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2021 Towards Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge in Global Reports on Climate Change

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  • University of Eastern Finland and Snowchange Co op
Technical Report

2021 Towards Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge in Global Reports on Climate Change

Abstract and Figures

This compendium represents steps towards the inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) and local knowledge (LK) into international assessments. The contributions within this compendium document how holders of IK and LK observe, project, and respond to anthropogenic climate change. In doing so, this compendium constitutes an invaluable resource to be considered in international assessment reports, including the Working Group II contribution to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) and beyond.
Content may be subject to copyright.
Towards Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge
and Local Knowledge in Global Reports
on Climate Change
Editors:
Mustonen, Tero
Harper, Sherilee
Rivera Ferre, Marta
Postigo, Julio C.
Ayansina, Ayanlade
Benjaminsen, Tor
Morgan, Ruth
Okem, Andrew
Photo: Mahew King
2021 Compendium of Indigenous
Knowledge and Local Knowledge:
2
Suggested Citation:
Mustonen, T., Harper, S.L., Rivera Ferre, M., Postigo,
J., Ayanlade, A. Benjaminsen, T., Morgan, R., & Okem,
A. (Eds.). (2021). 2021 Compendium of Indigenous
Knowledge and Local Knowledge: Towards Inclusion of
Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge in Global
Reports on Climate Change. Snowchange Cooperative:
Kontiolahti, Finland.
Photo: Snowchange, 2019
3
Table of Contents
Introduction: Increasing Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge
in International Assessment Reports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Regional Cases and Submissions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
North America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Indigenizing Environmental Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
“Our health comes from our culture and our culture comes from our lands, our waters.
To make good decisions, these connections must be acknowledged.” –Swinomish Elder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
South America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Rural experiences in the communal landscapes of the Mishquiyacu watershed in the Peruvian
Amazonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
 . . . . . . . . 20
Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Listening to the waters, learning from the wisdom of the Elders: Climate change and the future
 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Indigenous Female Bodies as Indicators of Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Climate Change and the Swedish Sámi People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Arctic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Appendices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Articles presented in the language of submission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Photo: Mahew King
4
Introduction: Increasing Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge and
Local Knowledge in International Assessment Reports
Then, in preparation for AR6, a group of IP-
CC AR6 WG2 authors met in Faro, Portugal in
January 2020, and agreed on steps to further
increase the participation of local communities
and Indigenous Peoples, and their knowledg-
es, in international assessment reports. Spe-

and LK contributions in formats that are “eligi-
ble” for inclusion in the IPCC assessment pro-
cess, capturing knowledge and evidence from
these varied and diverse knowledge holders.
To achieve this goal, a call for contributions for
this compendium was launched. Importantly,
the call for contributions prioritized and privi-
leged the voices and knowledges of Indigenous
Peoples and local communities. As such, this
compendium only includes contributions sub-
mitted by Indigenous Peoples and local com-

person narratives, oral histories, and other for-
mats.
While this compendium does not solve the
challenges and shortcomings related to the
lack of meaningful inclusion of IK and LK in
global assessment reports, it is intended to
serve as a starting point. Indeed, shortly after
the planning meeting in Portugal, the globe
was shocked and continues to be affected by
the COVID-19 pandemic. Therefore, given the
context of these tumultuous pandemic times,
the editors felt that the 2020 call for submis-
sions to the Indigenous knowledge and local
knowledge compendium can serve as a mod-
el and a starting point for yearly uptake. This
open process applies principles of equity, di-
versity, and inclusion to develop a rich evi-
dence base covering a range of voices, state-

a format that can exist and dialogue with the
IPCC processes, policies, and procedures.
We opened a call for contributions from
knowledge holders from March to September
2020. We, the editors, wish to thank the au-
thors from across the world who, despite the
challenges, contributed to this compendium.

are intended to pave a pathway to a broader
and more meaningful engagement of IK and LK
within international assessment processes, in-
cluding the IPCC processes. Through the publi-
cation of this compendium, your materials are
available for use in the on-going 6th IPCC As-
sessment Cycle.
This compendium represents steps towards
the inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge (IK)
and local knowledge (LK) into international
assessments. The contributions within this
compendium document how holders of IK and
LK observe, project, and respond to anthropo-
genic climate change. In doing so, this com-
pendium constitutes an invaluable resource
to be considered in international assessment
reports, including the Working Group II contri-
bution to the Intergovernmental Panel on Cli-
mate Change (IPCC) Sixth Assessment Report
(AR6) and beyond.
The need to include IK and LK in under-
standing climate change impacts, develop-
ing adaptation and mitigation strategies, and
governing climate change actions has been
called for years. Indeed, in 2011-2012, the IP-
 -
ty to create forums where IPCC Lead Authors
and Chairs from the Fifth Assessment Report
(AR5) met and interacted directly with Indig-
enous Peoples and local communities, both in
Mexico and in Australia. These interactions
aimed to create, among other things, opportu-
nities for shared learning and to identify ways
to increase the inclusion of both IK and LK in
IPCC assessment reports.
Regional Cases and Submissions
Photo: Mahew King
Photo: Eero Murtomäki
Photo: Snowchange
Photo: Carl-Johan Utsi
Photo: Snowchange
Photo: Sherilee Harper
Photo: Snowchange
6
North America
Photo: Rita Lukkarinen
7
Indigenizing Environmental Law
Authors: Jo Belasco, Esq., Dawn Hill Adams, Ph.D. (Choctaw)
Organisation: Tapestry Institute, USA
this process, three things must happen: Indig-
enous knowledge must inform environmental
law; Indigenous law must guide environmental
law; Indigenous rights must be protected and
be included in environmental law.
Indigenous knowledge must inform
environmental law
Western law is rooted in Western worldview,
which holds that the natural world is not alive
and it does not have agency. Therefore, humans
are given power to make laws concerning the
Land without any input from the Land itself.
Such a belief is in stark contrast to Indigenous
worldview in which the natural world is alive
and has agency. In fact, the Land gives rise to
the law within Indigenous worldview because
all things come from the Land.
When Western environmental laws were
passed, they were based on input from West-
ern science. That input may have contained
-
tain Indigenous knowledge and worldview
that would allow for actual participation in the
lawmaking by the natural world. Western envi-
ronmental law does not enter into relationship
“You would think that there would be concern that the ice is melting so fast, the waters are






Confederacy, the Haudenosaunee1

2
level in Janu-
ary of 1970 was 325.03. In July of 2020, it was
414.38.2 In an effort to protect wildlife, the US
Congress passed the Endangered Species Act
in 1973. According to the recent Living Planet
Report 2020 compiled by the World Wildlife
Fund, there has been a “68% average decline
-
tiles since 1970.3 The climate change data and
loss of earth’s natural biodiversity during the
very period when environmental laws were
passed to protect the natural world show that
the environmental laws as they exist right now
do not work. These dire warnings don’t mean
that we should repeal these laws. They mean
that we need environmental laws that provide
actual protection. The only way to do that is
to Indigenize environmental laws. To begin
North America
The modern environmental movement began
in earnest in the United States (US) in 1970
-
tional Environmental Policy Act on January
1. The Environmental Protection Agency was
created in July of that year and received its

-
Suggested citation:
Belasco, J., & Hill Adams, D. (2021). Indigenizing
Environmental Law. In T. Mustonen, S.L. Harper, M.
Rivera Ferre, J. Postigo, A. Ayanlade, T. Benjaminsen,
R. Morgan, & A. Okem (Eds.), 2021 Compendium of
Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge: Towards
Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge
in Global Reports on Climate Change. Snowchange
Cooperative: Kontiolahti, Finland.
8
with the land, the air, the water, the plants, and
the creatures with whom we share this planet.
Instead, it uses the term “natural resources” to
describe the natural world because the foun-
dation of law in Western culture is the belief
that the land is there for the use of humans
above all else, even if that means the Land is
harmed or destroyed in the process. Indigeniz-
ing environmental laws would mean that In-
digenous knowledge would play a pivotal role
in determining how best to protect the natural
world. As Indigenous author, researcher, activ-
ist, and lecturer of American Indian studies at
California State University San Marcos Dina
Gilio-Whitaker (Colville Confederated Tribes)
has written “Indigenous knowledge is a vital
aspect of indigenizing environmental justice.
A Green New Deal that recognizes Indigenous
worldviews will help create a paradigm shift
based on relationship to the natural world, not
its reckless exploitation.4
Indigenizing environmental law means that
lawyers and others working to protect the
Land would go out onto the land to interact
with it and listen to it. As it stands now, envi-
ronmental lawyers spend most of their time in
 
from the very client they are trying to protect.
Indigenous worldview also incorporates Indig-
enous ways of knowing so Indigenizing envi-
ronmental law means that experiential, myth-
ic, and spiritual ways of knowing combine with
intellectual ways to create a more comprehen-
sive and collaborative body of law.
North America
Indigenous law must guide
environmental law
Indigenous law recognizes that Indigenous
people have their own legal systems, root-
ed in stories that involve relationship to and
reciprocity with the Land. As such, this area
of law can provide invaluable insight into how
to protect the Land. The foundation of Indig-
enous law is based upon the very creation that
environmental law is seeking to protect. John
Burrows (Anishinaabe, Ojibway and a member

leading researcher in Indigenous law, profes-
sor of Indigenous law at the University of Vic-
toria Faculty of Law, British Columbia, and the
Canada Research Chair in Indigenous Law has
stated that “I’ve been taking students from law
Photo: Eero Murtomäki
9
   -
duce them to the law that’s sourced in the rocks
and the water and the plants and the animals.”5
Indigenous law recognizes the unique stories
from each place and doing so allows for spe-

in balance based on what those areas require.
The stories show how people are supposed to
live on and with the Land.
Because Indigenous law relies heavily on
story, relationship, reciprocity, and collabora-

it provides a model as to how Western envi-
ronmental law can be Indigenized. It shows
that law can exist within a
different paradigm and still
provide the protection and
 
its best, provides. It does not
speak about the Land but
instead, listens to it and in-
cludes it in law itself. If envi-
ronmental law is ever going
to protect the Land, it must
do so as well.
I hope that with this re-
surgence of Indigenous law,
that connection comes back
understanding that the po-
litical world, the legal world,
is bigger than these human to
human relationships but it ex-
tends to a relationship and a

-
sis.6
Indigenous rights must be protected and
be included in environmental law
One part of Indigenizing environmental law is
the recognition of Indigenous rights and the in-
corporation of these rights into environmental
-
nent Forum on Indigenous Issues has recog-
nized, “Indigenous lands make up around 20
per cent of the earth’s territory, containing 80
per cent of the world’s remaining biodiversity
– a clear sign that indigenous peoples are the
most effective stewards of the environment.7
If Indigenous rights are not recognized and up-
held, then these lands will not be preserved,
and even more of the Land’s biodiversity will
be lost. By preserving Indigenous rights, we al-
low not only the Land under the protection of
Indigenous people to survive and thrive but we
also allow Indigenous knowledge and Indige-
nous worldview to survive and thrive as well.
The path forward
In 2007, Chief Oren Lyons
gave a talk about climate
change before the United
  
on Indigenous Issues. In that
talk, he stated “Value change
for survival. It came right
down to four words. You’re
    
 
     
 
law or suffer the consequence.
Business as usual is over. Car-
bon is over. Oil is over. We bet-
    
.”8
North America
Photo: Eero Murtomäki
10
Indigenizing environmental law can be an im-
-

must incorporate Indigenous knowledge into
their legal systems and Indigenize their envi-
ronmental laws in order to come into compli-
ance with the Land’s law if we have any hope of
combatting climate change. Indigenous knowl-
edge, worldview, law, and rights must be used
to Indigenize environmental law and protect
the Land.
References
1. Oren Lyons, “Value Change for Survival,” YouTube,
published September 17, 2015. https://youtu.be/
yU5eI61JFUk.
2.
Pro Oxygen, “Monthly CO2,” CO2.earth, accessed
September 27, 2020. https://www.co2.earth/
monthly-co2.
3.
World Wildlife Fund, “Living Planet Report 2020,
World Wildlife Fund, accessed September 9, 2020.
https://www.worldwildlife.org/publications/
living-planet-report-2020.
4. Dina Gilio-Whitaker, “How to Indigenize the Green


hcn.org/articles/tribal-affairs-how-to-indigenize-
the-green-new-deal-and-environmental-justice.
5.
Ash Kelly, “Prestigious award for leading researcher
      
07, 2017. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/
british-columbia/prestigious-award-for-leading-
researcher-in-indigenous-law-1.4102133.
6.
Spencer Greening, “RELAW: Living Indigenous Laws,
YouTube, published September 27, 2017. https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=3Q8zkz25Rj8.
7.
     
Indigenous Issues, “Indigenous peoples’ collective
rights to lands, territories and resources,” The
     
https://www.un.org/development/desa/
indigenouspeoples/wp-content/uploads/
sites/19/2018/04/Indigenous-Peoples-Collective-
Rights-to-Lands-Territories-Resources.pdf.
8.
Oren Lyons, “Chief Oren Lyons speaks about Climate
Change,” YouTube, published April 14, 2010.
https://youtu.be/TWiRFAvxu3k.
North America
Photo: Eero Murtomäki
11
“Our health comes from our culture and our culture comes from
our lands, our waters. To make good decisions, these connections
must be acknowledged.” –Swinomish Elder
Author: Jamie Donatuto and Swinomish Indian Tribal Community
Organisation: Swinomish Indian Tribal Community, Washington State, USA

the nonphysical aspects of health important
to the community. The six Swinomish Indige-
nous Health Indicators (IHI) include: cultural
use, community connection, self-determina-
tion, resiliency, education (intergenerational
knowledge transfer), and natural resource se-
curity (Figure 1; Donatuto et al. 2016). The IHI
presents a positive vision of health, in lieu of
a status of disease. The grouping of words for
each term can be considered a distillation of
meaning from one worldview to another — at
the top is the term in the Swinomish language,
Lushootseed, which often does not have a di-
rect English translation, yet embodies the land,
water, animals, stories and people in a manner
that English terms are unable to capture in def-
inition. The Lushootseed term is summarized
by the English words commonly used by com-
munity members at the base of each IHI group.
The English words are then ‘translated’ into
phrases more easily understood by research-
ers and decision-makers outside of Swinom-
ish, as seen in the middle phrase.
Climate change health assessments rely pri-
marily on technical data from climate models,
and focus on individual, physiological health

 
Swinomish Indian Tribal Community (Wash-
ington State, USA) developed and implement-
ed a climate change community health assess-
ment founded on Swinomish beliefs and val-
ues -- what health means, health priorities, and
preferred practices and actions to maintain or
improve health.
For Swinomish people, harvesting, prepar-
    -
so called traditional foods, or “our foods” by
community members) are an integral part of
the social and cultural community fabric. The

people; generations since time immemorial
have been and continue to be integrally con-
nected to the land, water, air, and natural re-
sources. Akin to many other Indigenous com-
munities, Swinomish people characterize a
healthy community by referencing countless
generations of knowledge and practices de-
veloped via these connections. In other words,
‘health’ is shaped by the many interrelated re-
lationships between humans, non-human be-
ings, nature, local natural resources, and the
spiritual realm (i.e., social and cultural values).
Moreover, health is thought of on familial and
community scales, rather than an individual
scale. And while biophysical health certainly
plays a role in Swinomish views of health, it
is not the sole or primary factor. In Swinom-
ish beliefs, physical health status is often the
outcome of health status in the social, cultural,
mental, environmental, and intellectual realm.
Swinomish developed a set of health indica-
North America
Suggested citation:
Donatuto, J., & Swinomish Indian Tribal Community.
(2021). “Our health comes from our culture and our
culture comes from our lands, our waters. To make good
decisions, these connections must be acknowledged.” In
T. Mustonen, S.L. Harper, M. Rivera Ferre, J. Postigo, A.
Ayanlade, T. Benjaminsen, R. Morgan, & A. Okem (Eds.),
2021 Compendium of Indigenous Knowledge and Local
Knowledge: Towards Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge
and Local Knowledge in Global Reports on Climate
Change. Snowchange Cooperative: Kontiolahti, Finland.
12
Figure 1: Swinomish
Indigenous Health
Indicators. This
infographic depicts a
scene on the beach that
demonstrates all 6 of the
IHI in acon. Families are
working together beach
seining (shing with nets
from the beach), steaming
shellsh in a re pit, and
crab shing in the bay.
Elders are telling stories
to younger generaons;
youth are exploring, and
helping harvest, cook,
and preserve the catch;
the natural resources
are accessible; people
are asserng their
sovereignty by being
out on their lands and
waters and engaged
in culturally important
pracces, which ‘feed the
body and the spirit’ in the
Swinomish way.
North America
13

   
health values, and how Swinomish health pri-
orities are not present in conventional health
measures. The IHI are meant to be employed
in parallel with other health assessments al-
ready in use, such as technical data-based com-
munity health assessments. The purpose of
the parallel assessment technique is to ensure
that the information, and values, in the IHI are
not subsumed piecemeal into an established
framework, which cannot and will not value
the unique indicators and the values they rep-
resent.
To assess impacts to community health
from climate change, Swinomish chose to use
-
eling results determined sea level rise and
 -

onto Swinomish lands and waters. The maps
were brought to community meetings with El-
-
cal leaders. Community members studied the
maps then made determinations as to which
  
that they are all important and that the Tribe
has limited resources.
The results indicated that Education is the

and funds. Education in the Swinomish sense
does not constitute graduation rates, but is
about Swinomish Indigenous knowledge and
ensuring that Elders are able to pass on that
knowledge to younger generations. When
choosing Education, one participant explained,

relationship to the land, how to connect with the
-

ourselves with our foods, taught us to be proud
of who we are. We are proud people and want


indicators were second and third, respective-
ly, also with strong agreement throughout the
community. This is not to say that the other IHI
are not important, it simply suggests that these

Cultural use and practice rely on Swinomish
land and waters, and as one Elder reminded
us,  -
 A participant explained
that  
-
 Re-
lating this to climate change, “Having sustain-

learn to adapt with the climate, we can learn to

With the IHI health evaluation method,
Swinomish are able to provide results to pro-
ject partners and climate change allies out-
side of the community in a format that is un-
derstood by all, while protecting proprietary
information. The assessment results protect
and strengthen Swinomish community health
and well-being by elevating health priorities,
focusing limited energy and resources, ensur-
ing that community members and others are
working toward common goals, and establish-
ing agreement around intended outcomes/re-
sults. These results inform the Swinomish Cli-
mate Change Adaptation Action Plan and have
directed staff and adaptation experts to crea-
tively modify or improve adaptation respons-
es. Furthermore, while the IHI and results are

develop the IHI can be easily adapted by other
communities who wish to develop and imple-
ment their own IHI in climate change assess-
ments.
This summary paraphrases the following
paper:
Donatuto, J., W. Trousdale, and L. Campbell.
2019. The ‘value’ of values-driven data in iden-
tifying Indigenous health and climate change
priorities. Climatic Change 158(2): 161-180
DOI: 10.1007/s10584-019-02596-2
References:
Donatuto, J., R. Gregory, and L. Campbell. 2016.
Developing Responsive Indicators of Indigenous
Community Health. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health
13, 899 doi:10.3390/ijerph13090899
North America
14
South America
Photo: Sherilee Harper
15
Rural experiences in the communal landscapes of the
Mishquiyacu watershed in the Peruvian Amazonia
Author(s): Rider Panduro Meléndez and Mishquiyacu watershed Indigenous communities
Organisation(s): Rural Amazonian Association Choba Choba (ARAA/CHOBA-CHOBA), Tarapoto, San Martín, Peru
meters of altitude. This zone is home to the
settlements of Pilluana, Mishquiyacu and Tres
Unidos, where there are fruit tree cultivations
as well as small pastures with native grasses
- such as sourgrass (Digitaria insularis), Ber-
muda grass ( ), and St. Au-
gustine grass (Stenotaphurum secundatum)
- where chickens, pigs and sheep, as well as
some horses and cattle, are raised. In the sec-
ond altitudinal zone, reaching from 400 to 600
metres above sea level, some areas with native
grasses, fruit trees, and introduced grasses,
such as bread grass (Brachiaria brizantha) and
elephant grass (Pennisetum purpureum), as
well as some maize cultivations, can be found.
The third zone (600-800 m MSL) is character-
ized by steep slopes. It is home to large pas-
tures with introduced grasses, where cattle are

-
fee cultivations. The fourth zone (800-1000 m
MSL) is the area of hard yellow corn and coffee.

highest areas of the communities of Sapotillo,
El Paraíso and San Juan. It is the zone of cof-
fee, cassava and other native root vegetables.
It borders forest concession areas as well as
The rural ways of life of Indigenous and mi-
grant families of the Mishquiyacu watershed,
that are closely tied to the conservation and
sustainable use of biodiversity, and carry de-
tailed knowledge of their biocultural, biologi-
cally diverse and heterogeneous landscapes,
are threatened by plans of monocultural land
use. In this context, the Rural Amazonian As-
sociation Choba Choba (Asociación Rural
Amazónica Choba Choba) participates in and
supports the communities in strengthening
their traditional ways of life, and in mitigating
the aforesaid threats.
The Mishquiyacu watershed
The Mishquiyacu watershed, covering 41,460
hectares, is located in the Pilluana and Tres
Unidos districts, on the western side of the

Picota Province, Department of San Martín,
Peru.
      
hunting families living in the area (approxi-
mately 6,000 inhabitants) belong to Amazoni-
an Indigenous groups that are a mix of families
of kechwas de Lamas and families from river-
side villages of the Huallaga river, and during
the past three decades, families from different

The families practice agrosilviculture in
ecological conditions that are shaped by the al-
titude, topography and climate, that again de-
termine the types of vegetation, microclimates,
fertility, as well as the structure and texture of

zones, each containing a spectrum of agroe-
cological microzones, are represented in the
Mishquiyacu watershed.
-
ing from the shores of the watershed to 400
Suggested citation:
Panduro Meléndez, R. & Mishquiyacu watershed Indig-
enous communities. (2021). Rural experiences in the
communal landscapes of the Mishquiyacu watershed in
the Peruvian Amazonia. In T. Mustonen, S.L. Harper, M.
Rivera Ferre, J. Postigo, A. Ayanlade, T. Benjaminsen, R.
Morgan, & A. Okem (Eds.), 2021 Compendium of Indige-
nous Knowledge and Local Knowledge: Towards Inclusion
of Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge in Global
Reports on Climate Change. Snowchange Cooperative:
Kontiolahti, Finland.
South America
16

growth forests can still be found.
The plant species conserved by the families
are grown in different parts of the area. Divid-
ing the species between different sectors im-
proves their conservation, as the presence of
seeds becomes communal or intercommunal,
and the genetic diversity is easier to maintain
when then species are growing in their appro-
priate ecological niches.
46% of the cultivations are on agricultur-
al lands and 54% in forests (28% being old-
growth forest). Cash crops, such as coffee and
hard yellow corn, take up a major part of the
land, followed by cacao, banana and cassava.
However, there are 92 crop varieties on the di-
verse agrisilvicultural lands: six types of pea-
nuts, 24 types of beans, eight types of maize, 23
types of bananas or plantains, 15 types of cas-
savas and 16 types of chilis. Furthermore, the
farmers preserve a wide range of other crops,
such as medicinal, ornamental and industrial
plants as well as fruits, that all together add up
to around 150 varieties.
The intercultural relations between the
people from the Andes and the Amazonia keep
enriching the knowledge and practices. Agro-
forestry is an ancestral practice that improves
farming conditions. It simultaneously repre-
sents a healthy return from the farm to the for-
est, as within the agrosilvicultural cycle food is
produced in harmony with the renewal of the
nature. To improve the agroecological condi-
tions of the farms, the farmers are growing a
great diversity of trees. 43 tree species can be
found on the farms.
The rural families wish to recover and
strengthen their traditional knowledges and
ways of life. Instead of damaging the environ-
ment, the healthy ways of farming keep enrich-
ing and invigorating the surrounding natural
ecosystems with higher plant density and di-
versity. Likewise, the people recognize the im-
portance of strengthening the connection be-
tween the families and the communities, in or-
der to share the successes and discoveries for
the common good.
Photo: Mahew King Photo: Sherilee Harper
South America
17
disrupted. There is a difference between men
and women; women are more closely tied to
the nature and to taking care of water and crop
diversity, for the food security of the family.
Related to the problems, such as deforestation,
farmer Edwin Gamonal Sarmiento tells us:
• The secret of agriculture is not to burn the
dead plants but instead, to let them decom-


in the soil and takes care of the plants. It
prevents our soils from eroding during
storms and the soil minerals from washing

of the plants is secured, as otherwise the
plant dries out in the summer. If there is
permanent rain, the harvest is guaranteed.
Another alternative would be the afforesta-

able to have green areas and protect the
waters of our lands.

us to the current situation. It rains less in
almost the whole area which reduces the

insects are appearing and attacking the
maize and the beans. New herbs are com-
peting with the native species in the lower

a lot of mosquitos. Crops are rotting be-


animals, such as toads and hummingbirds,

change, has diminished. There are increas-
ing amounts of vegetable leaf miners that
damage the fruits.
However, some adaptive responses and prac-
tices can be witnessed, such as the restora-
tion of forests and degraded areas. Tradition-
al household farms are set up on degraded
lands. Biomass is being recovered by planting
trees, schrubs and herbs as well as raising an-
imals. Soil is brought to the sites from other
areas to improve soil fertility. Rural associa-
tions, such as the minga and the choba choba,
are strengthening. Different “signs” need to be
paid careful attention to. The knowledges re-
lated to conservation, known as “secrets”, are
recovering, which helps in re-learning how to
“discuss” with the natural and human environ-
ment. The rural “peace of mind” has not been
Before the loss of diversity and knowledges
Despite the above described, it needs to be
noted, however, that the diversity of species
does not apply anymore to the majority of the
families. The traditional ways of life are threat-
 
use pressures as well as the already-present
climate change. Within the past few years, the
rural families have noticed changes in temper-
atures, rains as well as the reliability of natural
indicators. They tell us:
• Before one sowed little and harvested
-
eas results in small harvests. It rains less

-
ed. Soils have degraded. Crops are mov-
ing towards the higher zones, for example,
sweet rice or native bean varieties cannot



-
male rain (lluvia hembra) or gentle rain
-
ing from the lower to the higher zones for

have become unsuitable for maize farm-
ing in the low regions and move up. There


of maize. Frost and hail are now occur-

South America
18
The contribution of a Cultural Assertion Centre
Against this backdrop, and in order to strengthen the process of restoration, conserva-
tion and sustainable use of biodiversity as well as the related knowledge and practic-
es, Choba-Choba, in the role of a Cultural Assertion Centre has taken action by imple-
menting a project called Management of Initiatives for Cultural Assertion (Gestión de
, GIAC). The project is funded by the Inter-American
Foundation (IAF) and supported by the local governments of the Pilluana and Tres Uni-

Education Unit of Picota (UGEL) and the Program of Productive Knowledges (Pensión
65) of the Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion. Among others, the following
strategies are highlighted:
a. The recovery of regional and interregional pathways of agrobiodiversity by
organizing activities such as workshops of knowledge and seed exchange, where
the experts are the peasants themselves (called ). The knowledge
exchange covers a variety of topics: agroforestry, agro-silvopastoral systems,
forest conservation, restoration of degraded areas, diversity of animal breeds,
basic processing of agricultural products, as well as the improvement of housing
and cooking facilities on the farms.
b. The implementation of a variety of ancestral skills that foster the restoration and
sustainable use of water, forests and farms, which, in turn, strengthens
communal and ancestral organizations as well as household economies.
c. The intergenerational transmission of ancestral knowledge through formal
educational institutions as well as communal education. There is a need for
dialogue between teachers and community elders, as well as instruments to
contextualize education within the local reality.
d. A Strategic Communication Plan for Social Change based on successful
experiences of the families and communities of the watershed that are presented

South America
Photo: Mahew King
Photo: Sherilee Harper
19
Moreover, we are implementing a few activities, such as the
strengthening of Andean-Amazonian wisdoms related to
climate. We are:
• Providing intercommunal and intercultural internships.
• Supporting the Centers for Mutual Learning.
• Enhancing the appreciation of knowledge related to
biodiversity conservation with the help of primers
and communal biodiversity calendars in educational
institutions.
• Helping the locals and migrants to get to know each
other.
• Restoring the diversity and variability of native crops
and their wild relatives.
• Forming alliances between public and private entities
and local governments.
• Strengthening the respect between deities, humans and
the nature.
• Knowledge exchange between teacher networks.
• Recovering traditional festivities and rituals.
• Sharing cooking skills and exchanging seeds.
• Gathering ancestral music, songs and dances.
• Meeting up with elders to recover knowledge,
landscapes and stories of the regions.
• Restoring springs and degraded areas such as
shapumbales (areas with ).
• Building up respect between kids and adults.
• Strengthening the respect towards the nature.
• Interinstitutional exchange of experiences.
• Supporting traditional organizations such as the mingas
and choba chobas.
• Conserving and nurturing the mountains.
• Recognition of local communities.
• Editing videos.
• Afforestation with native plants.
Three years of implementation of the
project have resulted in the participa-
tion of 26 communities and 2,807 in-
dividuals (43% being women and 61%
youth). 68 traditional-communal initia-
tives have been established, supported
and guided by two Local Management
    
Small, traditional processing facilities
-
cies and 10 animal breeds, where differ-

are produced. Moreover, approximately
150 varieties of 10 native crop species
have been preserved, and 12 types of
crafts have been produced. More than
6 800 hectares of natural forests have
been conserved.
The focus of the project that has con-
tributed to the restoration and strength-
ening of the traditional ways of life, is
based on the ancestral experiences that
have now been recreated in a new con-
text. In the worldview of the rural fam-
ilies, all that exists is perceived as the
“living world”, in which humans lives in
symbiosis with the forest-water-farm
entity. One is continuity of the other and
there is no separation from the human-
nature-deity complex, where the whole
is greater than the sum of its parts.
References
ARAA/CHOBA-CHOBA (2007). Cosecha de agua
de lluvia. Lima.
ARAA/CHOBA-CHOBA (2010). Informe de
Sistematización y Análisis de Resultados del
Proyecto: Promoción de diversidad agrosilví-
cola para la estabilización de las familias camp-
-


South America
Photo: Mahew King
20
Agricultural knowledge of the Uwǫttüją people in the
ecological restoration of the Amazon rainforest

associated with the stewardship and conserva-
tion of the agrobiodiversity in the “Pätta” (co-
  
temporal dynamic and governance of the seed
      
strategy is based on the local level and has a
successional dynamic, while the other has a
seasonal dynamic and operates both on the
local and regional levels.
Brief description of the Uwǫttüją people
and their territory

self-designation in our Indigenous language,
belonging to the Saliban language family) are
known as people with knowledge of and/or
       
by other names, such as Piaroa, Huottöja, and
De’aruha (9). According to the latest Indige-
 
make up 2.6% of the Indigenous population of
the country. We consist of 19,293 individu-
als, out of which 81% are living in the state of
Amazonas, 18% in the state of Bolívar, and the
remaining 1% dispersed in other parts of the
country.
Introduction
The Amazon rainforest – biodiversity reser-
voir, net climate sink and climate regulator of
the Amazon basin – is being affected by climate
change, which will continue to increase for the
rest of the century (1). It is predicted that the
situation will aggravate with an increase in

According to western literature, we, the In-
digenous communities of the Amazon rainfor-
est and our ways of life are affected by climate
change, particularly in what is referred to as
our agricultural production system (3). How-
ever, our ancestral knowledge has enabled us
to adapt and maintain ourselves resilient to
the changes (4). In this context, according to
-
ing, as the current structure and biodiversity
of the forest is the result of our age-old agri-
cultural activity, based on detailed, ecological
knowledge, that has enabled us to manage the
agrobiodiversity of this ecosystem (5). Ecologi-
cal restoration is an option for climate change
adaptation that has been introduced to build
robust and resilient systems in the face of a
changing climate (6). The recommended res-
toration options for the Amazon rainforest fall
under the conceptual adaptation framework,
based on the ecosystem and the community
(7,8). However, to our knowledge, there are no
references about the role of agroforestry (in
western literature commonly known as shift-
ing cultivation, or slash and burn, among oth-
ers) in forest restoration. In this context, and
with the objective to contribute to the ecologi-
cal restoration of the Amazon rainforest from
the perspective of Indigenous, agricultural
-
al Experimental Indigenous University of Tau-
-

 -
ated with forest restoration strategies related
to our practice of conuco. These strategies are
Suggested citation:
   
  
ecological restoration of the Amazon rainforest. In T.
Mustonen, S.L. Harper, M. Rivera Ferre, J. Postigo, A.
Ayanlade, T. Benjaminsen, R. Morgan, & A. Okem (Eds.),
2021 Compendium of Indigenous Knowledge and Local
Knowledge: Towards Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge
and Local Knowledge in Global Reports on Climate
Change. Snowchange Cooperative: Kontiolahti, Finland.
South America
21
       
30,000 km². It is home to the states of Ama-
zonas and Bolívar, located in the southeastern
part of the country (9). In the Amazonas State
     
parts of the state, in an area of four large water-
sheds, called deiyu in our language: 
(Cuao River watershed),  (Autana
River watershed),  (Sipapo River
watershed) and  (Guayapo River
watershed).
The watershed of the Cuao River has crys-
tal-clear waters and many torrents. The veg-
etation consists of mountain forests, the area
is home to many mountains. The watershed of
the Autana River, on the other hand, has murky
and brown waters with few torrents. The veg-

and moriche palm swamps. The watershed of
the Sipapo River has murky and brown waters,
with higher temperatures than the Cuao or Au-
 -
plain forests and savannas. The waters of the
Guayapo River watershed, in turn, are crystal-
clear and the vegetation is a mix of mountain
forests and savannas.
Methodology of the study and the participation of the Uwǫttüją communities
which interviews, dialogues, visits to the co-
nucos as well as voluntary work was carried
out with the elders in question. In both studies,
visits and direct observation took place in the
conucos of the communities involved.
 
     -
sults. Referring to the right to one’s own edu-

the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of
Venezuela from 1999, both theses were car-
ried out under the supervision of both Indig-
enous teachers and non-indigenous professors


both in our Indigenous language, in front of
community elders, and in Spanish in front of

occasion, both theses received a special recog-
nition due to their unprecedented contribu-
tions in generating visibility for the restoration
strategies of the Amazon rainforest regarding
the practice of conuco.
South America
Data for our theses were collected in our home
communities, and regarding one particular
case, in neighboring communities as well.
To study the stewardship and conservation
     , data
was collected in the community of Caño Uña
(Sipapo watershed). To study the spatial-
    seed network in
  , in turn, information
was gathered in Mavaco de Autana and the
neighboring communities of Caño Grulla and
Caserío (watershed of the Cuao, Autana and
Sipapo rivers). Consent to participate was
requested from the leaders of the communities
involved, prior to carrying out the work.
In Caño Uña, semi-structured interviews
were conducted with two groups of farmers:
community elders who carry the primary re-
sponsibility for the conuco, and young people
who are currently practicing this type of ag-
riculture. In the community of Mavaco de Au-
tana, a community gathering was organized
to identify the elders with most experience in
the topic, recognized by the community, after
Photo: Sherilee Harper
22
Results and discussion
Successional-Local Restoration Strategy
-
gins from the establishment of a new conuco.
After clearing an area, short-cycle species are
planted, followed by perennial species that
 
the structure and functions of the initial forest.
The seeds for starting a new Pätta stem from
the other Pättas of the community that are in
different successional stages. A total of six suc-
cessional stages can be found in the steward-
ship of the Pätta:  (new conuco),
 (growing conuco), 
(conuco in production),  (early
conuco-forest transition),  (de-
 
the stage of Dea’a (restored forest) (Figure 1).
During all the mentioned stages 34 crops are
cultivated, that apart from feeding us, help us
restore the forest. The structure and ecological
complexity of the Pätta is changing along the
different stages: short-cycle species are pre-
dominating in the early phases, followed by
growing layers of perennial plants, primarily
fruit crops. Cassava (Manihot esculenta) is the
predominant species, with the greatest abun-
  -
so represents diversity as it is cultivated in 13
different varieties, being the most important
foodstuff for the community. Moreover, there
are other species of critical importance, de-
spite being less abundant, as their consump-
Figure 1. Successional stages of the Päa Uwǫüją: 1 Jareäka, 2 Pä’i bawäyu,
3 Muäyu - ´kiyä´chäyu, 4 Resabä juächa’a, 5 Dea’a jua’ächa’a and 6 Dea’a.
South America
tion is important for the community. Finally,
there is a group of species that are present all
the way until the last stage of the Pätta (Dea’a),
out of which among the most important ones
are peach palm (Bactris gasipaes Kunth), co-
poazú (   
Spreng.) K.Schum.), avocado (
Mill.) and cashew tree (Anacardium occidentale
L.). Among these species, the peach palm is an
indicator of the renewal of the forest; the death
of this species is considered a sign of a recover-
ing forest. Seed supply for new conucos, as well
as food provision for the community is ensured
along all the successional stages of the Pätta.
23
Seasonal-Local/Regional Restoration Strategy
To ensure the supply of seeds of the plants culti-
vated in the Pätta, there is a seed network in all
communities that is based on seasonal exchanges.
This strategy works through two key mechanisms:
the  that takes place at the beginning
of the rainy season when the sowing starts, and
the  that comes into play at the end of the

the mentioned mechanisms is determined by the
need of seeds by the farmer. It involves exchang-
ing low amounts of seeds as well as knowledge
related to the sowing of the exchanged seeds. The
second mechanism, which is determined by the
abundance of the harvest, involves exchanging
high numbers of seeds and knowledge related to
the storage and conservation of the seeds. Seed
exchange takes place at the local level, between
communities of the same  (watershed) as
well as at the regional level, between different dei-
yus (Figure 2). A greater number and diversity of
seeds are exchanged between communities with-
in the same deiyu than between different deiyus.
This is because only seeds that are able to adapt to
different ecological conditions, can be exchanged
between deiyus.
South America
Figure 2. Map of the seed network
on Uwǫüją territory, Amazonas
state, Venezuela
24
In the seed network two levels of governance

spatial scales, and manage different types of
knowledge: (i) Community scale; the families,
especially the women and elders are constant-
ly examining the state of the seeds in the Pätta,
while simultaneously managing the knowledge
and practices about their reproduction, main-
tenance and storage. (ii) The scale of the whole

together with the community elders regularly
examine the state of the seeds in all commu-
nities and manage the knowledge on threats,
diseases, pests and the condition of the cultiva-
tions, among others (Figure 3).
Within this governance framework it can be

on community and regional levels play an es-
sential role in the protection and preservation

The local and regional governance are in-
terrelated through meetings held among the
supreme leaders and community elders, infor-
mal relations, as well as the Warime ceremony,
which is the most important ceremony of the
  
women who take care of the seed exchange.
Figure 3. Governance framework of the Uwǫüją seed network.
The seeds that are exchanged are collected
from different successional stages of the Pät-
ta. In general the exchange is based on a set

seeds and keep safeguarding the functioning
of the network: (i) no family can be left with-
out seeds (early warning) (ii) all elders need to
monitor the state of the seeds in their commu-

     
must not be exchanged with non-indigenous
or other Indigenous Peoples (prohibition).
South America
25
Conclusions
With regard to our agroforestry system, we
are suggesting a socio-ecosystemic forest res-
toration strategy based on the following nexus:
successional stages of the Pätta – seed network
– governance of the network. In this strategy,
the stewardship of the Pätta ensures the sup-
ply of seeds for the new Pättas as well as guar-
antees the restoration of the forest to a similar
state where it initially was. On the other hand,
the seed network provides an annual dynamic
  
of seeds is moving between the Pättas, and
knowledge is exchanged between the farm-
ers. The governance, in turn, guards the state
of the seeds and the threats and risks that they

through community norms and relations.
Forest restoration based on our agroforest-
al stewardship, summarized in the suggested
nexus, secures the food supply for the commu-
nities and enables monitoring and maintain-

other proposed restoration strategies, such as
plantations that foster dependence on exog-
enous knowledge and resources, and has an
impact on indigenous governance of their ter-
ritory.
As each component of the proposed nexus
is reliant on each other, any shock on one of
them negatively affects the restoration of the
forest as a whole.
Climate change with it impacts on our eco-
systems poses a potential threat on our agro-
forestal stewardship and therefore on our for-
est restoration strategy. However, with our
governance system of the Pätta and the asso-
ciated norms, such as early warnings, control
and prohibition, we will be able to cope with
the changes and stay resilient.
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aruhua). In G. Freire & A. Tillett. (Eds.), El estado de la
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26
Africa
Photo: Snowchange, 2019
27
Listening to the Waters, Learning from the Wisdom of the Elders:
Climate Change and the Future of Coastal Small Scale
Fishing Communities in KwaZulu Natal


enous-traditional knowledge which is handed
down from one generation to another.
However, these systems of Indigenous
knowledge have been greatly impacted by a
century of colonialism and apartheid based
conservation and spatial planning which has
separated many of these communities from
their lands and waters or has restricted their
interaction and interdependence with nature,
dispossessing them of access to resources and
cutting them of from the source of their wis-
       
forefathers and mothers and know how im-
portant it is for them to live in sync with their
environment.
 -
  
Africa) strive for a return of traditional gov-
ernance of our marine and freshwater areas.
This is because we feel that that the present-
day management is not respecting our rights
and the current urgencies like climate change.
A solution would be the re-establishment of
traditional community-based governance:
Our parents and even we have witnessed
these climate changes and seen the negative im-

face of a range of climate changes that result in
  

-
-
-


the Government has introduced stringent crite-

       
 
   
indigenous knowledge with the next generation.
The introduction of the extractive ‘Ocean
policy, known as Operation Phakisa
in South Africa has further exacerbated this
situation. The state is introducing off-shore
oil and gas and mining and industrial style

trapped in a fast-changing environment and
unable to impart the wisdom of the Elders on-
to the youth of the future generation.
-

the Eastern seaboard of South Africa are ob-
-
ests, rivers and near shore waters of the coast
upon which we and our ancestors have de-
pended on for livelihoods for millennia.
The ancestors of these communities settled
these coastal areas hundreds of years ago. The
close relationship that these communities have
to the marine and coastal ecosystems in their
territories that provide them with food and

our customary systems of law and in our Indig-
Suggested citation:

the wisdom of the Elders: Climate change and the future
 
       
Postigo, A. Ayanlade, T. Benjaminsen, R. Morgan, & A.
Okem (Eds.), 2021 Compendium of Indigenous Knowledge
and Local Knowledge: Towards Inclusion of Indigenous
Knowledge and Local Knowledge in Global Reports on
Climate Change. Snowchange Cooperative: Kontiolahti,
Finland.
Africa
28
We are deeply concerned about the impact
 
sea life. In our culture the Elders have knowl-
edge of these resources. We want to once again
become the guardians and caretakers of the
lake, forest and our lands.

young persons to learn from their elders. We
have a lot of traditional rituals and processes to
ensure that the young ones learn the practice
of ukulondaloza and other practices that ena-

from the coastal forest for medicine and tradi-
tional healing practices, how to use grass and
wood for building and so on are transferred
from one generation to another.
Our dream is that we can participate in the
co-management of our lands, lakes and forests
so that we can ensure that these natural re-
sources are managed sustainably and will be
there for our children and future generations.
Photo: Snowchange, 2019
Africa
29
Europe
Photo: Rita Lukkarinen
30
Indigenous Female Bodies as Indicators of Change
Author: Pauliina Feodoroff, Skolt Sámi, Finland

I have noticed that many Sámi women of my
generation - who have been born in the inter-
secting moment of an interrupted traditional
world and a transfer into the modern world -
have found ourselves, in different scales, work-
ing either in defending our waters or our land.
We are being guided by the pain that we feel in
our bodies. Our bodies act as gauges of envi-

responders of something happening.
I lead catchment-wide ecological resto-
       -
mi home area in Finland. It is based on the
knowledge and observations of human-in-

reindeer herders. Indigenous knowledge and
Western Science offer us concepts and possi-
-
ters in our bodies have known and reminded
us of what has happened already much earlier.
Changes in temperature, pain and the gradual
passing of pain, waves, and intrusions within

communicate. It seems that especially women
are more sensitive to receiving messages from
their home environments. And, thus, our In-
digenous conservation work ends up being no
longer a choice but a bodily commitment. This

what or who controls our bodies, especially in
this modern space of broken traditions. Indig-
enous waters and lands strive to be well and
prosper just like our human communities.
These lingering impacts of global environ-
mental damage that has not been dealt with or
addressed leads to real pain in our bodies and
minds, feeling nauseated and ultimately mak-
ing us fade, wilt, wither and extinguish.
Suggested citation:
Feodoroff, P. (2021). Indigenous Female Bodies as Indi-
cators of Change. In T. Mustonen, S.L. Harper, M. Rivera
Ferre, J. Postigo, A. Ayanlade, T. Benjaminsen, R. Mor-
gan, & A. Okem (Eds.), 2021 Compendium of Indigenous
Knowledge and Local Knowledge: Towards Inclusion of
Indigenous Knowledge and Local Knowledge in Global
Reports on Climate Change. Snowchange Cooperative:
Kontiolahti, Finland. Photo: Snowchange
Europe
31
Photos: Snowchange, 2021 Photos: Eero Murtomäki
Europe
32
Climate Change and the Swedish Sámi People
Author: Stefan Mikaelsson
Organisation: Sámi parliament plenary assembly Swedish branch & also board member of
Udtjá Forest Sámi community (residing in Jokkmokk municipality) 1978-2014 with a 3 year break 1994–1997.
sity and resilience than nature elsewhere that
is utilized by the governing nation states and
corporations.
Reducing the amount of carbon dioxide
and other gases contributing to the climate
change which makes itself visible and tangible
through circulation of water, is essential from
the Sámi perspective. Good quality of water-
bodies in Sápmi can only then maintained and
with that Indigenous food sovereignty which
relies on access to clean non-industrial waters

Simultaneously, harmful and escalating
emissions of humus particles from industrial
extractive activities in the Boreal forests and
wetlands to the waterbodies can be reduced


drought and drainage operations.
Suggested citation:
Mikaelsson, S. (2021). Climate Change and the Swedish
Sámi People. In T. Mustonen, S.L. Harper, M. Rivera Ferre,
J. Postigo, A. Ayanlade, T. Benjaminsen, R. Morgan, & A.
Okem (Eds.), 2021 Compendium of Indigenous Knowledge
and Local Knowledge: Towards Inclusion of Indigenous
Knowledge and Local Knowledge in Global Reports on
Climate Change. Snowchange Cooperative: Kontiolahti,
Finland.
The Circumpolar Arctic and a large part of Sá-
mi homeland Sápmi is hit by climate change,
i.e. global warming, twice as fast as the rest of
the world’s different regions.
A logical conclusion to be drawn from this
is that all measures to prevent the negative ef-
fects of warming of the climate – both preven-
tion as well as actions for resilience and cop-
ing locally and thus carrying the Sámi culture
to the unknown future - with the current rapid
pace of warming must be at least twice as ex-
tensive in the Arctic as on the rest of the Earth.
Those cultural Sámi landscapes in four
countries which have been used by Indigenous
Peoples for a long period of time without be-
ing overexploited or plundered by accelerating
industrial extraction, possess greater biodiver-
Photo: Ari Hiltunen
Photo: Johanna Roto
Europe
33
Photos: Carl-Johan Utsi
Europe
34
Arctic
Photo: Snowchange
35
Climate Change, Nomadic Lifestyles, and Preservation of Traditions
Author: Vyacheslav Shadrin, Chief of the Yukaghir Council of Elders
Organisation: Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples, Sakha-Yakutia, Russia
The capacity to predict weather using In-
digenous knowledge is the basis of stable and
effective reindeer herding (e.g., choosing no-
madic routes over large land areas), success-

Weather prediction has become extremely dif-

conditions.
A major problem for reindeer herding in the
tundra is the degradation of reindeer pastures.
The expansion of willows and shrubs into the
tundra has resulted in some nomadic commu-
-
 
Siberia, losing up to 30% of their reindeer li-
chen pastures. In other nomadic communi-
ties, these changes have led to the expansion
of moose into tundra area and deterioration of
reindeer populations. Unpredictable changes
in the migration routes of wild reindeer has
also led to the destruction of domestic rein-
deer pastures. Additionally, wild deer have al-
so started mixing with the reindeer more fre-
quently.
Due to the steady increase in precipitation
in recent years, a deeper than usual snow cov-

for the reindeer to access lichen, their primary
food source. Moreover, the late onset of cold
       
moving to their winter pastures. In the sum-
mer, increased rainfall has led to waterlogging
of low-lying pastures.
The most important challenge is the insta-
bility of the weather. These include, for exam-
ple frequent, never-before-seen warming, com-
bined with occasional rains in the late winter
and early spring. Sharp temperature drops of
over 30 degrees occurring within a few hours
leads to formation of an ice crust on the ground
which becomes a challenge for reindeers, es-
pecially in autumn. Rain-on-snow events are
also more frequent. Furthermore, the number
of summer storms and rapid cooling accompa-
nied with snowfall during in July has increased.
All of these events lead to increased risks in the
lives of Indigenous Peoples, as the number of
dangerous weather events grows.
Degradation of the quality of surface waters

the melting of permafrost, which leads to an
increase in gastrointestinal diseases. Warming
has expanded the distribution of diseases, the
carriers of which are insects and ticks that
spread to new territories. Ancient cemeteries
and campsites, as well as the burial sites of cattle
Suggested citation:

and Preservation of Traditions. In T. Mustonen, S.L.
Harper, M. Rivera Ferre, J. Postigo, A. Ayanlade, T.
Benjaminsen, R. Morgan, & A. Okem (Eds.), 2021
Compendium of Indigenous Knowledge and Local
Knowledge: Towards Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge
and Local Knowledge in Global Reports on Climate
Change. Snowchange Cooperative: Kontiolahti, Finland.
Traditional practices, such as reindeer herd-
 
basis of Siberian Indigenous cultures and so-
cieties. Climate change threatens these prac-
tices, which makes Indigenous Peoples partic-
 -
ic herding lifestyle has built on Indigenous
knowledge which has accumulated over mil-
lennia. Indigenous knowledge, including the
ability to predict weather, has played a sub-
stantial role in the adaptation to the extreme
       
changes under way are changing our reality;
    
themselves in situations where their practice,
experience, and knowledge cannot help them.
An Elder and knowledge holder in our commu-
nity expressed this by stating that “nature does
”.
Arctic
36
and reindeer, are dangerous sites as permafrost
melts and coastal erosion proceeds. These sites
contain Siberian anthrax, plague and smallpox
cells from the populations who died in the
past epidemics, which are re-emerging as the
permafrost thaws. Consequentially, in 2016, a
 
died in Yamal as a result of an anthrax release.
The region of Yakutia experiences the same
risks.
Traditional food security is under threat.
Permafrost-based storage facilities have dete-
riorated, resulting in a sharp decline of food
quality. There is an increase in the number of
people who are forced to abandon the con-
 -
fected with diseases. As a result, the likelihood
of losing cultural traditions is growing as tra-
ditional foods are an integral part of the tradi-
tional way of life and culture in Siberia. These
combined climate change-induced changes
force people to lose their traditional knowl-
edge, eventually abandoning their nomadic
way of life, thus, losing their identity as dis-
tinct Indigenous Peoples. Photo: Snowchange
Arctic
37Arctic
Photos: Tero Mustonen
38
Appendices
Articles presented in the language of submission
The original submissions in the original language can be found online at


Photo credit: Matthew King and Indigenous Health Adaptation to Climate Change project;
photo taken and used with informed consent, cover and page 5, 16, 18
Photo credit: Matthew King and Indigenous Health Adaptation to Climate Change project, page 3, 14, 19
Layout: Rita Lukkarinen and Eero Murtomäki
... A number of groups have called for the integration of Indigenous knowledge into climate action (IIPFCC, 2017). We join here with others who have called for maintaining the autonomy of different knowledge systems, rather than integrating them into a single hybrid knowledge system (Mustonen et al., 2021;Tengö et al., 2017;Ulloa, 2017). We advocate a collaboration between different knowledge systems in order to address the climate crisis, but do not propose the development of new hybrid knowledge systems; such collaboration consists of drawing on these knowledge systems to create just forms of climate action, but does not propose the development of a new hybrid knowledge system. ...
... Overall, this issue of justice within plural knowledge systems has received quite cursory attention rather than meaningful recognition in international climate policy processes (Ford, Cameron, et al., 2016;Mustonen et al., 2021). Despite well-established acknowledgement of the importance of engaging with diverse knowledge systems, sources of information, and scales of evidence, the practical combination or collaboration of these systems has been more difficult to operationalise (see also section 3.2, 3.3). ...
Technical Report
Full-text available
Human cultural diversity is reflected in many different ways of knowing, being, and doing, each with specific histories, positionalities, and connections to ecosystems, landscapes, and the world. Such diversity results in plural knowledge systems. This white paper describes the characteristics and complexity of knowledge systems in the context of climate change. It notes the deficiencies of action to date on climate change, which has largely rested on scientific knowledge, and discusses the importance of drawing on other knowledge systems, particularly Indigenous knowledge and local knowledge. This paper synthesises evidence highlighting that Indigenous knowledge systems and local knowledge systems are dynamic, contemporary, and actively applied worldwide. Although Indigenous knowledge and local knowledge systems continue to be politically marginalised, the recognition of their role in climate governance is essential. We consider plural knowledge systems and the interactions and potential collaborations between them, with a goal of informing how they can most constructively, equitably, and inclusively be conceptualised and addressed when discussing and generating knowledge about and responses to climate change.
... These exchanges were supplemented with extensive keyword and internet searches. This process shortlisted pioneering cities that are developing work at the intersection of climate justice, equity and urban sustainability, each bringing in different ways to tackle social inequalities, such as allowing for informality in Cape Town (Fox et al., 2021), empowering youth in Quito Chu et al., 2016), combatting racism in Portland (Connolly and Anguelovski, 2021;Goodling, 2021), and assimilating Indigenous and local knowledge in climate action in North American cities (Mustonen et al., 2021). We apply these other examples to contextualize individual actions in Barcelona and reflect on how intersectional climate adaptation actions can be furthered. ...
Article
Full-text available
Local governments around the world are formulating different ways to address climate change. However, the compounding and overlapping vulnerabilities of historically marginalized residents are commonly tackled in a fragmented manner by conventional adaptation approaches, even when justice is presented as an overarching goal of these plans. In response, we propose an intersectional pivot in climate adaptation research and practice to analyze the interconnected forms of social-environmental injustices that drive vulnerabilities in cities, paving the way for more concrete and integrated strategies of just urban adaptation and transformation. This paper brings together narrative and analytical review methodologies to inform a new conceptual framework that highlights the need to (1) tackle underlying reinforcers of racial and gender inequalities; (2) redress drivers of differential vulnerabilities; (3) take politics and ethics of care seriously; (4) adopt place-based and place-making approaches; and (5) promote cross-identity forms of activism and community resilience building. We illustrate the framework with examples of ongoing projects in Barcelona, Spain, which is an early adopter of intersectional thinking and justice-driven principles in climate action. Although many initiatives are in a pilot phase and do not all exclusively focus on climate adaptation, experiences from Barcelona do provide illustrative directionality for innovative and integrated approaches that can address multiple and intersecting social-environmental inequities.
Article
Full-text available
Large‐scale restoration programs in the tropics require large volumes of high quality, genetically diverse and locally adapted seeds from large number of species. However, scarcity of native seeds is a critical restriction to achieve restoration targets. In this paper, we analyze three successful community‐based networks that supply native seeds and seedlings for Brazilian Amazon and Cerrado restoration projects. In addition, we propose directions to promote local participation, legal, technical and commercialization issues for upscaling the market of native seeds for restoration with high quality and social justice. We argue that effective community‐based restoration arrangements should follow some principles: (i) seeds production must be based on real market demand; (ii) non‐governmental and governmental organizations have a key role in supporting local organization, legal requirements and selling processes; (iii) local ecological knowledge and labor should be valued, enabling local communities to promote large‐scale seed production; (iv) applied research can help develop appropriate techniques and solve technical issues. The case studies from Brazil and principles presented here can be useful for the upscaling of restoration ecology efforts in many other parts of the world and especially in tropical countries where improving rural communities’ income is a strategy for biodiversity conservation and restoration. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
Article
Full-text available
Several years with extreme floods or droughts in the past decade have caused human suffering in remote communities of the Brazilian Amazon. Despite documented local knowledge and practices for coping with the high seasonal variability characteristic of the region’s hydrology (e.g., 10 m change in river levels between dry and flood seasons), and despite ‘civil defense’ interventions by various levels of government, the more extreme years seem to have exceeded the coping capacity of the community. In this paper, we explore whether there is a real increase in variability, whether the community perceives that recent extreme events are outside the experience which shapes their responses to ‘normal’ levels of variability, and what science-based policy could contribute to greater local resilience. Hydrological analyses suggest that variability is indeed increasing, in line with expectations from future climate change. However, current measures of hydrological regimes do not predict years with social hardship very well. Interviewees in two regions are able to express their strategies for dealing with ‘normal’ variability very well, but also identify ways in which abnormal years exceed their ability to cope. Current civil defense arrangements struggle to deliver emergency assistance in a sufficiently timely and locally appropriate fashion. Combining these insights in the context of social-ecological change, we suggest how better integration of science, policy and local knowledge could improve resilience to future trends, and identify some contributions science could make into such an arrangement.
Value Change for Survival
  • Oren Lyons
Oren Lyons, "Value Change for Survival," YouTube, published September 17, 2015. https://youtu.be/ yU5eI61JFUk.
How to Indigenize the Green New Deal and Environmental Justice
  • Dina Gilio-Whitaker
Dina Gilio-Whitaker, "How to Indigenize the Green New Deal and Environmental Justice," High Country News, published September 10, 2020. https://www. hcn.org/articles/tribal-affairs-how-to-indigenizethe-green-new-deal-and-environmental-justice.
Implementing forest landscape restoration, a practitioner's guide. International Union of Forest Research Organizations, Special Programme for Development of Capacities (IUFRO-SPDC)
  • W Balée
Balée W. (2013) Cultural forests of the Amazon: a historical ecology of people and their landscapes, 268 p. Tuscaloosa, AL: The University of Alabama Press Stanturf J, Mansourian S, Kleine M (eds.) (2017) Implementing forest landscape restoration, a practitioner's guide. International Union of Forest Research Organizations, Special Programme for Development of Capacities (IUFRO-SPDC). Viena, Austria 128 p
El estado de la salud indígena en Venezuela
  • G Freire
  • S Zent
Freire G, & Zent S (2007) Los Piaroa (Huottuja/De' aruhua). In G. Freire & A. Tillett. (Eds.), El estado de la salud indígena en Venezuela (pp. 137-198). República Bolivariana de Venezuela: Coordinación Intercultural de Salud de los Pueblos Indígenas (CISPI)-Ministerio de Salud y Desarrollo Social Photos: Carl-Johan Utsi Europe