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Perímetros de Contención Urbana. La vivienda como herramienta para ordenar la ciudad
Abstract
En 2013 el gobierno federal de México presentó lo que parecía un parteaguas entre la forma de desarrollar vivienda de interés social desde los 1990s, virando hacia un nuevo modelo en donde la localización de la vivienda adquirió mayor importancia. Por medio de la implementación de Perímetros de Contención Urbana (PCU), el gobierno buscó que la política de vivienda contribuyera a ‘hacer ciudad’. Dichos instrumentos fueron vistos como la solución al problema de expansión a través de desincentivar la construcción de viviendas en ubicaciones lejanas a los centros de empleo y servicios. Pero ¿qué tan efectiva ha sido dicha política? A pesar de que los resultados preliminares muestran un incremento en las reservas territoriales ubicadas dentro de los PCU, esto no significa que estén ‘haciendo ciudad’ pues muchas zonas dentro de esos perímetros continúan estando alejadas de las ciudades, teniendo altos índices de deshabitación y careciendo de una cobertura de servicios apropiada. A la fecha, sin embargo, no existe una evaluación de las implicaciones sociales y espaciales de la política en términos de su capacidad para contener la expansión urbana al dirigir las viviendas sociales a áreas menos distantes y ‘mejorar’ el acceso de los residentes a empleos y servicios urbanos (Monkkonen y Giottonini 2017). Además, no se ha evaluado la relación de los PCU con los asentamientos irregulares que, si bien no forman parte de sus objetivos, sí representan más de la mitad del total de viviendas asequibles y contribuyen considerablemente a la expansión urbana (Connolly 2012). En este capítulo discuto resultados preliminares de mi investigación doctoral, ofreciendo una evaluación del éxito (o fracaso) de los PCU en disminuir la expansión urbana en la zona norte de la Zona Metropolitana del Valle de México (ZMVM).
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Property rights can be either collective or individual; they can denote different types of entitlement to use or benefit from a property; they can set different periods for the exercise of those entitlements; and they can incorporate or be free from restrictions on alienation. In the neo-liberal context, however, property rights understood as full individual title are considered the best means to increase investment and achieve social equity. This article evaluates the transformation of social property (i.e. that held by agrarian communities) into private property in Mexico. In particular, it examines how the implementation of this change in the urban periphery has transformed the social relations of property between ejidatarios and the low-income population and paved the way for development of a formal land market. In principle, the growing involvement of real estate capital in the land market on the urban periphery can yield economic benefit for the holders of agrarian land rights, but the findings of this study suggest that the prospect of their obtaining lasting gain is an illusion. The legal instruments created to facilitate the individualization of social property do not facilitate the capitalization of rural assets. On the contrary, they lead to a process of dispossession by which communities lose their land to the market, supporting the process of capitalist accumulation in urban areas. In addition, they hinder both the regularization of informal settlements and access to urban land by the poor.
This study documents a recent, dramatic change in urban growth patterns in Mexico. Using information from housing developers, satellite imagery, census archives, and administrative records on mortgage lending, it contrasts the growth patterns generated by new large-scale developments of tract housing built under an expanding housing-finance system with those of incrementally built, "self-help" housing. In a series of regression models, the growing areas of cities with a larger share of new housing purchased through mortgage financing are shown to have a higher housing density and better access to basic urban infrastructure, yet are not found to be located farther from the city center than traditional neighborhoods. Although the new urban growth patterns in Mexico might visually resemble urban sprawl in the United States, they differ on several important dimensions and therefore will not have the same impacts on environmental and transportation efficiency.
This paper analyzes a large database provided by INFONAVIT, Mexico’s principal mortgage issuer, which contains information on borrowers’ repayment behavior. It finds that borrowers who received subsidies do not show higher default rates than borrowers who received no financial assistance. Borrowers receiving subsidies actually take longer to show their first default than borrowers not receiving subsidies. Therefore, current subsidy programs do not seem to have negative financial implications for participating mortgage institutions.
This paper revisits the question of the political and theoretical status of neoliberalism, making the case for a process–based analysis of “neoliberalization.” Drawing on the experience of the heartlands of neoliberal discursive production, North America and Western Europe, it is argued that the transformative and adaptive capacity of this far–reaching political–economic project has been repeatedly underestimated. Amongst other things, this calls for a close reading of the historical and geographical (re)constitution of the process of neoliberalization and of the variable ways in which different “local neoliberalisms” are embedded within wider networks and structures of neoliberalism. The paper’s contribution to this project is to establish a stylized distinction between the destructive and creative moments of the process of neoliberalism—which are characterized in terms of “roll–back” and “roll–out” neoliberalism, respectively—and then to explore some of the ways in which neoliberalism, in its changing forms, is playing a part in the reconstruction of extralocal relations, pressures, and disciplines.
Mexico represents the largest market for residential mortgage-backed securitization (RMBS) in Latin America. Despite its significance to questions of development, there has been no critical analysis on the social implications and power dimensions of RMBS with regard to low-income housing in Mexico. This essay fills this gap by demystifying the technical and thus apolitical nature of RMBS as well as by explaining how and why state-sponsored securitization schemes subsidize financial and construction interests in the name of expanding home ownership for the poor. In so doing, the analysis employs a historical materialist approach that, first, places RMBS within the contradictory nature of capital accumulation processes in Mexico and relations of class-based power therein, and second, views RMBS as an integral feature of housing policy that is inextricably linked to the nerve centre of capital accumulation, namely: the credit system.
One of the policies that has been most widely used to try to limit urban sprawl has been that of urban containment. This book examines the effects of urban containment policies on key social issues and argues that, while the policies make important contributions to environmental sustainability, they also affect affordability for all economic groups of citizens aside from the most wealthy. However, it also puts forward suggestions for revising such policies to counter these possible negative social impacts. © Arthur C. Nelson, Casey J. Dawkins and Thomas W. Sanchez 2007. All rights reserved.
Policies of urban containment are widely used in land-use planning and as a means of reducing urban sprawl and of preserving farmland. This paper reviews the current state of knowledge about the effects of urban-containment boundaries on house prices. It is concluded that urban containment programs do affect land prices, and that housing producers do not always respond to higher land prices by increasing the density of development. In relation to aggregate housing prices, the effects of urban containment policy depend on factors such as style of policy implementation, local housing markets, and pattern of land ownership. The demand side of the housing market may be a stronger determinant of prices than local urban containment policies. Nevertheless, it is concluded that local planners can play a significant role in relation to the severity of housing price inflation attributable to urban containment policies.
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