of
historical maps referring to indigenous religious practices and rebellions sug-
gests the reinforcement of a particular representation of indigenous cultures
characterized by a lack of agency and rationality. As we have found in previ-
ous studies,69 narratives about indigenous peoples describe their passiveness
and highlight their idolatry and savagery as evidence of backwardness and
absence of reasoning, in opposition to the Europeans’ technological progress
and civility equated to agency, which is similar to the comparison between
historical maps about Europeans and indigenous peoples.
Conclusions
This chapter has shown the narrative conguration of historical maps in
history textbooks. Using four categories of Mario Carretero’s theoretical
180 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
model of historical narratives,70 we have analysed the dierent components of
the historical map that make it a narrative per se. Also, by these components,
it has been demonstrated that historical maps anchor the master narrative of
the nation in history textbooks. The ndings show that the Mexican nation
is presented as the main subject throughout the historical maps, constant and
ahistorical, by the juxtaposition of all maps with the contemporary national
territorial demarcation. This mechanism blends time, past and present, and
gives a sense of everlasting presence to the Mexican nation. Furthermore, it
is not a minor issue that the map labelling, such as ‘Ancient Mexico’ referring
to a cultural distribution of indigenous peoples before the Conquistadors’
arrival and the origin of Mexico, strengthens the idea of an essentialist
nation. These types of labels also seem to be useful to foster identication
and emotional attachment to a distant past; our ndings cannot verify this,
though it would be interesting to conduct research on this assumption.
The idea of an essentialist nation is also reinforced by the temporal
sequence of historical maps, which progressively presents the foundational
events that led to its origins. The depiction of historical maps and historical
characters is also noteworthy in terms of how the territory is conveyed.
The dierent references to the territory as a battleground, the boundaries
and historical events sketched in terms of warfare, along with exceptional
(military) actors winning battles and conquering territories, give strength
to a monocausal plot of confrontations, whose resolution ultimately results
with the conformation of the nation. This resolution is not incidental,
as the historical characters, presented in historical maps as exceptional
and visionary, had supposedly the intention to achieve that goal. This has
interesting implications for national identity construction, in the sense that
reinforces belonging, collective imaginary, and the shared system of values
represented in their actions.71
Thus, the analysis as a whole evinced that the historical map’s
narrative is grounded in warfare concepts and monocausal temporality,
driven by exceptional characters and heroic national gures, which all
together congurated the nation. It is worth highlighting that, implicitly,
colonialism plays a signicant role in the conguration of the nation and
the national territory. As we observed in previous studies,72 our ndings
have led us to think that there is a narrative construction of territory based
on the overlap of two main concepts: colonialism and the nation. History,
and territory, begins with the discovery and control of native lands by
Europeans, as sixteenth- to eighteenth-century maps evince. Further on,
the so-called ‘Mexicans’ reclaimed these lands, and a patriotic sequence of
events unfolds through maps: liberation, defence and consolidation of the
national territory, and therefore the nation. In such a way, the emphasis
of historical maps in these historical époques supports the narrative of the
Historical Maps as Narratives 181
nation and implies that the origins of Mexico and its territory relies on the
colonial boundaries. How do these two concepts coexist in the narrative
construction of the national territory? This is a question framed not only
for the case of Mexico, but is also pertinent for historical narratives of
former colonized countries.
A similar situation occurs with regard to the relationship between
historical narratives and agency. It calls attention to how any reference in
maps to particular characters, such as heroes, that correspondingly omits
other historical and social groups, implicitly relates to causality models and
entitlements. How agency is ascribed through narratives, and in this case
in historical maps, is an interesting venue to explore in the future. Also,
this situation is not neutral, but nor is it an exception. Representations of
the territory involves silencing other voices and scenarios. As we found in
previous studies,73 indigenous people and other minorities are excluded from
the nation-building narrative, as they are in this case from the demarcation
of territories. Furthermore, as seen in analysis of conventional historical
narratives,74 social, cultural, anthropological and economic factors are left
aside in the conguration of territory. All this might be a call to reect: for
example, do we still want to teach about historical space only as a sequence
of battles, and pledges of allegiance to military prowess? Are we willing to
keep teaching history in the prevailing language of warfare and nationalism?
The teaching of historical space is key in the development of people’s
historical understanding, and it demands a more complex notion of territory
and the past in general.
Ultimately, ndings demonstrate that the representation of territory
plays an essential role in consolidating the national master narrative: it is
the concrete representation of its history, and the physical evidence of its
historical conguration and evolution, as well as of the identity, culture and
social organization of the collective. Nevertheless, the dierent ways that
people construct the territory and territorial representations have not been
much studied, let alone incorporated in education. In this sense, psychologi-
cal studies could much benet from a fruitful interaction with other social
sciences, and with historiographical studies in particular. The seminal idea of
Anderson about the nation as an imagined community75 could be conceptu-
ally rephrased as the need to fully understand how this ‘imagination’ is really
taking place in psychological and social terms.76 Further research is needed
on all these issues, and it is hoped that the present chapter will promote
discussion around them.
Everardo Perez-Manjarrezis a visiting scholar at the Harvard Graduate
School of Education, USA. He investigates the intersections between
182 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
citizenship and history in adolescents’ learning of social sciences. Some of his
latest publications are ‘Facing History: Positioning and Identity Negotiation
in Adolescents’ Narratives of Controversial History’ (2019,Qu a l i t a t i v e
Ps ychol ogy ); ‘“Pragmatic, Complacent, Critical-Cynical or Empathetic?”:
Youth Social Scrutiny and Civic Engagement’ (in press,Te a c he r s Co l l e g e
Re c o r d s );andHi s t o r i c a l Re enactmen t : New Ways o f E xp er i encin g His t ory
(Berghahn Books, forthcoming, co-edited with M. Carretero and B.
Wagoner).
Mario Carretero is professor at Autónoma University of Madrid, where
he was dean of the Faculty of Psychology, and researcher at FLACSO
(Argentina). He has carried out extensive research on history educa-
tion. Some of his publications areHi s t o r y E d u c a t i o n a n d t h e Co n s t r u c t i o n o f
Na t i o n a l I d e n t i t i e s (2012, co-edited with M. Asensio and M. Rodriguez-
Moneo); Constructing Patriotism(2011, funded by the Guggenheim
Foundation);Pa l gr a v e H a ndbook of Res e a r c h i n Hi s t or i c a l Cul t ur e a nd Educ a t i on
(2017, co-edited with S. Berger and M. Grever); andHi s t o r i c a l Re enact men t :
Ne w Wa y s o f E x p e r i e n c i n g Hi s t o r y (Berghahn Books,forthcoming, co-edited
with B. Wagoner and E. Perez-Manjarrez).
Notes
1. Carretero, ‘How to Teach Trump’s Wall?’; Dym and Oen, ‘Maps’.
2. Carretero, ‘Teaching History Master Narratives’; Carretero and Bermúdez,
‘Constructing Histories’.
3. Berger, ‘History Writing’; Carretero, ‘How to Teach Trump’s Wall?’
4. Carretero, Berger and Grever, ‘Introduction’.
5. Brockmeier and Harré, ‘Narrative’; De Fina and Georgakopoulou, Handbook of
Narrative Analysis; Hammack and Pilecki, ‘Methodological Approaches’.
6. Bamberg, ‘Narrative, Discourse and Identities’; Garro and Mattingly, ‘Narrative as
Construct’.
7. Bamberg, ‘Narrative Analysis’; Fulda, ‘Historiographic Narration’.
8. Smith, ‘Content Analysis’.
9. Bruner, ‘Life as Narrative’; De Fina and Georgakopoulou, Handbook of Narrative
Analysis.
10. Smith, ‘Content Analysis’, 327−28.
11. De Fina and Georgakopoulou, Handbook of Narrative Analysis.
12. Zerubavel, Time Maps.
13. Luci´c and Bridges, ‘Ecological Landscape’.
14. Wright, ‘Evaluating Place’.
15. Bamberg, ‘Why Narrative’; Fulda, ‘Historiographic Narration’.
16. Andrews, Squire and Tamboukou, Doing Narrative Research; Rudrum, ‘From
Narrative Constitution’.
17. Bamberg, ‘Narrative Analysis’; Somers, ‘Narrative Constitution of Identity’.
Historical Maps as Narratives 183
18. Somers and Gibson, ‘Reclaiming the Epistemological Other’.
19. Wertsch, ‘National Memory’.
20. Carretero and van Alphen, ‘Do Master Narratives Change’.
21. Carretero, Constructing Patriotism.
22. Billig, Banal Nationalism; Wertsch, ‘Narratives as Cultural Tools’.
23. Carretero, Constructing Patriotism; Liu et al., ‘Social Representations’.
24. Hammack, Narrative and the Politics of Identity.
25. Deppermann, ‘Using the Other’, 273.
26. Perez-Manjarrez and González, ‘Who is Entitled to Be Citizen?’.
27. Carretero and Bermúdez, ‘Constructing Histories’.
28. Hilton and Liu, ‘Culture and Intergroup Relations’.
29. Wertsch, Voices of Collective Remembering.
30. Abell, Stokoe and Billig, ‘Narrative and the Discursive (Re)Construction’; Edwards,
‘Discursive Psychology’; Potter and Edwards, ‘Social Representations’.
31. Bamberg, ‘Narrative, Discourse and Identities’; Haste, ‘Culture, Tools and
Subjectivity’; Hammack and Pilecki, ‘Methodological Approaches’.
32. Hilton and Liu, ‘How the Past Weighs on the Present’.
33. Carretero, Asensio and Rodríguez-Moneo, History Education; McCalman and
Pickering, Historical Re-enactment.
34. Carretero, van Alphen and Parellada, ‘National Identities’.
35. Álvarez-Junco, Spanish Identity.
36. Lopez, Carretero and Rodríguez-Moneo, ‘Conquest or Reconquest?’
37. Carretero, ‘Reconquest’.
38. Berger, Eriksonas and Mycock, Narrating the Nation.
39. Carretero and Lopez, ‘Narrative Mediation’.
40. Carretero, ‘Teaching History Master Narratives’; Carretero and Bermúdez,
‘Constructing Histories’.
41. Sulviste and Wertsch, ‘Ocial and Unocial Histories’; Wertsch and Karumdze,
‘Spinning the Past’; Wertsch, Voices of Collective Remembering.
42. Fulda, ‘Historiographic Narration’.
43. Ibid.
44. Carretero, Asensio and Rodríguez-Moneo, History Education; Lopez, Carretero and
Rodríguez-Moneo, ‘Conquest or Reconquest?’
45. Carretero and van Alphen, ‘Do Master Narratives Change’.
46. Wertsch, ‘National Memory’.
47. Barton and Levstik, Teaching History.
48. Lopez, Carretero and Rodríguez-Moneo, ‘Conquest or Reconquest?’; Carretero,
van Alphen and Parellada, ‘National Identities’.
49. Carretero and Lee, ‘History Learning’.
50. Barton and Levstik, Teaching History.
51. Perez-Manjarrez, ‘Facing History’.
52. Barton and Levstik, Teaching History; Carretero, Constructing Patriotism.
53. Carretero, Jacott and López-Manjón, ‘Learning History’; Lopez, Carretero and
Rodríguez-Moneo, ‘Conquest or Reconquest?’; Carretero and van Alphen, ‘Do Master
Narratives Change’.
54. Banks and McGee Banks, Multicultural Education; Barton and Levstik, Teaching
History.
55. Alridge, ‘Limits of Master Narratives’; Epstein, Interpreting National History; Foster
and Crawford, What Shall We Tell the Children?
56. Carretero and Lopez, ‘Narrative Mediation’; Zerubavel, Time Maps.
57. Kosonen, ‘Making Maps’.
184 Everardo Perez-Manjarrez and Mario Carretero
58. Carretero, ‘How to Teach Trump’s Wall?’; Carretero, van Alphen and Parellada,
‘National Identities’; Parellada, Carretero and Rodriguez-Moneo, ‘Historical Borders’.
59. Dym and Oen, ‘Maps’.
60. Carretero, ‘How to Teach Trump’s Wall?’
61. Dym and Oen, ‘Maps’.
62. Carretero, van Alphen and Parellada, ‘National Identities’.
63. It is available with an open-source license through https://historico.conaliteg.gob.
mx.
64. See Carretero, Constructing Patriotism, Chapter 2, for an extensive analysis of Mexican
history textbooks.
65. Carretero, Jacott and López-Manjón, ‘Learning History’.
66. Levstik, ‘Narrative Constructions’.
67. Zea, América en la Conciencia; O’Gorman, Invention of America.
68. Carretero, Constructing Patriotism.
69. Carretero and Kriger, ‘Historical Representations’; Perez-Manjarrez and González,
‘Who is Entitled to Be Citizen?’
70. Carretero, ‘Teaching History Master Narratives’.
71. Barton and Levstik, Teaching History.
72. Carretero and Perez-Manjarrez, ‘Historical Narratives’, 7188.
73. Carretero and Kriger, ‘Historical Representations’; Perez-Manjarrez and González,
‘Who is Entitled to Be Citizen?’
74. Carretero, ‘Teaching History Master Narratives’; Wertsch, ‘National Memory’.
75. Anderson, Imagined Communities.
76. Carretero, ‘Teaching History Master Narratives’.
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