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Distant Proximities: Dynamics beyond Globalization

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... James Rosenau's (2003) somewhat awkward term "fragmegration" highlights the disjointed dynamics of disintegration and integration that frequently occur among these four globalization formations. Consider, for example, the immense destruction and ruptures wrought by the two world wars of the twentieth century. ...
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Although globalization theories have flourished over the last four decades, they are still struggling to overcome some of their long-standing limitations. After an initial discussion of influential mappings of globalization theories that frame the discussion of their shortcomings, this article takes up two persistent limitations. First, major concepts of globalization theory still lack definitional precision as well as clear analytical and historical delineation. The article addresses these problems by reexamining four core concepts of globalization theory. The ensuing exercise in conceptual clarification draws on Raymond Williams’s pioneering approach to “keywords.” The second limitation concerns the slowness with which many globalization theorists have included pertinent keywords outside familiar meaning orbits. The article argues for an expansion of the core vocabulary of globalization theory to achieve a more systemic integration of new keywords, especially from postcolonial and environmental theory. Overcoming these two persistent limitations of globalization theory depends on the success of a number of critical measures proposed in this article.
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States have been the fundamental building blocks of modern world politics. They have formed a dualistic structure reminiscent of the role of the Roman god Janus. Statues of Janus were placed at the gates to the city. The god had two faces, one looking inwards to guard the social, economic and political life of the city, to give it unity and a sense of the common good and public interest. The second face looked outwards, to protect the city from external threats and predators, to pursue the city's interests in a hostile world and to interact with other cities. In today's collective choice literature, the first face or function of the state is said to be an ‘arena of collective action' amongst its inhabitants and citizens. The second face or function was to permit the state to make—or break—‘credible commitments' to other states, what Kenneth Waltz, in his magisterial Theory of International Politics, called ‘like units' (Waltz 1979)—the capacity of a set of political institutions to play such ‘two-level games' (Putnam 1988) effectively—is what is called ‘statehood' (Brenner 2004).
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Resumen La sostenibilidad es un tema tratado en la actualidad de gran importancia, en el cual se pueden realizar análisis en los modelos de negocios empresariales basados en su cadena de valor. Cuba que como estado no queda ajena a estos temas, se encuentra inmersa en el cambio de su matriz energética mediante el uso de energías renovables, para disminuir el consumo de combustibles fósiles importados para generar electricidad. El trabajo tiene como objetivo diagnosticar la sostenibilidad en las dimensiones ambiental, económica y social mediante el empleo de la cadena de valor de paneles fotovoltaicos en la empresa de Componentes Electrónicos, Pinar del Río, Cuba. La metodología utilizada es cualitativa, para realizar la validación del diagnóstico de la sostenibilidad de la cadena de valor de paneles fotovoltaicos en Cuba se aplica el método Delphi utilizando el criterio de expertos. Los resultados están relacionados con la validación de cada uno de los indicadores propuestos en las tres dimensiones, para su posterior aplicación en la cadena de valor objeto de estudio. Palabras claves: cadena de valor, diagnóstico, sostenibilidad, validación, paneles fotovoltaicos.
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The aim of this paper is to highlight the role citizens' groups as democracy actors at the local level of governance. The author uses the statistical data analysis method and available findings related to the local elections' results in Serbia between 1992 and 2022. In the introduction, the author identifies the main assumptions of local democracy as the basis of a broader, society-wide democratization. The importance of local self-government and elections for the lowest instance the vertical organization of power is also addressed. The paper points to the normative framework regulating the establishment and action of citizens' groups on the political stage. In the central part of the paper, results of citizens' groups are analyzed for each election cycle, along with their participation in coalitions and exercise of local authority. The conclusion seeks to answer the research question raised and to provide some recommendation for the empowerment of citizens' groups as authentic local democracy actors.
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Globalization heralded the world economy in the 1980s, even though its policy prescriptions were laid out more broadly by neoliberal theorists in the 1960s and 1970s. Globalization endorsed the neoliberal policies of free trade and the free market economy as a counter‐narrative to the growing resurgence of the models of “social democracy” in the post‐Second World War period. This article seeks to unravel the inequalities and inequities brought in by the policies of globalization through the prisms of the Indian experience. Through a thorough analysis of the human development index (HDI) indicators, we can only agree with dependency theorists like Andre Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein that globalization has accentuated the miseries and underdevelopment of a developing country like India. It has exacerbated the class differences between the rich and the poor and deepened poverty, inequality, and unemployment in India.
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Die Europawahlen 2024 finden in unsicheren Zeiten, unter den Bedingungen einer vermeintlichen Polykrise statt. Der Beitrag beleuchtet zunächst diesen aktuell vielfach diskutierten Begriff, zeigt bestehende Herausforderungen der EU im Wahljahr auf und hinterfragt abschließend diesen Krisendiskurs.
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The biosphere consists of three groups of elements: (1) organic (fauna and flora), (2) inorganic (hydrosphere, atmosphere, lithosphere) and (3) an intermediate element (soil). Due to its universal, comprehensive and existential properties, the biosphere requires international cooperation, including global governance, therefore, Biogovernance is to a large extent a component of global governance. Global Biogovernance is debordered because it ignores national boundaries and is plural and fragmented as it does not have a single center of power and functional competences used within it are distributed among many state-actors and non-state actors. The purpose of this chapter is to investigate the constitutive features and mechanisms of global Biogovernance contributing to the elimination or reduction of cases of unsustainable development. The theoretical basis for the analysis will be intergovernmentalism and supranationalism with attempt to create a bridge between both approaches.
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In the chapter, a theoretical link between the concepts of governance, state capacity, and resilience is presented. Adopting a state-centric view of governance and resilience, it is argued that the state remains at the forefront of addressing the impacts and adverse consequences stemming from social tipping points. What determines the success of the state in addressing social tipping points is according to our framework the state capacity, which consists of five critical subcomponents (i.e., administrative, legal, infrastructural, fiscal, and military). We then focus on the concept of resilience, which represents the flip side of the state capacity and is thus pivotal in determining the successful governance of social tipping points. Lastly, adopting a multilevel stakeholder agency perspective, we hypothesize about the role of non-state actors (transnational, private, and local) in governing social tipping points. A special emphasis is placed on the European Union as a transnational actor sui generis due to the integration of core state powers.
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The English‐language origins of “globalization” can be traced back to the late 1920s but the term does not make its formal appearance until the 1951 edition of Webster's dictionary. Picked up by sociologist Roland Robertson in the early 1980s, “globalization” emerged in the early 1990s as a pivotal signifier in public debates relating to the expansion and intensification of social relations across world‐time and world‐space – the latest phase of a long historical process some thinkers like to characterize as “time–space compression.” “Globalization” surfaced as a buzzword because the tangibility and visibility of globally interrelated life called for a single word naming this interconnectedness. An analysis of some 8,000 newspapers, magazines, and reports worldwide attests to the tremendous acceleration of the frequency with which “globalization” was used. From a mere 2 in 1981, the number of items mentioning the term grew to 57,235 in 2001 and remained close to this level for the rest of the 2000s.
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This theory note argues that international norms, as currently understood by scholars of international relations, can be seen as emergent properties of a complex adaptive system (the international political system). Arising from the microlevel interactions of agents within and across various levels of analysis, they have the potential to become system properties that (a) influence the constitution, relationships, and behavior of agents within that system and (b) are not analytically reducible to the sum of the interactions between those agents. They also exhibit evolutionary dynamics common to complex, rather than merely complicated, systems. Thinking of norms in this manner helps point norms scholars toward particular spaces and methodologies of research. After a brief resume of complexity theory in IR, the note proceeds with an introduction to complex systems theory. It then explores the conceptual nexus between norms theory and complexity. It finishes by suggesting the ways in which understanding norms as complex emergent phenomena might influence norms research more broadly.
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This research highlights the central-local dynamics shaping China’s investment and diplomatic strategies in Southeast Asia. Mobilizing the notions of interest groups and, in particular, the concept of fragmentation, initially developed to analyse Chinese domestic policy, it allows for a better understanding of the motives behind China’s international projection, in particular by integrating the influence of Chinese provincial authorities into the analyses of Chinese foreign policy. This conceptual framework, too rarely developed in the literature, is used to highlight the role of Guangxi authorities in projecting Chinese investment and shaping its diplomacy in Southeast Asia. Taking the mining industry as a case study, this article reveals the numerous actors and strategies deployed at the Guangxi province level in order to shape China’s overall foreign policy in a way that better fits its own interest. This article thus advocates for a more local political and economic approach to Chinese outward projection to better comprehend all the stakes at play behind China’s global push.
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Given the impact that rapid shifts in globalization can have for societies and the relevance that the topic holds today, it seems wise to continue to investigate the various ways that shifts in globalization patterns impact intrastate and interstate dynamics. This chapter examines the relationship between such precipitous changes, termed globalization shocks, and the propensity to use interstate military force. In this regard, it is evident that globalization shocks weaken governments and mobilize dissent. A well-worn argument in the interstate conflict literature claims that governments that face significant domestic challenges may turn to the international arena to bolster their domestic political standing. Such struggling governments may use interstate military force both to divert elite and popular attention from domestic problems and to rally the population around their leadership (Fordham in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, 2017). Given such possible diversionary incentives, it seems reasonable to expect that globalization shocks may at times be associated with the use of interstate military force. Substantial globalization shocks may not only increase the probability that intrastate force is used, but they may increase as well the probability that interstate force is employed. To test this presumption, the chapter builds on a notable empirical study that finds a positive relationship between globalization shocks and civil conflict (Nieman in International Interactions 37:263–292, 2011). The chapter’s results suggest that globalization shocks are related to an increased probability of initiating foreign military intervention, but only for well-established democracies that are highly enmeshed in the global community. Advanced western democracies have a propensity to launch supportive military interventions when they experience globalization shocks, but not hostile military interventions. A similar relationship between shock and intervention is not found for other states. Although more research is needed on the subject, these results suggest that OECD Chief Economist Boone’s concerns about the potential ramifications of rapid deglobalization may be well founded. Stark increases or decreases in globalization levels may not only have wide-ranging domestic consequences, but they may also affect interstate relations.KeywordsGlobalizationShockMilitary forceDomestic consequences
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Focusing attention on the human capital of a society is crucial in achieving sustainable development. Women account for nearly half of this population and their empowerment improves the quality and quantity of human capital, which has a direct and indirect impact on growth and sustainable development. Globalization and knowledge components are among the factors influencing women's empowerment and have contributed to development. Thus, the present study was conducted to investigate the interaction between globalization (the three dimensions of globalization) and good governance and knowledge components (skills and human resources, information and communication technology, and innovation system) on women's empowerment in 50 selected countries during the period 2010–2018 using panel data techniques and generalized method of moments (GMM). According to the findings, the interaction between the dimensions of globalization and governance, as well as the knowledge components, indicated a positive and significant effect on women’s empowerment. Among the components of knowledge, skills and human resources, showed the most significant effects and the system of innovations were found to have the lowest impact on women’s empowerment.
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This article is based on a comprehensive overview of the evolution of the academic literature on cultural diplomacy since its official inception during the midst of the Cold War, in 1959. It draws on mapping, chronology building, and thematic analysis of all scholarship published on cultural diplomacy in the Scopus database, the largest academic database in the world. The research explores how the discipline has evolved, what geographies and thematic areas it covered in the past, and what is the future of this discipline. These explorations start a conversation on cultural diplomacy as an independent academic discipline that most recently has gained a wider and stronger attention and reached a higher stage of scholarly maturity. This article is evidence that the research on CD is rapidly progressing with time, incorporating new thematic areas for exploration as well as covering wider cultural and political geographies. The research findings suggest further trajectories for the development of cultural diplomacy as an academic enquiry, focusing on different diplomatic channels, modes of operation, structures, actors, meanings, and implications.
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Shifting gifted education away from transactional toward transformational giftedness will enable the brightest, most talented young people to strengthen their ethical awareness, appreciate big problems and issues, and contribute to the betterment of the world over the long term. Many of today’s big problems and issues are barriers that will work against the transition to transformational giftedness. In order to make that transition, students, educators, policymakers, and citizens must understand these barriers so they can develop the big-picture vision necessary for supporting and sustaining the practical work involved in ethical educational change. This chapter explains the results of an interdisciplinary exploration of the barriers that will impede the transition to transformational giftedness. It includes recommendations for dismantling these barriers so the transition can be made more effectively.KeywordsTransformational giftednessInterdisciplinaryEthical awarenessUtopiaUniversalist moralityPsychopathsInequalityMass deceptionNuanced judgmentCognitive diversity
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Public hearings play a critical role in U.S. local government. The evolution of public access to local government hearings and its related challenges have not been documented in a systematic way to encourage research and collaborative scholarship between practitioners and scholars. This article seeks to begin the dialogue by offering seven strategies for navigating access to public hearings in local government. In recent years, local governments have faced increasing pressure to keep pace with evolving technologies, while balancing competing budget priorities, and assuming a growing role in addressing policy issues that were previously the focus of state and national governments. The COVID‐19 pandemic context has presented further complexity. Left unaddressed, these challenges contribute to a widening gap between what is administratively sustainable versus politically acceptable. The strategies suggested address current challenges, attempt to bridge the gap between what is administratively sustainable and politically acceptable, and propose avenues for further study.
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This essay addresses the issue of Cultural Imperialism and the National Identities of the countries of the Global South. The binarism in which both of them are portrayed is the main focus of this essay. It tries to conclusively demonstrate the untenability of the same binarism by highlighting the various local worlds that empirically exist in the contemporary world. The overlap of many complex social processes and concepts have been unravelled to refute the popular and faulty understanding of the current human condition that cries out for better explication.
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This chapter exposes the Kremlin’s practices in providing health goods and services, and it outlines how and why Putin’s promises fall flat. Putin’s personalistic regimes bolstered its legitimacy by offering material inducements for non-elites. However, the low quality of mandates that support informational autocracy—and not the substantive policy objectives—make the implementation of health promises unlikely. Empirically, the chapter documents perpetual drug shortages, traces poorly managed transition to pharmaceutical independence, and contrasts popularity-boosting mega-projects in health against the healthcare sector reductions.KeywordsInformational autocracyAuthoritarian legitimacyPersonalismEssential medicinesImport substitutionReductions in healthcareBureaucratic mandatesPutin
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Despite the imperative to pay attention to the words we use as a routine dimension of research, the methodological and pedagogical tools illustrating how to work on our own use of language are largely missing within and beyond international relations (IR). To address this gap, we develop a method—the “Reflexive Review”—which adds a linguistic and reflexive dimension to the common practice of a literature review. This method is accessible for researchers who are neither linguistic specialists nor working on language and can be integrated within a standalone research project. First, we review the existing traditions used in IR to investigate language—quantitative text analysis, conceptual analysis, discourse analysis, deconstruction, and problematization—and assess their interest and limits regarding linguistic reflexivity. Second, we introduce four methodological steps for conducting the Reflexive Review, by reviewing literature to: (1) build a list of “priority words” that may need reflexive attention; (2) look for metalinguistic statements to synthesize how the literature has explicitly discussed these words; (3) identify patterns of word use, as collectively shared meanings that coexist and that we should become aware of; and (4) compare the identified uses of language with our own. Third, we demonstrate the Reflexive Review in practice based on a word commonly used in IR: “local.” We identify four patterns of the word use of “local” in IR literature as: a class of actors, a level of analysis, community, and experiences of the everyday. In sum, we demonstrate how a Reflexive Review enables us to implement reflexivity in practice and make more conscious linguistic choices, to support more nuanced, ethical, and rigorous analysis and empirical work.
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Extant institutions of global governance, including the UN, are “decisions frozen in time”; created at a time when sovereignty-bound entities reigned supreme. Today, those institutions are proving to be defective, inefficient, ineffective, and largely irrelevant particularly when it comes to maintaining global peace and security. This presentation argues that the time is ripe for new thinking about global governance; as humanity grapples with the failure of post-World War II institutions to end global conflicts, turbulence, and disorder. Suggestions are offered of the type of new thinking that is necessary at this juncture to mitigate the defects in global governance.KeywordsGlobal governanceUnited NationsSovereigntyGlobal peaceSecurityEfficiency
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This chapter introduces the concept of migrant digital space (MDS). MDS is defined as configured by migrants’ online activity before the journey, en route, and when settling down, and as a space shaped by practices. Following a relational approach to space, MDS is understood as an outcome of social relations and practices with material and intangible characteristics. Within this perspective, MDS is formed by (a) digital subjects (accounts, pages, hashtags, channels), (b) migrant-related topics (such as discussions on migration routes; language lessons; football conversations; university enrolment; job seeking) through conversations across (c) various digital platforms. After introducing the concept of MDS it is explained how, in the context of the DIGINAUTS project, the concept was developed into the collection of a dataset of public Facebook content, which was subsequently implemented. The data collected and some of its characteristics are highlighted.
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Drone warfare is the most emblematic manifestation of so-called remote warfare. And yet, how ‘remote’ is it really? Based on extensive interaction with French drone crews, and interviews conducted in 2020, this article shows how drone warfare is not so new, not so distant, not so different, not so indifferent, and not so riskless. In other words, how distancing is a constant in the history of warfare; how the cliché of the drone pilot killing people between the groceries and the family dinner is a partial reflect of reality; how the videogame-like immersive environment of drone pilots is not that different from the one of modern inhabited aircrafts; how drones contradict the widespread assumption that propensity to killing is proportionate to physical distance from target; and finally how drone warfare is not that riskless, at least compared to its most likely alternatives. Therefore, drone warfare is not that remote.
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The role of the mobile phone among people on the move has featured in several disciplinary discussions in recent years, but it remains relatively neglected by ethnomusicology. Exploring the gap, this article draws observations from Media and Communications Studies, Migration Studies and Anthropology to bear on a participatory music education project that the author led among unaccompanied migrating minors in Sicily 2017–2019. It interrogates the ethics of music research among migrant communities particularly when it involves participatory work such as performing, recording and publishing music. It also examines how Africans are caught up in, and negotiate, the racist colonial legacies that continue to inform musical consumption in Italy. The central arguments of the article are that mobile phones empower participants in their day-to-day lives and music-making, but have complex social consequences; and that within a macro socio-economic sphere, phones link participants ever more tightly and more powerfully into the historical chain of mass production that is exploiting humanity and the environment. Ethnomusicologists would do well to turn their attention more critically towards phones and related audio technologies, and reflect on the very deep socio-political entanglement in which all our networked lives – migratory or settled – are caught.
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Sustainability is normatively defined as the interconnectedness of policy goals and actions; the partnership among governments, civil society, and the private sector; and a transformational vision pursuing structural change against marginalization and environmental degradation. This article provides the conceptual basis for a meso policy analysis and evaluation framework to address the normative dimensions of sustainability-centered policies. Drawing on complexity, behavioral, and sustainability sciences, a meso interpretative lens contributes to articulating the ethical and techno-scientific norms underlying SDGs discourses. Through knowledge co-production, and collaborative governance, a meso policy analysis and evaluation approach can help overcome centralized politics and techno-scientific rationalization.
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Recent warfare in Eastern DRC, especially since 2015, is marked by violence inspired by ‘race’ narratives. Identity politics around ‘race’ is used to legitimise ‘expressive’ or reprisal-oriented violence against ‘Hamitic’ or ‘Tutsi’ minorities. The case of the Banyamulenge of South Kivu is examined in this article. Following Autesserre, we show that one-dimensional narratives – in this case of ‘race’ – tend to over-simplify the dynamics of political violence. Anti-Hamitic racism is derived from colonial ideas around race hierarchies, and has resulted in systematic killings of Banyamulenge civilians in what resembles a ‘slow genocide’. Expressive violence has, in turn, produced a lack of concern for the plight of Banyamulenge civilians among the military, humanitarians, media, scholars and NGOs. Given armed alliances between local Maimai forces, Burundian and Rwandan opposition and the DRC army, such ‘race’ narratives cruelly legitimise violence against civilians from ‘Tutsi’ communities, associated by neighbouring communities with Rwanda. Resultant displacement, starvation and killing of Banyamulenge civilians in this context amount to an on-going, slow-moving genocide. As the COVID-19 crisis unrolls, the decolonisation of identity politics in Eastern DRC, and in South Kivu in particular still seems very remote.
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Globalization is as an idea is a complex, contradictory, and ambiguous theoretical construct. As social scientists have attempted to separate out the categories identified with globalization, their very multidimensionality connects these categories to all the fields which are connected with the social sciences, including the economic, the political, the social, the anthropological and subsets of these fields, such as the technological, the environmental, the educational, the ecological (Appadurai 1990a, b; Zajda and Rust 2009; Zajda 2020a). Because scholars approaching globalization come from such varied traditions, with their different perspectives, informing principles, and priorities they tend to draw back from its multidimensionality and misrepresent globalization by linking it to capitalism, the nation state, political liberalism, etc. (Tomlinson 1999). Ludwig Wittgenstein once likened a complex theoretical construct to a landscape, and he explained that a single interpretation of anything is partial, and to gain the fullest picture of that landscape requires one to “criss-cross in every direction.”
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The “end of geography” thesis rests on claims that there is an extensive disconnection between social, economic, and political problems on one hand and the capacity of public jurisdictions to either contain or effectively deal with those problems on the other hand. The dominant response to the end of geography thesis is an observation that there is extensive interjurisdictional collaboration or governance and a call for further governance or collaboration. The secondary response is jurisdictional reorganization in the direction of regional general or functional consolidation. I will focus on the dominant response to the end of geography—interjurisdictional governance or collaboration (Emerson et al. 2012; Greig 2002; O’Brien 1992). Seeing Collaboration¹ Can we see collaboration? If so, what does it look like? To start to build an answer to these two questions, let me recommend the Kanizsa Square in figure 1 below. What do we see in the Kanizsa Square? We see four circles with notches, like the action figures in a packman game. What else do we see? The four circles are arranged in such a way as to cause us to think we “see” a rectangle. But we actually see that rectangle only in our imaginations. Unlike the black circles, a rectangle is not really there, yet we can “see” it.
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This article assesses the current state of globality in light of the ongoing COVID-19 crisis. It opens with a concise survey of influential meanings and uses of “globality” in extant global studies literature. Offering clarifications and definitions of two pertinent keywords – “globality” and “globalization” – this overview provides a careful conceptual delineation of these two concepts as a prerequisite for determining their causal relation: globalization (the process) shapes globality (the condition). It is argued that the widening disjunctures and cleavages among the major globalization dynamics are transforming the hitherto dominant form of globality. Yielding a plausible response to the crucial question of how globality itself has been transformed by globalization, the clarification of the major structural dynamics linking the disjunctive processes of space-time compression to the restructuring of the mutable condition of worldwide interconnectedness facilitates a comprehensive assessment of the current state of globality. The article ends with a brief speculation on the future of globality and the prospects for overcoming the negative social impacts of disjunctive globalization.
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In the 1990s, many left-wing parties abandoned their traditional economic policies and adopted more pro-market economic stances. Central and Eastern Europe offers a useful context to explore the impact of these policies on the electoral fortunes of the left-wing parties that adopted them. Although rewarded at first with electoral victories, the adaptation of pro-market positions had a less straightforward impact on the left-wing parties’ electoral fortunes in the long run. CHES data on party positions and ESS survey data on party support show that pro-market left parties obtain reduced support; this effect is particularly pronounced among the economically vulnerable occupational groups. In countries with more pro-market left parties, these groups have a higher propensity to vote for right-wing parties. These findings highlight important parallels between the dynamics of Western and Central and Eastern European party systems.
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A methodological framework is analyzed for conceptualizing regions and regional orders, such as the Liberal Order, as complex adaptive systems (CAS), envisioning the global order as a “grand whole” with a collage of complex adaptive sub-wholes. Drawing on complexity and chaos theory, this conceptualization of regional systems assists researchers to devise models for managing complexity, turbulence, and uncertainty in world affairs and creating conditions that foster greater interdependence and interconnectedness between different regional systems, which ultimately encourages multi-level cooperation and multilateralism and creates resilient governance structures. The quest for “order out of chaos” must involve methods for addressing “complexity” as an agent of change: complexity is a blessing and a curse, it is one of the greatest parameters in any effort to manage uncertainty at any level of the global system. Complexity expands the conceptual and methodological frameworks of IR Theory to diffuse policies intra-, inter-, and trans-regionally to deal with tipping points and systemic shocks and to address problems of a transnational nature. The chapter concludes that the reinvention of the Liberal Order must involve an agenda of “wholism” in order to create adaptation mechanisms and complexity management schemes to deal with the problems of uncertainty and prediction.
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This chapter sets the scene for the formation of states in Africa, as a result of independence, beginning late in the 1950s, particularly in the Sub-Saharan region. As World War II concluded and a new world order emerged, pitting the US-led, democratic capitalist western world against the USSR-led communist-socialist world, European countries, war ravaged and desperately holding onto increasingly assertive and soon-to-be independent colonies in Asia and Africa, found themselves increasingly on the periphery of global order debates, but also provided ammunition to the USSR and its allies, given continuing colonialism. Pressure also came from within the colonies in the form of independence movements, from the more receptive Soviet orbit, from the US itself given the pointed contradictions, from regional organizations, such as the Arab League and afield, Asian countries and their collective action (e.g. the Bandung Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement), and the liberated African countries such as Ghana and former French West Africa. The chapter outlines the most important issues addressed in the monograph—read foreign policy—that would confront the countries, individually, and together, as they struggled to rid the continent of the yoke of colonialism especially in the southern African region.
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Das vierte Kapitel thematisiert die Institutionen, in denen sich Gesellschaften organisieren, und die Anreize für individuelles und kollektives Handeln bereitstellen. Dargestellt werden ökonomische Ordnungsentwürfe, darin eingeschlossen die Soziale Marktwirtschaft, um sodann im spieltheoretischen Kontext das Problem zu thematisieren, wie mit Anreizsystemen umzugehen ist, die individuelles Verhalten fördern, das zu kollektiven Katastrophen führt, wie es in der Finanzkrise zu sehen war. Diese wird umfassend in einem Beispiel aufgegriffen, um das Maß der Regelüberschreitungen zu verdeutlichen, ebenso wie der Ost-West-Systemkrieg vor dem Fall der Mauer.
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This chapter discusses the global transformations at the interrelated levels of polity, policy, and politics by following three views of globalization as (1) a “re-” process or the continuation of an old system in disguise, (2) a “de-” process underlying the dismantling of old borders and systems, and (3) a “post-” process that focuses on the emerging phenomena and new, hybrid structures. The first section explores the changing nature of the international system with a special focus on global, national, and European polities, respectively. It covers the debates about world order, national sovereignty, and self-determination and looks at the complex relationship between European integration and globalization. Secondly, at the policy level, the chapter focuses on changing security policies with a special emphasis on new wars, new terrorism, human security, and securitization. After discussing the polity and policy dimensions of globalization, the chapter focuses on politics in terms of ideologies, including the political stances toward globalization. Overall, the study suggests looking at political globalization as a complex and multidimensional phenomenon that involves not only “re-” and “de-” processes but also “post-” processes that transform and go beyond the taken-for-granted understandings about polity, policy, and politics at global, regional, and national levels.
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There is growing evidence of the transformation of statehood under globalization, specifically, the fragmentation, decentralization and internationalization of state apparatuses. While most pronounced in Western Europe, these trends are observable worldwide. Foreign policy analysis (FPA) and international relations (IR) theory have fundamentally failed to keep pace with this epochal development. These traditions still largely understand states as coherent actors whose territorial borders “contain” sociopolitical relations and where identifiable “decisions” produce unified policies and strategies. This article challenges this shortcoming, offering a new theorization of foreign and security policy-making and implementation that foregrounds state transformation and the rise of regulatory statehood. The theory is developed and illustrated using the case of China, which IR/FPA scholars typically depict as the quintessential authoritarian, “Westphalian,” unitary state, but which has in fact undergone enormous state transformation since 1978. The article argues that the concept of a “Chinese-style regulatory state” can help understand and explain how Chinese foreign and security policy is actually developed and leads to outcomes that less coherent and strategic than IR scholars usually suggest.
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Responding to the contributors of this special issue, this essay is organized as a series of questions (and responses). These questions facilitate our selective engagement with critical themes raised by the contributors such as the significance of engaged globalization theory and critical reflexivity; the relationship between globalization capitalism, imperialism and colonialism; the global-local nexus; and the development of an integrated method of analysis. The article also offers a list of ‘core configurations of social activity’ as a point of departure for further critical reflection of the changing dynamics of globalization. Ultimately, the authors do not seek to construct a single integrated theory of globalization, but rather strive for a theory endowed with coherence and systematicity that recognizes the value of different concepts, emphases, and approaches that nurtures the development of theories (plural) of the global.
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Throughout the twentieth century, the world has seen a rapid increase in global social, economic, and political integration. According to many studies, attitudes toward international organizations and international cooperation have also grown more positive, particularly among elites and in the affluent, densely connected countries of the global core. Using survey responses on 18 different questions from six cross-national attitude surveys, we find that “cooperative-internationalist” attitudes, though widely popular, are no more common in the global core than on the periphery. Furthermore, we find elites are more likely to hold proglobal attitudes than non-elites only in wealthy core countries. These results indicate that scholars may have incorrectly assumed that (modest) class differences in cooperative-internationalist attitudes in Western countries generalize globally, both within and between countries. We conclude with a call to theorize cooperative internationalism as a function of how different groups of people interpret their own costs and benefits of global cooperation.
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International organizations and their secretariats, called international public administrations (IPAs), have been found to hold considerable authority in world politics. This study conceptualizes and measures IPA authority in the digital sphere. It proposes the concept of digital authority to measure the authority of actors in online social networks (OSN), such as Twitter. Applying exponential random graph models (ERGMs) based on Twitter data during climate change negotiations the article compares the authority of IPAs to that of other actors. The findings show that IPAs are attributed as much authority as state actors in global climate communication networks on Twitter.
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