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China’s Energy Security and Relations
with Petrostates
This book examines the development of bilateral energy relations between China
and the two oil-rich countries, Kazakhstan and Russia.
Challenging conventional assumptions about energy politics and China’s
global quest for oil, this book examines the interplay of politics and sociocultural
contexts. It shows how energy resources become ideas and how these ideas are
mobilized in the realm of international relations. China’s relations with Kazakhstan
and Russia are simultaneously enabled and constrained by the discursive politics
of oil. It is argued that to build collaborative and constructive energy relations
with China, its partners in Kazakhstan, Russia, and elsewhere must consider not
only the material realities of China’s energy industry and the institutional settings
of China’s energy policy but also the multiple symbolic meanings that energy
resources and, particularly, oil acquire in China.
China’s Energy Security and Relations with Petrostates oers a nuanced
understanding of China’s bilateral energy relations with Kazakhstan and Russia,
raising essential questions about the social logic of international energy politics.
It will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, energy security,
Chinese and post-Soviet studies, along with researchers working in the elds of
energy policy and environmental sustainability.
Dr. Anna Kuteleva is a postdoctoral research fellow at the School of International
Regional Studies at the National Research University Higher School of Economics,
Russia. Anna holds a PhD in Political Science from the University of Alberta,
Canada, and an MA in World Politics from Shandong University, China. Over
the past ten years, she has worked extensively in the realm of political science
and Chinese studies. Her research is located in a broad constructivist tradition
of IR and focuses on the nexus between politics and sociocultural contexts in
international relations, with particular interests in energy politics, Russia, and
China.
Routledge Contemporary China Series
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China’s Energy Security and Relations With Petrostates
Oil as an Idea
Anna Kuteleva
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For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge.com/
Routledge-Contemporary-China-Series/book-series/SE0768
China’s Energy Security and
Relations with Petrostates
Oil as an Idea
Anna Kuteleva
First published 2022
by Routledge
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© 2022 Anna Kuteleva
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asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
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British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Kuteleva, Anna, author.
Title: China’s energy security and relations with petrostates : oil as an idea /
Anna Kuteleva.
Description: New York : Routledge, 2021. | Includes bibliographical
references and index. |
Identiers: LCCN 2021001426 | ISBN 9780367651329 (hardback) |
ISBN 9780367651466 (paperback) | ISBN 9781000406313 (adobe pdf) |
ISBN 9781000406320 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Energy policy--China. | Energy industries--China--
International cooperation. | China--Commerce--Russia (Federation) |
Russia (Federation)--Commerce--China. | China--Commerce--Kazakhstan.
| Kazakhstan--Commerce--China. | Environmental policy--International
cooperation.
Classication: LCC HD9502.C62 K88 2021 | DDC 333.8/2320951--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021001426
ISBN: 978-0-367-65132-9 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-367-65146-6 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-12804-5 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India
I dedicate my work to my grandfather, Vadim Filippov, and the
memory of my grandmother, Antonina Filippova. Ultimately
nothing could have been possible without the unwavering
support of my mother, Olga Kuteleva.
Contents
List of illustrations ix
List of tables xi
Preface xii
Acknowledgments xiii
Abbreviations xv
1 What do you imagine when you think about oil? 1
2 Discursive politics of energy and energy paradigms:
Theoretical framework and methodology 8
Realism vs. liberalism: The dichotomy of conict and cooperation
in the study of international energy politics 8
An alternative: Critical constructivism 11
Discourse analysis and texts: “From poststructuralist islands to
the faraway shores of constructivism” 17
3 China’s energy security and discursive politics of energy 24
Evolution of China’s energy strategy from the 1950s to the 2000s:
“Self-reliance,” “going out,” and “scientic development” 27
China’s discursive politics of energy 38
China’s energy paradigm: Chasing Daqing 50
4 China–Russia energy relations 61
Russia’s discursive politics of energy 62
Russia’s energy paradigm: A discursive bipolar disorder 74
China–Russia energy relations 75
Xi’s “China dream” and Putin’s “energy superpower” 84
viii Contents
5 China–Kazakhstan energy relations 96
Kazakhstan’s discursive politics of oil 97
Constructing Kazakhstan as a petrostate: Oil rent and
“We” and “they” in Kazakhstan’s discursive politics of
Energy cooperation between Xi Jinping’s China and the
Kazakhstan’s oil: A blessing and a threat 99
Nazarbayevism 103
energy 113
Kazakhstan’s energy paradigm: Nazarbayev’s petrostate 116
China–Kazakhstan energy dialogue 116
post-Nazarbayev Kazakhstan 127
6 Conclusions: Examining oil as a discourse 139
Energy (in)securities and discursive politics of oil 139
China’s quest for oil 140
Limitations and directions for future research 142
Index 145
Illustrations
3.1 Daqing Iron Man Wang Jinxi Memorial. Daqing, China,
November 2016 31
3.2 The Museum of Daqing Oileld, November 2016. An oil worker
studies the “two theories” of Chairman Mao after a shift 32
3.3 The Museum of Daqing Oileld, November 2016. Zheng Zhenhe
(1977). The Iron Man Wang Jinxi studies the “two theories” of
Chairman Mao 32
3.4 The Museum of Daqing Oileld, November 2016. Yu Daokai
(1989). The birth of Daqing: Greeting the National Day with new
and outstanding success 33
4.1 Multimedia art installation Energy of the Great Victory. May
2015. Gorky Central Park of Culture and Leisure, Moscow, Russia 64
4.2 Outline of the multimedia art installation Energy of the Great
Victory. © Museon.ru. Courtesy of Museon.ru 64
4.3 Molodkin, A. (2013). Democracy [mixed media installation,
crude oil, neon]. © Andrei Molodkin. Courtesy of Gregory R.
Staley, American University Museum at the Katzen Arts Center 68
4.4 Vasya Lozhkin (2012). The Pagan Deities [acrylic on paper].
© Vasya Lozhkin. Courtesy of the artist. Inscriptions on the
painting: “Father-Gas” (left) and “Mother-Oil” (right) 68
4.5 Vasya Lozhkin (2012). The Black Vodka [acrylic on paper]. ©
Vasya Lozhkin. Courtesy of the artist 69
5.1 The headquarters of KMG in Nur-Sultan. © Peter Korolev.
Courtesy of the photographer 107
5.2 Map of Nur-Sultan. The main urban axis of Nur-Sultan: the Khan
Shatyr Entertainment Center (1), the KMG’s headquarters and
the Round Square (2), the Bayterek Tower (3), and the Ak Orda
Presidential Palace (4) 107
5.3 The headquarters of KMG, the view on the Baiterek Tower from
the Round Square (North). © Peter Korolev. Courtesy of the
photographer 108
5.4 The Baiterek Tower and the Ak Orda Presidential Palace. © Peter
Korolev. Courtesy of the photographer 108
x Illustrations
5.5 The Ak Orda Presidential Palace, the view from the Baiterek
Tower. © Peter Korolev. Courtesy of the photographer 109
5.6 The headquarters of KMG, the view on the entertainment center
Khan Shatyr from the Round Square (South). © Peter Korolev.
Courtesy of the photographer 109
5.7 The entertainment center Khan Shatyr. © Peter Korolev. Courtesy
of the photographer 110
Preface
At the heart of this book is the interplay between politics and sociocultural con-
texts in international energy politics. I explore this interplay by examining the
development of bilateral energy relations between China and two oil-rich coun-
tries, Kazakhstan and Russia, from 2005 to 2017. The goal is to challenge conven-
tional assumptions about energy politics and, particularly, about China’s global
quest for oil by showing how energy resources become ideas and how these ideas
are mobilized in the realm of international relations.
Building my analysis on constructivist and poststructuralist insights, I demon-
strate that China’s energy relations with Kazakhstan and Russia are simultane-
ously enabled and constrained by the discursive politics of energy. I also reveal
that China’s external energy strategy is crucially dependent on its domestic discur-
sive politics of energy. Hence, to build collaborative and constructive energy rela-
tions with China, its partners in Kazakhstan, Russia, and elsewhere must consider
not only the material realities of China’s energy industry (e.g., energy resources
available in China, its mining, rening, and storage capacity, and the existing
and planned transportation routes) and the institutional settings of China’s energy
policy (e.g., China’s legal frameworks and the structure of China’s energy gov-
ernment) but also the multiple symbolic meanings that energy resources acquire
in China.
Overall, this book not only provides a nuanced understanding of China’s bilat-
eral energy relations with Kazakhstan and Russia but also raises and brings to
the fore questions about the social logic of international energy politics in gen-
eral. Thus, it oers an important addition to the literature critical of mainstream
approaches to international relations and helping to promote discourse analysis
within the discipline further.
Acknowledgments
This book is the result of a six-year-long research adventure. It is based on the
PhD thesis which I prepared and defended at the University of Alberta in Canada.
In the course of this research project, I have been fortunate enough to receive sup-
port and advice from many people.
First of all, I owe innite thanks to my supervisor Ian Urquhart. This research
project would not be the same without your constructive feedback, gentle guid-
ance, and encouragement. From our rst meeting, you took me, my writing, and
my ideas seriously. I never felt lonely but always felt supported and valued. You
are the best mentor I could ask for. Thank you for your insightful discussions and
for always being there for me. Thank you for your humor, kindness, and patience.
Thank you very much to my supervisory committee members, Roger Epp and
Gordon Houlden, for the enthusiastic guidance of my research. Roger, thank you
for assisting me in each step to complete my PhD program. Your thought-stimu-
lating questions not only encouraged me to critically evaluate my research prac-
tices and scholarly analysis but also instilled condence in me and empowered me
as an independent thinker. Gordon, thank you for being generous with your time
and advice. Thank you for welcoming me into the China Institute and for giving
me the opportunity to be a part of a top-notch research team.
I would like to thank Rob Aitken and Jeremy Paltiel for reading my work
so thoughtfully and oering insightful comments. Thank you to Malinda Smith,
Siobhan Byrne, Greg Anderson, Patrick von Maravic, Yasmeen Abu-Laban,
Judy Garber, and Mojtaba Mahdavi for advice, feedback, challenging questions,
guidance, and encouragement at various stages of my work at the University of
Alberta. Thank you to Stephen Kuntz, associate director of the Academic Success
Centre at the University of Alberta, for helping me to build my condence in
writing.
I also would like to thank my friends and colleagues, Theodor Tudoroiu, Valeriy
Semikashev, Justin Leifso, Chad Cowie, Renée Beausoleil, and Jennifer Boivin,
who read my early drafts, took the time to discuss my work and gave many helpful
suggestions for its improvements. And thank you to all my interviewees in China,
Kazakhstan, and Russia for taking the time to share their knowledge with me.
My PhD “gang,” Justin Leifso, Chad Cowie, Michael Burton, and Emrah
Keskin, I am incredibly lucky to share this journey with you. Thank you for sharing
xiv Acknowledgments
ideas, experiences, books, contacts, as well as hopes, victories, fears, tears, and
laughs. Justin, Chad, and Mike thank you for being excellent ambassadors for
Canada and welcoming me to your country with open arms. I am grateful for
everything I learned from you (except for the nonsense about those 1972 hockey
games).
Thank you to my friends and peers, Danyel Evseev, Alexander Bajev, Samreen
Ahmed, Prachi Mishra, Owuraku Kusi-Ampofo, Sevan Beukian, Nicole Lugosi,
Hajar Amidian, Mia Tulli, Dax D’Orazio, Megan Aiken, Isaac Odoom, Geo
Salomons, and Alexandra Savchenko. I am deeply grateful for your support,
inspiration, friendship, and shoulder to lean on.
Finally, thank you to Mariam Georgis and Nisha Nath for becoming inspira-
tional academic role models for me. Mariam and Nisha, please know that I cannot
imagine having done this without you. You have had a profound inuence on my
attitudes toward my research and scholarly focus. I am a better scholar having
worked alongside you.
Abbreviations
BP
BRI
CEO
CNOOC
CNPC
CPC
EIA
ESPO
EU
GDP
IWEP ACSS
KMG
KCP LLP
NBSC
NFRK
NOC
MFA of the PRC
Mtoe
PLA
PRC
SCO
UN
US
USSR
British Petroleum
Belt and Road Initiative
Chief Executive Ocer
China National Oshore Oil Corporation
China National Petroleum Corporation
Communist Party of China
Energy Information Administration
Eastern Siberia–Pacic Ocean
European Union
Gross Domestic Product
Institute World Economics and Politics Chinese Academy
of Social Sciences
KazMunayGas
Kazakhstan-China Pipeline Limited liability partnerships
National Bureau of Statistics of China
National Fund of the Republic of Kazakhstan
National oil company
Ministry of Foreign Aairs of the Peoples’ Republic of
China
Million Tons of Oil Equivalent
People’s Liberation Army of China
People’s Republic of China
Shanghai Cooperation Organization
United Nations
United States
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
1 What do you imagine when
you think about oil?
Oil.
What do you imagine when you think about oil?
What is the rst thing that comes to your mind?
Do you imagine highways full of fast cars? Do you think about climate change
and imagine pipeline protests in North Dakota? Do you think about a small toy
factory in China’s Guangdong? Maybe, you think about the 2003 invasion of
Iraq? I was born and raised in post-Soviet Russia, and when I think about oil, the
rst thing that comes to my mind is corruption. When I think about oil, I imagine
Vladimir Putin being the president of my country for yet another decade.
Since the early 20th century, we have lived in “the world of oil” (e.g., Yeomans
2004; Heinberg 2003; Shiva 2008; Yergin 2011a; Bridge and Le Billon 2012).
With the rapid development of the natural gas industry, electricity, biofuels, and
non-traditional energy sources over the past decades, oil has been losing ground.
In the past decades, oil also has been pushed politically to defensive positions in
many parts of the world by environmental activists and the international politics
of climate change mitigation. However, we still largely depend on oil, and in the
near future it will stay entrenched in literally all systems of our societies. Oil is
the energy of our civilization.
Crude oil is a form of bitumen composed principally of hydrocarbons. It is
extracted from natural reservoirs and transported through pipelines to a renery or
to a port, where it is loaded into a tanker and continues its journey to a renery by
water. More than half of all the crude oil used in the world crosses an international
border, which makes oil one of the most internationally traded commodities in the
world (Yergin 2011a).
Oil powers over 90 percent of the world’s transportation that underpins mod-
ern economies and lifestyles. Our industrial food supply systems also consume a
lot of oil. Petrochemicals from oil are used to make everything from clothes to
mobile phones to perfumes to vitamins. Nothing moves without oil in the modern
world. This makes oil a globally sought-after commodity (Wenar 2016; Yergin
2011b). Nonetheless, oil is concentrated only in a few geographic areas, and
concerns about its scarcity are widespread and strong. The temporal aspect and
2 What do you imagine when you think about oil?
declining availability of oil that reect technological and geological constraints of
oil extraction add another dimension to its scarcity.
From economic, geological, and technological perspectives, oil is a concrete
and real thing, yet it animates such abstract ideas as freedom, mobility, and inde-
pendence. When we think about oil, we think not only about pumpjacks, pipelines,
tankers, price charts, and long supply chains but also about capitalism, security,
development, environment, democracy, and modernity. Importantly, both mate-
rial and imagined constructions of oil are socially and culturally specic. In other
words, while we all live in the world of oil, we all think about oil and imagine it
dierently.
These ideas have inspired the central question of this book: How do dier-
ent states understand oil, and how do these understandings inuence relations
between them? At its heart is a general interest in the nexus between politics and
sociocultural contexts in international energy politics, and the book explores this
nexus by drawing on the analysis of the development of bilateral energy relations
between China and two oil-rich countries – Kazakhstan and Russia.
The book centers on China because its case is unique. In the late 19th and
the early 20th centuries, economically dilapidated and politically unstable, China
posed a potential threat to some states and served as a space for geopolitical
invasion for others. Despite that, by the beginning of the 21st century, China
has successfully lifted a record number of people out of poverty and achieved
a rapid increase in living standards, and reached a sustained level of economic
growth, gaining stature and inuence in world aairs. To quote Giovanni Arrighi
(2007, 95), at the end of the 20th century China pioneered “the social and eco-
nomic empowerment of the peoples of the global South.” Given China’s size and
scale, it is evident that its rapid and powerful rise is bringing about a new age in
economic and political history (e.g., Arrighi 2007; Jacques 2009; Harvey 2005).
China’s extreme transformation from energy self-sucient to energy-dependent
development over the past three decades is one of the driving factors of these
changes.
Since the early 1990s, China has emerged as “the world’s factory oor.”
Around half of all energy consumed in China is absorbed by the industrial sec-
tor and can be attributed to international trade (Du and Lin 2015). The increased
output of China’s industrial sector drives the high demand for electricity, rened
petroleum products, and materials that are energy-intensive to produce, such
as chemicals, steel, and aluminum (Ma et al. 2009; Fu et al. 2014; Du and Lin
2015). The industry has also contributed to the total energy demand by boosting
energy consumption in the transport sector (Leung 2010; Meidan et al. 2015).
Socioeconomic changes, such as the marketization of the economy, rapid urbani-
zation, and rising incomes, have added additional pressure to China’s demand for
energy. The dynamic consumer culture emerging in China promotes lifestyles
that are fundamentally dependent on ecologically destructive and non-renewable
sources of energy. High fossil-fuel use and carbon-intensive behavior are now the
major consumer patterns of China’s households (Liu et al. 2009; Feng et al. 2011;
Dai et al. 2012).
What do you imagine when you think about oil? 3
As a result of these deep and rapid changes, in the rst decade of the 21st
century, the uctuations in Chinese energy consumption deviated considera-
bly from global trends. While primary energy consumption has only risen by
13 percent in OECD countries and by 30 percent for the whole world, China
increased its primary energy consumption by 70 percent. Rising demand for
energy has turned China from a net energy exporter to a net energy importer.
China’s energy production was 11.6 percent more than consumption in the
mid-1980s; since 2005 its consumption has surpassed output by approximately
10 percent. China became a coal importer in 2002 and a natural gas importer
in 2007. However, the switch is particularly marked for petroleum products: in
the 1980s China’s oil production was 35 percent more than its consumption,
but since 2003 over one-half of the total oil consumption has been imported.
Importantly, there is strong evidence to suggest that the expansion in demand
for energy will continue for about another two decades, inasmuch as China’s
economy is still in the process of “take-o” in industrialization and socioeco-
nomic transformation (EIA 2015).
Over the past decade, the productivity of China’s oilelds has worsened, and
the quality of domestic production has declined steadily because of resource
depletion. While in the 1960s the development of internal energy capacity was
the principal solution to China’s energy security challenges, in the future sub-
stantial new fossil-fuel reserves will not likely be discovered. In other words,
almost all radical options for the development of domestic energy capacity have
already been exhausted; in the near to medium term, China will be unable to
overcome its foreign energy dependence on fossil fuels. Currently, Chinese state-
owned enterprises are prospecting for and extracting crude oil in 42 states (EIA
2015, 9). Three-fourths of China’s crude oil imports come from the Middle East
(52 percent) and Africa (23 percent)1 (EIA 2015, 10). Even so, there is ample evi-
dence to suggest that China aims to broaden the geographical scope of its foreign
energy quest.
It is important to recognize and analyze China’s emergence as a new inu-
ential actor in international energy politics. From the standpoint of enlightened
self-interest, mutual vulnerabilities within the global energy system should be a
sucient pragmatic reason for studying the way China understands energy and
constructs its relations with energy exporters in dierent parts of the world. It is
also important to inquire what, on a relative basis, makes China an attractive part-
ner for various energy exporters and how their interactions with China transform
the way they view their own energy wealth.
To explain how China’s quest for energy security transforms the global attitudes
toward oil, this book examines China’s relations with Russia and Kazakhstan. The
China–Russia case is signicant because both states play major roles in shaping
global trends in energy politics. In contrast, news from Kazakhstan rarely hit inter-
national headlines, yet Kazakhstan is a signicant oil producer and has become an
increasingly important supplier to China over the past 20 years. Importantly, the
China–Kazakhstan case provides novel insights into China’s approach to South–
South cooperation and its strategy in Central Asia.
4 What do you imagine when you think about oil?
By examining China’s relations with Kazakhstan and Russia, this book not only
provides a nuanced understanding of energy relations between these individual
states but also raises and brings to the fore questions about the social logic of inter-
national energy politics in general. Specically, it demonstrates that the material
and discursive structures of energy politics are complexly interwoven and interde-
pendent through diverse social, cultural, economic, and political encounters with
energy, and thus, energy relations are determined not only by material realities but
also by discursive politics of energy. In this sense, the analytical focus of this book
is not on why a particular outcome was obtained in China–Kazakhstan and China–
Russia energy relations but rather on how and with what eect diverse discursive
structures of energy politics are socially constructed in the course of these relations.
Two key theoretical propositions anchor my analysis. First, the realities of
energy production and consumption (e.g., volume and destinations of oil exports,
domestic oil demand) are treated as material referents of identities that are con-
structed by states in international energy politics. Second, the material realities of
energy acquire their meanings and signicance only in the process of narrative-
making and discursive symbolization. Hence, if we want to understand how an
agent constructs its identity and the identities of its counterparts in international
energy politics, we need to know what meanings this agent attributes to energy
resources. A structured and systematic intertextual discourse analysis based on
Lene Hansen’s methodology (2006) of a heterogeneous collection of texts allows
me to achieve two primary analytical goals:
· to reveal the discourses that dominate China’s energy relations with
Kazakhstan and Russia; and
· to examine how these dominant discourses support and sustain specic inter-
pretations of China’s energy relations with Kazakhstan and Russia while
excluding or rendering marginal others.
To map and elucidate the development of discursive politics of energy in China,
Kazakhstan, and Russia, I use textual documents and diverse cultural artifacts
(e.g., works of ction, popular song lyrics, paintings, photographs, lms, museum
exhibits, and architecture). My research is bilingual, with textual documents in
Chinese and Russian being the major sources of data. I take language seriously
and explore its power to construct social reality. Moreover, I show that diverse
competing discourses about extraction, production, and consumption of energy
and redistribution of energy revenues emerge and disseminate themselves through
dierent forms of visual art, popular entertainment, architecture and city planning,
museums, cultural spaces, and other sociocultural structures and practices. This
allows me not only to advance the understanding of ocial energy discourses but
also to unravel critical discourses about the economic, environmental, social, and
political impacts associated with the expansion of the energy industry and the
increase of energy exports.
The rest of the book proceeds in ve chapters. In Chapter 2, I explain where
the book is located within the major theoretical debates that provide the basis for
What do you imagine when you think about oil? 5
the study of energy politics in the realm of International Relations. I start with a
broad and diverse but not overly detailed review of the existing mainstream realist
and liberal scholarship that is heavily preoccupied with the dichotomy of conict
and cooperation and explains international energy relations through the prism of
energy security. Problematizing the concept of energy security, I present con-
structivism as an alternative that can lead to valuable insights. In the last part of
this chapter, I dene major concepts and develop a constructivist methodology
for studying international energy relations as a product of complex, dynamic, and
interdependent social processes.
Chapter 3 focuses on China. I start with China’s quest for “self-reliance” in
the 1950s and the story of the Daqing oileld. Further, I discuss the legacy of
“self-reliance” and transition to the “going global” energy strategy in the era of
“reform and opening-up” in the 1990s and the early 2000s. In the second part of
this chapter, I examine the evolution of China’s discursive politics of energy in
the mid-2000s and the early 2010s. I identify the dominant discursive construc-
tions in China’s energy politics and trace how they shifted and changed over the
past ten years. Finally, I determine how these discursive constructions support and
sustain specic interpretations of China’s energy strategy while excluding others
or rendering them marginal. This allows me to dene norms, meanings, and ideas
that constitute China’s energy paradigm.
Chapters 4 and 5 focus on China’s relations with Russian and Kazakhstan,
respectively. I start each case study with an analysis of national energy para-
digms of China’s counterparts and then examine what impact China’s emergence
as a key energy consumer has on them. These chapters show that while China is
redening global energy politics and conventional approaches to energy secu-
rity, its understanding of oil has not changed much since the mid-1950s. Hence,
China’s quest for energy security strengthens the armation that there is no
alternative for oil. At the same time, the two petrostates see China as striving to
control their energy sector and, subsequently, as a threat to their sovereignty in
the realm of international energy politics, which is key to their sense of identity.
Overall, Russia’s and Kazakhstan’s energy cooperation with China simultane-
ously exposes contradictions within their energy paradigms and acts as a conduit
through which perceptions of China as a threat nd a stronger voice.
Finally, Chapter 6 emphasizes the need to take the constitutive power of lan-
guage seriously and reect on how the language we use inuences the way we
study and practice energy politics. It stresses that the external energy strategies of
China and its energy-rich counterparts are crucially dependent on their discursive
politics of energy. Hence, the work of building collaborative and constructive
energy relations with China, its partners in Kazakhstan, Russia, and elsewhere
must consider not only material realities of China’s energy industry (e.g., energy
resources available in China, its mining, rening, and storage capacity, and the
existing and planned transportation routes) and institutional settings of China’s
energy policy (e.g., China’s legal frameworks and the structure of China’s energy
government), but also multiple symbolic meanings that energy resources acquire
in China.
6 What do you imagine when you think about oil?
Moving beyond China’s relations with petrostates, the chapter returns to
the concept of energy security. At the heart of China’s energy paradigm is an
unhealthy obsession with energy self-suciency, and its notion of security cent-
ers on avoiding sudden changes in the availability of energy relative to demand in
the name of national security and ongoing economic growth. China’s quest for oil
empowers petrostates, like Russia and Kazakhstan, and reinforces the understand-
ing of oil as a critical sought-after energy source.
We indeed live in the “world of our making,” and this world, to a large
extent, is talked into being. Hence, to redene our understandings of energy
security, we need to start taking the world of words and ideas as seriously as
the world of pumpjacks, pipelines, tankers, price charts, and extended supply
chains. The book ends by emphasizing that if we are to imagine the world with-
out oil, we need to rethink our relations with it. Once we start viewing oil as
a threat rather than an opportunity for our development and progress, we will
be able to develop a new language that denaturalizes the dominant notions of
energy (in)security and cooperate to produce sustainable international energy
solutions.
Note
1 China’s oil imports come from Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran, Oman, Angola, and Russia. In
2015, Russia temporarily overtook Saudi Arabia as the biggest crude exporter to China
four times. While uctuations in import numbers over 2015 indicate that Russia is
gaining momentum in China’s market, it is too early to draw conclusions. As for 2018,
Saudi Arabia is still China’s major supplier.
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