Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics
... The Resource Model of Political Participation, developed by Verba, Schlozman, and Brady in 1995, suggests that a person's political involvement is greatly affected by their resources, particularly economic resources, education, and available free time. In emerging democracies such as Nigeria, where economic inequality is stark, this model helps explain why citizens with lower incomes often face obstacles to participating in politics. ...
... On the other hand, the Resource Model of Political Participation examines the structural obstacles that hinder political engagement for low-income individuals. It posits that a lack of resources-whether financial, educational, or social-greatly reduces voter turnout and political effectiveness (Verba et al., 1995). This model enhances the rational choice perspective by explaining why economically disadvantaged citizens may completely withdraw from the political process. ...
... According to Verba et al. (1995), political participation serves as a means of expressing civic equality, but in Nigeria, those facing economic hardship tend to focus on immediate benefits, such as vote-buying, rather than long-term democratic accountability. This trend hinders the growth of a politically active and informed electorate. ...
... The involvement of citizens in ACs is subject to the same everyday difficulties of other time-consuming participatory activities: exhausting work schedules, family and domestic responsibilities and misinformation (Verba et al., 1995). Generally, research has analysed the characteristics of the citizens who engage, differentiating between the concepts of 'presence' and 'voice' (Ganuza and Francés, 2012;García-Espín, 2024;Smith, 2009;Young, 2000). ...
... Navarro and Font (2013) used the metaphor of a 'double filter': first, participants have to be part of associations, and second, they need to be internally selected from within these collectives to be part of ACs as public representatives. This double filter hypothesis draws first on the sociopolitical inequalities that prevent large segments of the population, especially the less well-off, from joining and being active inside associations (Verba et al., 1995). In Spain, these imbalances have been largely documented (Caínzos, 2004;Caínzos and Voces, 2010). ...
... Availability has two meanings, which are only partially connected with professionalisation. On one hand, it requires free time after work and fulfilling domestic obligations (Verba et al., 1995). This understanding of availability was only forwarded by the interviewees participating as volunteers, such as parents and students not employed by their associations. ...
Numerous democratic innovations have tried to promote the ideal of social and political inclusion. This value was at the core of associative democracy and citizen advisory councils, which rely on associations and individual citizens to represent diverse voices. However, recent research has found that these spaces are not particularly inclusive: inequalities in associationism and biased mobilisation play a central role. In this respect, the article argues that previous studies have not fully explained how institutional design and institutional dynamics can be penetrated by class inequalities. The type of participation labour significantly influences who participates and why, becoming a central exclusionary factor. With this idea in mind, we analyse two surveys and ninety-six interviews with Spanish council participants, which reveal that these spaces are highly professionalised. Their design and the planned tasks shape associations' mobilisation strategies, leading to the prioritisation of professionals. Also, the participation labour requires specific skills linked to cultural capital, technical knowledge and dispassionate discourse, making involvement exigent and exclusive regarding education and social class. In the end, institutional design and participation labour can discourage popular participation, even if it was not intended.
... In addition to selecting representatives, they also create incentive structures that hold representatives accountable to their electors (Stimson et al., 1995). Despite their centrality, participation is far from universal in liberal democracies and, even more importantly, gaps exist across groups in participation across racial, ethnic, and socio-economic groups (Dalton, 2017;Leighley, 2001;Verba & Nie, 1972;Verba et al., 1995). Various models have been developed that focus both on differential resources across groups as well as group-specific factors that can counteract limited resources. ...
... Resources are often at the heart of political participation, and they can take many forms. In their now classic civic volunteerism model, Verba et al. (1995) point to three types of resources that can be mobilized to facilitate engagement with politics: time, money, and civic skills. They add to this that it also takes interest, a psychological resource that can motivate action. ...
... Those with time, money, and civic skills are more likely to participate in politics, but these skills are not distributed equally across different socio-economic groups Verba & Nie, 1972;Verba et al., 1995). Education is a critical resource that provides individuals with the knowledge and cognitive skills necessary for effective political participation (Evans & Hepplewhite, 2022;Wolfinger & Rosenstone, 1980). ...
Racialized minorities constitute an increasingly substantial segment of modern electorates in Western democracies, in part driven by immigration. Analyzing data from the 2021 Canadian Election Study (N = 9,496) and yearly Democracy Checkup surveys between 2020 and 2023 (N = 26,908), we explore the significance of racial identity as a determinant of voter turnout. Our findings reveal stark disparities in electoral participation between the most racialized minority groups in Canada and the White majority. Except for Latino identifiers, Indigenous, Asian, Black, and Arab-identifying respondents all exhibit lower voting rates, with Black voters facing the most significant gap, nearly 16 percentage points below their White counterparts. The gap is particularly prominent among second-generation racialized Canadians, suggesting that newcomers to Canada exhibit relatively high levels of engagement compared to their children. Next, we explore three key individual factors that may contribute to the gap: differences in socioeconomics, psychological engagement, and mobilization and community embeddedness. We employ a linear decomposition technique to assess the contributions of these factors to the majority–minority participation gap. Our analysis underscores the potency of socio-economic and psychological models in explaining minority under-participation in the Canadian context. The mobilization and community embeddedness model, however, exhibits weak explanatory power. Despite these insights, a substantial portion of the participation differentials remains unexplained, suggesting the necessity for novel perspectives to understand gaps in the electoral participation of racialized electors.
... From a normative democratic point of view, political involvement is crucial for successful democratic citizenship (van Deth et al., 2011;Verba et al., 1995). Galston (2001, p. 217) emphasized that "good citizens are made, not born," highlighting the significant role of political socialization. ...
... It is also well known that certain attitudes such as political interest positively impact political participation (Galston, 2001;Milbrath, 1965;Verba et al., 1995). While some studies have explored the role of positive and negative experiences with society and the political system during adolescence, this area still needs to be explored within political socialization research. ...
... Social participation, such as voluntary work or formal and non-formal participation in social or school organizations, positively influences not only political participation (Verba et al., 1995) but also political interest (Cicognani et al., 2012;Quintelier & van Deth, 2014). In a longitudinal analysis of Swedish students in 13 junior high schools, Dahl and Abdelzadeh (2017) showed that volunteering per se has no socialization effect on political interest; being a member of an association increased students' political interest over time (Dahl & Abdelzadeh, 2017). ...
Political interest is one of the main determinants of political participation. Understanding the development and the mechanisms involved in forming this crucial cognitive orientation is necessary for an enhanced understanding and a successful political integration of young people. We know that political interest starts forming at an early age and that this process depends on several social characteristics, i.e., socioeconomic and immigration background have proven to be a significant element. However, the direction of the differences in the political interest of adolescents with an immigrant background compared to native adolescents is disputed. At the same time, some studies present lower political interest levels for immigrant youth, and others found higher political interest levels. Our article explores whether these inconsistent findings are related to (a) different discrimination experiences and (b) the moderation effects of these discrimination experiences on one important correlate of political interest—social participation. We expect that experiences of discrimination represent an important determinant of political interest. Despite its importance, little attention has been paid to the mechanisms by which discrimination fosters political interest. We rely on data from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey in Four European Countries (CILS4EU), allowing us to account for a wide range of discrimination experiences of youth. We use linear regression models to examine the effect of discrimination experience on political interest. From our results, both discrimination experience and social participation positively affect youth’s political interest, but neither amplifies the other effect through suggested moderation.
... In Chanchaga LGA, CSOs champion the liberal ideals of freedom of association, expression, and participatory democracy by mobilizing grassroots movements and promoting civic awareness (Afolabi, 2022). 2. Political Participation: Political participation is a cornerstone of liberal democracy, reflecting the capacity of individuals to influence political decision-making through voting, public debate, and activism (Verba et al., 1995). CSOs play a vital role in expanding political participation by educating citizens, facilitating voter registration, and advocating for marginalized communities. ...
... CSOs facilitate democratic engagement by empowering citizens to participate in governance, promoting electoral integrity, and safeguarding democratic institutions. In Chanchaga, CSOs play a pivotal role in fostering civic engagement and reinforcing the foundational principles of liberal democracy Verba et al. (1995). 7. Interconnections and Relationships: The liberal theoretical framework underscores the interplay between CSOs, political participation, governance, funding, collaboration, and democratic engagement. ...
Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) are essential drivers of democratic governance, social justice, and community development across the globe. They foster political participation, advocate for policy reforms, and hold governments accountable. Despite their critical role, CSOs often encounter systemic challenges that limit their effectiveness and sustainability. This paper examines the multifaceted obstacles confronting CSOs, drawing on data from Chanchaga Local Government Area (LGA) as a case study to highlight broader trends. Through quantitative surveys, the research identifies pervasive issues such as government interference, lack of internal cohesion, politicization of CSO activities, and inadequate funding. These challenges reflect structural and operational barriers that affect CSOs in various contexts. The findings underscore the urgent need for strengthened advocacy, enhanced collaboration, and diversified funding mechanisms to empower CSOs. By addressing these barriers, CSOs can more effectively contribute to democratic engagement, good governance, and the protection of civil liberties at local, national, and international levels.
... Other scholars contend that executives who are unconstrained by countervailing institutions or power centers are more likely to initiate backsliding (Fish 2001;Kneuer 2021;Van der Linden et al. 2017). There is also a long tradition of connecting qualities of civil society to democratic stability (Almond and Verba 1965;Verba, Brady, and Schlozman 1995). Others have examined democratic backsliding through a cultural lens. ...
... Increasingly radicalized parties and their allied surrogate organizations can make unreasonable demands on the state or pull a party in illiberal or authoritarian directions. This concern is in keeping with long-standing concerns about the role of civil society organizations in a democracy (Almond and Verba 1965;O'Donnell 1988;Verba, Brady, and Schlozman 1995; for an overview, see Bermeo 2003, 10). ...
Democratic backsliding, the slow erosion of institutions, processes, and norms, has become more pronounced in many nations. Most scholars point to the role of parties, leaders, and institutional changes, along with the pursuit of voters through what Daniel Ziblatt has characterized as alliances with more extremist party surrogate organizations. Although insightful, the institutionalist literature offers little reflection about the growing role of social technologies in organizing and mobilizing extremist networks in ways that present many challenges to traditional party gatekeeping, institutional integrity, and other democratic principles. We present a more integrated framework that explains how digitally networked publics interact with more traditional party surrogates and electoral processes to bring once-scattered extremist factions into conservative parties. When increasingly reactionary parties gain power, they may push both institutions and communication processes in illiberal directions. We develop a model of communication as networked organization to explain how Donald Trump and the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement rapidly transformed the Republican Party in the United States, and we point to parallel developments in other nations.
... According to [10], social media provides a more open and participatory platform for the younger generation to voice political opinions, organize movements, and obtain political information directly. In another study, [11] found that engagement in social media is positively correlated with increased political participation, especially in more informal forms of participation such as online political discussions and sharing politically related content. ...
... This scale extends from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The subsequent are the operational definitions and indicators for each variable: a. Political Participation Political participation is defined as the active participation of individuals in political endeavours, both formal and informal [11]. Civic education refers to knowledge, understanding, and attitudes regarding the rights and obligations of citizens and democratic values acquired through formal education [15]. ...
This study aims to investigate the influence of political participation, civic education, and social media on the political engagement of generation Z in Indonesia. Using a survey method, data were collected from 500 respondents consisting of college and high school students aged 18 to 24 years. Multiple regression analysis was conducted to identify the relationship between independent variables and political engagement. The results showed that all three variables had a significant influence, with civic education and social media use contributing positively to the level of political engagement. These findings indicate the importance of developing educational programs that emphasize civic education and the use of social media as a tool to encourage political participation among the younger generation. This study suggests that educational institutions and the government should work together to create an environment that supports the political engagement of generation Z.
... De acuerdo con una abundante evidencia, en su mayoría sobre europa y estados unidos, existe sesgo de clase en la participación política, pues los grupos sociales con mayor renta y nivel educacional participan más que los de menor renta y escolaridad (Verba et al. 1995;lijphart 1997;Dietz 2001;Dalton et al. 2010; evans & hepplewhite 2022). ...
... la dinámica observada a nivel comunal en el momento constituyente chileno, confirma lo señalado por investigaciones precedentes tanto a nivel internacional como en chile, que plantean un sesgo socioeconómico en la participación política, especialmente en cuanto a protestas y a votación en elecciones regulares (Verba et al. 1995;lijphart 1997;Dietz 2001;Dalton et al. 2010 . Destaca, en este punto, la alta participación electoral en las comunas rurales en la elección de constituyentes, probablemente favorecida por su concurrencia con las elecciones municipales. ...
From a territorial approach, we analyze political participation in the Chilean constituent process (2019-2021), according to poverty, rurality and capital, at the communal scale and considering three modes of participation: protests, cabildos and voting. Using linear regression models with weighted least squares, we test whether political participation is lower in poor communes; whether participation is higher in rural communes; and whether participation is lower in provincial capitals. The results indicate that participation was socioeconomically biased (communes with low poverty registered higher participation, varying according to mode); the capital city favoured protests and cabildos, but not voting; while rural communes behaved differently in the 2020 and 2021 elections, confirming the importance of local elections in these areas. The article contributes to the understanding of the inequality of socio-economic and territorial participation that challenges democracy.
... Women become more aware that their political rights and duties are formally no different than the ones in the hands of men. Third, a larger political knowledge among officers might motivate them to consume more political information, which enhances turnout (Verba, Schlozman and Brady 1995). Overall, serving as a poll officer and being exposed to the intricacies of a democratic electoral engineering process should not only give women a direct political experience on how the elections work, but it also lays the grounds to jump-start their political mobilisation. ...
What factors contribute to closing the turnout gender gap after female enfranchisement? In the wake of franchise expansion, we test whether being a poll officer—and hence being exposed to election management—boosted the politicisation and mobilisation of women. In the context of the Spanish Second Republic (1931–1939), we exploit a lottery that assigned recently enfranchised women to be poll officers in the first election women were allowed to vote (1933). We use an original individual-level panel database and show that women randomly selected as polling officers were as likely to participate in subsequent elections than men, while the gender turnout gap persisted among the rest. Further analyses suggest that being poll officers made women more receptive to political organisations mobilisation strategies, and their presence had positive externalities by encouraging other women to participate. Our findings highlight the potential benefits of exposure to election engineering among groups previously excluded or less engaged with democracy.
... Lastly, the remaining n = 3 studies adapted sociological models to approach psychological dimensions occurring in online volunteerism. To understand the relational dimensions and interindividual aspects of online volunteerism, Ackermann and Manatschal (2018) adapted the Civic Voluntarism Model (Verba et al. 1995) to explore the processes activated by the possibility to engage in online volunteering. This model served to understand processes of mobilisation, that is, how online volunteering mobilises individuals to engage in voluntary activities, and reinforcement, that is, how online volunteering reinforces motivations to engage in voluntary activities. ...
Funding: This study was carried out within the PRIN (Progetti di Ricerca di Rilevante Interesse Nazionale) "Profiling traditional, episodic and online volunteering: pathways from civic engagement to local collaborative networks" (Principal Investigator: Fortuna Procentese) funded by the Italian Ministry of Research and Universities (Bando 2022, Prot. 2022KRTPZP). This manuscript reflects only the Authors' views and opinions, and the Italian Ministry of Research and Universities cannot be considered responsible for them. ABSTRACT Online volunteering is distinguishable from in-presence volunteering due to its procedural nature as being partially or totally online. Over the past decades, scholars within psychology have been interested in understanding the online volunteering process. However, while bringing attention to the phenomenon, psychology still has to manifest concentrated engagement with online volunteerism. This review seeks to situate the study of online volunteerism in psychology. Using the scoping review approach , the paper maps the psychological perspectives on online volunteering based on sources collected via structured search on PsychInfo, Scopus and Web of Science (N = 14). First, it outlines the definitions, theories and evidence-based knowledge of online volunteering. Second, the paper discusses the role of the psychology of online volunteering and its prominent contributions for such a form of volunteerism in documenting, reinforcing and mobilising processes at the individual and social levels. The paper concludes by setting new vistas for research and practices.
... Only internally inclusive and democratic grassroots organisations with a cross-income and cross-cultural membership can meaningfully serve as a transmission belt between the public and policymakers (Jordan and Maloney 2007;Skocpol 2004). Moreover, professional lobby organisations or NGOs with narrow constituencies erode the norm-promoting role of civil society and will damage rather than stimulate social and policy reforms favouring underprivileged citizens (Edwards 2004: 78-9;Verba et al. 1995). Hence, the comparative associational school concurs with neo-Marxist and liberal-egalitarian accounts in its presumption that civil society mobilisation in the aggregate will enhance, rather than weaken, political inequality. ...
... How opportunities for political representation are organized thus affects the extent to which minorities are excluded, marginalized, unrecognized, and/or not taken seriously by the political system (Piven & Cloward, 1978). Many systems today favor citizens with higher income, greater wealth, better education, and no immigration background over citizens who lack these demographic characteristics (Lijphart, 1997;Verba et al., 1995). In turn, the underrepresentation of specific groups impacts their perceptions of fairness, voice, and influence, as well as jeopardizes the functioning of the representative democratic system. ...
Representative democracy functions optimally when all citizens can participate, are heard, and feel represented. We know, however, that those interested and satisfied in politics rarely reflect a cross-section of the population. What’s more, the influence exercised by certain groups in a democracy is unevenly distributed, and citizens with an immigration background feel on average less represented politically than citizens without one. This article explores how processes of perceived inclusion and exclusion influence the sense of political representation experienced by Dutch citizens with an immigration background. Our study aims to offer greater insight into perceptions of political representation and gain an understanding of what leads to these experiences. We draw on data from six focus group discussions with people who share the categorical trait of being deemed “different” by the majority society along various dimensions, such as ethnic and religious background, race, postcolonial background, and migration motive (e.g., asylum-seeking). Prior to our analysis, we expected these potential grounds for exclusion to have differing influences on perceived representation and how members of the groups relate to the political institutions. Our results show that descriptive representation is a critical start though not enough for adequate substantive political representation of people with an immigration background. Our respondents felt substantive representation fails in the Netherlands due to a lack of perceived representation in the form of politicians with shared experiences who know what it feels like to be excluded, opposed, and dismissed as problematic.
... This finding aligns with the study by Kulachai, Lerdtomornsakul, and Homyamyen (2023) and Evans and Tilley (2017), which found that higher education levels correlate with greater political awareness and a tendency to focus on substantive issues rather than party lines. Similarly, Verba, Schlozman, and Brady (1995) demonstrated that education enhances civic skills, leading to more nuanced decision-making processes in voting behavior. In contrast, Achen and Bartels (2016) argue that even well-educated voters often rely on party cues due to the complexity of political information. ...
This study investigates the influence of demographic variables (educational level, gender, location, and socioeconomic status-defined by occupation and income) on the choice of political candidates, focusing on key determinant factors: relationship with the candidate, political party affiliation, ethnicity, religion, and candidate manifestos in Edo State, Nigeria. Five research questions and corresponding hypotheses were formulated to guide the study. A survey research design with a correlational approach was employed. The population consisted of all citizens aged 18 and above in the Edo South Senatorial District. A sample of 400 respondents was drawn from churches, mosques, markets, and business areas in four Local Government Areas (LGAs)-two from rural areas (Orhionmwon and Ovia SouthWest) and two from urban areas (Ikpoba-Okha and Egor)-using a multi-stage sampling procedure. Data collection was carried out using a self-designed questionnaire titled "Voters' Demographic Variables on Choice of Political Candidates" (VDVCPC), which was validated by three experts in the Faculty of Education, University of Benin. The instrument had a reliability coefficient of 0.84, established through Cronbach's Alpha. The researchers, assisted by two trained research assistants, administered the instrument. Data analysis involved simple linear regression with one binary categorical independent variable. The findings revealed that educational level, location, and occupation significantly influence voters' decisions across various factors. Based on the results, recommendations were made for investment in educational programs, the implementation of region-specific campaign strategies, occupation-focused messaging, and the development of detailed manifestos to address diverse voter concerns. Introduction In any organized organization, be it a state or nation, the selection of leaders is a critical process that hinges on how voters evaluate potential candidates. In a democratic society, this process is not straightforward; it is influenced by a complex web of social, political, and personal factors. Kulachai, Lerdtomornsakul, and Homyamyen (2023), highlight that voting decisions are influenced by a complex interplay of individual-level factors, such as demographics (age, gender, education, income, and race/ethnicity), and contextual factors, including political, social, and economic environments. Educational attainment fosters political participation, and psychological factors like attitudes and beliefs shape voter preferences. According to Yusuf (2024) the factors influencing voting decisions, includes personality traits, political ideology, tribal affiliations, media, political parties, and candidate characteristics. The study found that a large majority of respondents recognized that a candidate's personality traits and political ideology significantly influenced their voting choices. Additionally, many acknowledged the importance of tribal affiliations in their decisions. However, a notable portion had witnessed or heard about vote buying during elections, indicating awareness of its prevalence. In Nigeria, voting behavior is shaped by a variety of demographic elements like education, gender, geographical location, and socioeconomic status (SES). These factors greatly influence how voters interact with political candidates and influence their final choices. According to Rational Choice Theory (Downs, 1957), voters tend to make decisions based on how well they believe a candidate aligns with their own interests. On the other
... Expected future civic engagement can refer to various types of activity extending beyond politics to broader aspects of community life, including promoting and supporting actions in support of social issues (Verba et al., 1995). Around half a century ago, scholars introduced the concept of unconventional activities associated with social movements, such as grassroots campaigns and protests (Barnes & Kaase, 1979;in Schulz, 2024). ...
Legal protests are recognized as a legitimate form of civic participation. Illegal protests, on the other hand, are an effective form of civil disobedience, which, however, can take a rather excessive form. This article tracks the trends in expected participation in illegal protests of 8th-grade students using data from thirteen countries participating in all three cycles of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (2009, 2016, and 2022). The results of the countries’ overall trends show that students’ anticipation for participation in illegal protest activities has increased in most participating countries. The general trend across the participating countries is that male students have a higher anticipation of participating in all cycles, although in nine countries, the gap between male and female students is shrinking over time, and in two countries, the trends are increasing for both male and female students. In general, students with an immigrant background have higher expectations to participate in illegal protest activities. These findings can inform the development of curricula and teaching strategies to promote critical thinking, ethical decision-making, and constructive civic engagement. The results also suggest that integrating lessons on peaceful advocacy, conflict resolution, and democratic processes can channel student activism into lawful and impactful forms of participation and engagement.
... Therefore, women's underrepresentation in petition creation does not reflect a digital divide. Instead, the participatory divides look more like the divides we see in offline forms of participation where women generally engage in so-called thin forms of participation (such as voting) at the same or higher rates than men (Inglehart & Norris, 2000;Leighley & Nagler, 2014) but engage in thick acts of participation such as running for office and donating to parties at far lower rates (Karpowitz et al., 2012;Verba et al., 1995;Wolak, 2014). ...
... Los entornos digitales han transformado las formas tradicionales de participación política, desplazando una parte considerable de la acción cívica hacia el ámbito online (Bode, 2017;Zhang et al., 2024). El comportamiento político se define como una "actividad que tiene la intención o el efecto de influir en la acción del gobierno, ya sea directamente, afectando a la elaboración o aplicación de políticas públicas, o indirectamente, influyendo en la selección de las personas que elaboran esas políticas" (Verba et al., 1995). Sin embargo, la política ha dejado de ser una actividad limitada a acciones tradicionales, como la votación o la militancia partidista, y los propios ciudadanos apuntan cambios sobre lo que significa para ellos participar en política (Cammaerts et al., 2013;Pickard, 2019 o crear un grupo político o dedicado a una causa social en redes (Delfino et al., 2019;Van Deth, 2014). ...
Con el asentamiento de las redes sociales como medios de comunicación de masas y la aparición y auge de los influencers, la política suma nuevos canales y fórmulas de comunicación. El objetivo general de este estudio es investigar el papel que desempeñan los influencers políticos en la configuración de la opinión pública y la participación política a través de las redes sociales, en concreto Instagram, analizando sus estrategias comunicativas, el impacto en sus audiencias y su influencia en el debate político. Con este propósito, se han identificado los perfiles de los influencers de política de relevancia en Instagram España (N=25), y se han analizado las 25 publicaciones fijas más recientes en el momento de la fecha de extracción de cada uno de esos perfiles (n=625) a través de categorías de análisis relativas al perfil del influencer, a las métricas de contenido y las métricas del prescriptor. Los resultados de esta investigación confirman que las interacciones (likes, comments, shares y saves) en las cuentas de los influencers políticos en Instagram constituyen una forma relevante de movilización política digital que puede tener repercusiones directas en la esfera participativa. El hecho de que el 5,58% de la audiencia interactúe con estos prescriptores no solo indica un nivel elevado de engagement, sino que se alinea con la hipótesis de la pasarela (Kim et al., 2017), que postula que la participación política online puede actuar como un catalizador de la participación offline.
... The digitalization of intra-party voting mechanisms is often assumed to create new channels of participation within parties (Faucher 2014). While expanding participatory mechanisms may strengthen intra-party democracy and legitimacy (Ignazi 2020), it is important to note that political participation is profoundly shaped by individual and social factors (Armingeon and Schädel 2015;Dalton 2017;Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995), even in digital contexts (Lybeck, Koiranen, and Koivula 2023;Vicente and Suenaga 2020). Significant inequalities exist in citizens' levels of online and offline political engagement, depending on socio-demographic profiles and available resources. ...
The digitalization of party organizations has garnered increasing scholarly attention in recent years. This study examines an underexplored area: how individuals working for political parties perceive the cybersecurity threats associated with using digital technologies for intra-party voting procedures. Drawing on survey data collected online in 2021 from three European democracies (Belgium, Italy, and Spain), our analysis reveals that cybersecurity concerns are more pronounced among party actors who (1) are non-elected staffers born before the 1980s, (2) had negative experiences with digital technologies during the COVID-19 crisis, or (3) work for right-wing parties. Our findings highlight the need to avoid technological determinism and call for a more systematic study of cybersecurity challenges in the context of party digitalization.
... Education is a fundamental socio-economic resource whose role is often stressed in research on political participation (Verba et al. 1995). The likelihood of voting for a female candidate in elections may increase with the level of education of the voter (see, e.g., Smith and Fox 2001;Plutzer and Zipp 1996). ...
The study examines the determinants of gender preferences in representative democratic elections at presidential, parliamentary, assembly member, and unit committee member levels in Ghana. The study uses the Ghana Living Standards Survey (Round 7) dataset with 13,802 observations. Multinomial probit (MNP), Heckman probit, and binary probit estimation techniques were employed in the analysis. The study found a high gender preference for candidates standing in elections at all levels of governance in Ghana. Gender preferences are higher at higher levels of elections (or governance) and decline as one moves to lower levels, with male candidates being the most preferred. At all levels of elections, voters significantly prefer candidates of their gender. Other factors significantly associated with gender preferences for candidates standing in elections at various levels are the voter’s age, religion, literacy status, rally attendance, and location (rural/urban). Policies that focus on reducing gender affinity and encouraging voting based on the competencies of candidates standing in elections are essential. In general, it may be suggested that policies aimed at addressing gender preferences in elections should focus on the correlates of gender preferences identified in this study.
... But the place where it has the most profound consequences is in the classroom. Collectively, political scientists know so much about the type of robust political socialization that leads to the creation of public-spirited citizens who can sustain democracy (for just one prominent example, recall Verba et al 1995). And yet, most of our colleagues spend their time in the classroom teaching students to become junior colleagues, political scientists capable of undertaking scholarly research, instead of honing their democratic capacity as public-spirited citizens. ...
Despite the normative origins of our discipline, political scientists often embrace our role as objective scholars, to the point of teaching our students to undertake research without also helping them to become public-spirited citizens. This essay argues that this restrained approach is inadequate to maintain political science’s relevance in an era characterized by heightened partisan polarization, rising authoritarianism, and democratic backsliding. To help our students sustain democratic systems of government going forward, political scientists must not only recognize our normative roots, but must also extend our normative agenda to a reinvigorated civic engagement pedagogy that is timely, intersectional, and internationalized. In short, how and what we teach our students is the key to our discipline’s relevance in difficult political times.
This article addresses an interesting puzzle in the study of ethnic disparities in political participation: inter-ethnic equality in political participation . Previous studies in the U.S. have shown an ethnic gap in political participation. Still, comparative research in other regions yields a mixed result, suggesting ethnic minority status may not always be associated with lower levels of participation. This article sheds light on this puzzle by investigating ethnic disparities in voting among four ethnic groups (white, mixed, indigenous and black) in Latin America. We explore the influence of ethnic parties and ethnic quotas in reducing participatory inequalities among ethnic groups. We theorise that ethnic parties, which represent the organisational resources of ethnic groups, and ethnic quotas, which expand political opportunities, can help to narrow the ethnic gap in voting. Our multilevel regression models based on cross-national data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project for 18 Latin American countries over four survey waves (2012–2018) strongly support our hypothesis. We find that both ethnic parties and ethnic quotas are correlated with higher turnout among (some) ethnic groups. It helps in reducing and equalising voting among ethnic minorities such as indigenous and black voters. These results challenge notions of an ethnic voting gap and underscore the importance of organisational resources and institutional opportunities in shaping electoral participation.
We examine long‐run effects of automation risk on turnout. We expect gendered negative effects because men's turnout is more sensitive to job loss and earnings, but negative effects might be offset by populist right‐wing mobilization on economic grievances. We rely on population‐wide administrative data to avoid well‐known biases in survey data. We find both men and women with high automation risk to suffer in the labour market, but automation risk is associated with lower turnout for men only. The negative association with turnout is weaker where the populist right is stronger, consistent with mobilization on economic grievances. Finally, we show experimentally that priming of automation risk produces null findings, suggesting that risks need to have material consequences to affect political behaviour. Our findings imply that technological change has contributed to the emergence of gender gaps in turnout and populist voting as well as the participation drop among the working class.
Understanding political participation is vital to learning who is heard in government. Affective polarization—the difference in how partisans feel about their party compared to the other party—has grown over the last forty years, driven mostly by partisans’ increasingly negative feelings toward the other party. Although studies have found a relationship between affective polarization and voting, little research has examined the effects of negative affect on other types of political participation. Using American National Election Studies from 1980 to 2020 and a Pew Research Center survey from 2016, we find that positive partisan affect increased most forms of political participation from 1980 to 1996. Since 2000, negative partisan affect has increased most forms of political participation. Since 2012, negative partisan affect has had a stronger relationship than positive partisan affect on voting, donating, and attempting to influence other people’s votes. Thus, in recent elections, attacking the other party yields greater results than building up one’s own party.
Americans can register and vote in more ways than ever before. But do Americans think it is easy to register and vote in their state, who thinks it is easy, and how do these perceptions affect voter turnout? Despite the importance of answers to these question for theorizing, understanding, and explaining political behavior, few previous works have examined the levels, determinants, and implications of perceptions of registration and voting ease. Using data from the 2022 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, this study finds super majorities of Americans think registering and voting are very easy. Older and Republican-identifying Americans think registering and voting are easier, those in states with same/Election Day registration find registration easier while those in states with voter identification requirements find voting harder. Last, those who think voting (but not registration) is easier are more likely to vote. These findings place increased importance on not just examining the costs of voting, but also the perceived costs of voting.
This study aims to interrogate the part that Facebook plays in increasing political involvement particularly among the residents of Karachi. The study was conducted fully with a focus on how the popular social networking site affects one’s voting behavior and political knowledge. A quantitative research approach was adopted by issuing a questionnaire to a target population of 400 youths in Karachi regarding their use of Facebook political posts. The results show that indeed Facebook is an important tool for a young person as it provides means for a voting campaign as well as propaganda in a wide range of issues. The study explains how Facebook, through its advertisements, campaigns, and news ultimately helps increase the level of political education within its users. Young people who participated in the platform, claimed to have gained more knowledge of the political candidates, issues, and party politics which led them to be more active within the democratic framework. The findings emphasize the effectiveness of social networks in the mobilization of young voters and the increase of political activity in society. this research explains how Facebook is a potent tool for the residents of Karachi. Usability of the platform together with its social interactions promotes political activities of the youth and therefore enhances the democratic strides of the society.
The latest 2024 Taiwan General Election proved to be yet another arena for populist politics, with candidates aligning their stances and aspirations with populism, uniting “the people” through different means. With an intensifying populist atmosphere not only in Taiwan but in various democracies across the globe, this timely study seeks to explore the impact of populism on individual behaviors. Specifically, given the wide body of existing literature on conventional politics, we aim to shift attention to the online context. By regarding populism as a moderator, we examine its effect on the association between both online bonding and bridging social capital, political efficacy, and online political engagement. Data from 450 young adults are analyzed with a moderated mediation model as well as a co-moderation model, the former with populism as the sole moderator, and the latter with populism and socioeconomic status as co-moderators. Upon confirming the association between online social capital and engagement along with the mediating effect of political efficacy, the highlight of our study lies in our finding that populism significantly moderates both online bonding and bridging social capital to political efficacy, but in opposing manners. Populism, furthermore, proves to be insignificant in directly moderating any paths to online engagement, while socioeconomic status moderates the association between online bonding social capital and online political engagement. In addition, the distinct party-led system and underlying political atmosphere in Taiwan will be addressed and discussed, in terms of their impact on our findings.
This study aims to analyze student preferences for presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs in the 2004 General Election. The background of this study is based on the importance of understanding the political preference patterns of the younger generation, especially students, as a strategic group in democracy. Student political preferences are influenced by various factors, including social media, policy issues, candidate leadership quality, and access to political information. This study uses a quantitative method with a survey approach. Data were collected through a questionnaire that had been tested for validity, involving 351 student respondents selected based on the Krejcie and Morgan Table. Data analysis was conducted to understand the pattern of student political preferences and the factors that influence their choices. The results of the study show that the majority of students tend to choose presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs who are considered to have high integrity, realistic work programs, and focus on education and employment issues. The personality factors of the candidates and leadership abilities are also major determinants of student preferences. These findings confirm that students have political preferences based on real needs and substantive policies, providing important implications for political campaign strategies that want to attract young voter segments.
The prevailing rationalist approach portrays war as a gradual process of information disclosure, where cost–benefit calculations can influence strategy, outcomes and internal support for conflict. This research advances our understanding of how battlefield dynamics influence public support for war by analyzing tangible indicators of support—private donations to Ukraine. Analysis reveals a striking asymmetric pattern: heightened Russian attacks reduce donations by up to 18%, while Ukrainian offensive operations show no meaningful effect on donor behavior. Disclosed asymmetry presents an intriguing theoretical puzzle that challenges conventional rationalist approaches.
The scholarship on party digitalization discusses why, how and with what consequences parties use digitalization. Such a detailed account of the supply side contrasts sharply with the limited information we have about the demand side. We know little about party members' support for digitalization. To address this gap in the literature, our article aims to explain what drives the support for digitalization within political parties. We use individual‐level data from an original survey conducted in March–April 2023 with 2,032 members of the second largest party in Romania. The statistical analysis tests the effects of two main categories of explanations: technology winners and reinforcement hypothesis. We find that those party members who are active and informed about party activities will support party digitalization. The results hold when controlling for technology experience and skills, length of membership, position in the party and age.
This paper expands our knowledge on class divides in civic participation by asking a question to what extent class effect may be accounted for by differences in capitals (economic and cultural) and personal social networks. Two pathways of networks operation are considered: one related to the structure of network (size and diversity) and the other referring to the type of people someone is connected to (network content). Using Poland as a case, I evaluate the approach by using representative survey data for one urban population aged 18–75 ( N = 1010) and building an integrated measure of civic engagement. The results show that: (i) civic participation varies by class position and depends on access to resources (in particular cultural capital); (ii) individuals with larger social networks are more civically engaged, but the same is not true for network diversity; (iii) having family contacts (but not non‐family contacts) of higher average prestige is positively related to the level of participation, in line with the social influence argument; and (iv) the effect of class position is partially mediated by capital endowment and networking. The findings point to the goal‐specificity of social capital and indicate that individual social capital does not translate automatically into a community's social capital.
It Takes More Than a Candidate remains the only systematic account of the gender gap in political ambition. Based on national surveys of more than 10,000 potential candidates in 2001, 2011, and 2021, the book shows that women, even in the highest tiers of professional accomplishment, are substantially less likely than men to demonstrate ambition to seek elective office. The gender gap in persists across generations and over time, despite society's changing attitudes toward women in politics. Women remain less likely to be recruited to run for office, less likely to think they are qualified to run, and less likely to express a willingness to run for office in the future. In the twenty years since It Takes a Candidate was first published, the book remains timely and eye-opening, highlighting the challenges women face navigating the candidate emergence process and providing insight into the persistent gender gap in political ambition.
This article introduces the core themes of the multilevel economic paradigm. This paradigm extends Darwin’s evolutionary framework of thought (concerned with living things) to economics, in contrast to the neoclassical paradigm, which is modeled after Newtonian mechanics (applicable primarily to inanimate objects). The central theme of the multilevel paradigm is functional organization, which refers to the way in which economic agents (individuals and groups) and systems are structured to achieve economic objectives. The multilevel paradigm recognizes that people are engaged in multiple levels of functional organization, and thus, agency is distributed between individuals and groups. These levels are flexible through time and across domains (economic, political, social, and environmental), so that the economy is understood as embedded in the polity, society, and the natural world. Flexible levels of functional organization are both a cause of and response to radical uncertainty. This flexibility of functional organization implies multilevel economic decision-making and multilevel flourishing.
Public participation in the criminal justice system has attracted considerable theoretical and empirical interest. However, empirical evidence on the frequency of public participation in criminal justice, factors associated with the participation, and the impact of public opinion on policies remains limited. Moreover, no study has compared international differences in public participation in criminal justice. Therefore, this study compared the prevalence of participation and its correlates in Japan and the United States. Data from 752 Japanese and 544 American respondents were analyzed. The results revealed that the Japanese participants had less experience and intention to participate. Furthermore, demographics such as income and education had a stronger explanatory power in the American sample. Internal efficacy and fear of crime increased the likelihood of participation in both countries. These findings highlight the risk of certain segments of the population—those who fear crime and those with higher socioeconomic status—dominating societal discourse.
The rapid development of internet infrastructure and the prevalence of democratic attitudes in East Asia have been extensively studied. However, limited research has explored the relationship between internet use, democratic attitudes, and political participation in Chinese mainland and Taiwan. This comparative study aims to examine the associations between internet use, support for democracy, and political participation in the two Chinese societies. Analysis of data from World Values Survey revealed that internet usage has a slight positive correlation with support for democratic values in both societies studied, though this relationship is not statistically significant. Internet use promotes political participation in both Chinese mainland and Taiwan. Further, support for democracy influences political participation only in Taiwan, not in Chinese mainland. These findings highlight the contextual nature of the relationship between democratic values and political participation.
Welfare participation is associated with lower turnout among adults. For many citizens, however, their first experiences with welfare occur during a critical time of political development in adolescence. Does growing up on welfare lower turnout in young adulthood? I identify three mechanisms linking adolescent welfare experience to voting: stigma, the absence of pro‐civics role models, and ineffective support from government welfare programs. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, I find that non‐Hispanic white adolescents who grow up on welfare are 6–17 percentage points less likely to vote compared to those without welfare experience. Adolescent welfare participation is unrelated to voting among Black and Hispanic youths. Interviews and focus groups find support for the three mechanisms. These findings highlight the importance of adolescent policy experiences for voting.
This paper examines the moderating effects of socio‐political factors on the influence of issue salience and prosocial values on citizen activism in different governance contexts. While the literature on citizen activism has examined the emergence, motivations, and channels of activism, we still lack a broader understanding of how different social (membership of social groups and sense of attachment to local communities) and political (ease of citizen involvement and trust in government) contexts affect people's ultimate decisions about activism in different governance systems. This paper fills this gap, drawing on a comparative research methodology and using data from the World Values Survey Wave 7.
This study argues that political participation is a key factor when explaining levels of political trust among citizens. It explores how this relationship is moderated by the socio-economic status (i.e., household income and educational level) of citizens. The article contributes to the field of political trust by employing European Social Survey data from 2016 and 2018. Two findings stand out: firstly, whereas political participation through institutionalized channels is positively related to higher levels of trust among citizens with high socio-economic status, this effect is not present among citizens with lower levels of socio-economic status. Secondly, citizens that highly engage in non-institutionalized modes of political participation and with lower levels of socio-economic status are the ones with lower levels of political trust.
This article interrogates whether, and if so how, political factors underlie the migration aspirations of US-born citizens—a group of people often assumed to have the privilege and options to relocate elsewhere, typically “voluntarily” and for a mix of economic or social/cultural/lifestyle reasons, rather than being pushed out politically by war, revolution, or violence. Drawing on a unique, nationally-representative panel of 1,764 US-born citizens surveyed in 2014 and 2019, and despite many media suggesting the contrary, we show that the overall prevalence and distribution of Americans’ migration aspirations period actually stayed stable during this volatile time period. Nevertheless, we do uncover evidence that political considerations do shape what aspirations US-born citizens do express, with both weaker national attachment and liberal political ideology consistently raising their odds, and political engagement operating in different directions, depending on panelists’ ideological affiliations and the specific governing regime. We discuss the relevance of these findings for literature on migration aspirations from the Global North, multicausal theories of migration, and the relationship between Hirschman’s classic concepts of loyalty, voice, and exit.
Selamat datang di buku “Manajemen Pelayanan Publik (Efisiensi dan
Responsibilitas Birokrasi)”. Buku ini menyajikan panduan komprehensif bagi
para pembaca yang tertarik untuk memahami dan mengimplementasikan
konsep dan tata kelola pelayanan publik yang efektif dalam memperkuat
dan membangun birokrasi yang sesuai dengan visi misi.
Dalam buku ini, kami akan menjelajahi pengertian dan konsep efisiensi
birokrasi, tantangan dan hambatan pada proses birokrasi, termasuk
faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi keterlambatan kinerja birokrasi, serta
elemen-elemen yang terdapat pada birokrasi, inovasi dan stabilitas pada
birokrasi perlu sekiranya untuk siap menghadapi segala perubahan. Buku
ini juga akan membahas metode-metode apa saja yang dapat digunakan
dalam melakukan pengukuran serta evaluasi responsibilitas birokrasi.
Kami berharap buku ini dapat memberikan wawasan yang berharga
dan praktis bagi para pembaca dalam memahami dan menerapkan strategi
dalam manajemen pelayanan public yang efektif. Kami yakin bahwa
dengan adanya strategi dalam melaksanakan manajemen pelayanan publik
yang kuat, birkorasi akan dapat membantu meningkatkan pertumbuhan
ekonomi dan menstabilkan tata kelola sistem pemerintahan.
Demokratijos stabilumas ir efektyvus funkcionavimas priklauso nuo piliečių noro pripažinti demokratijos taisykles ir jas palaikyti. Piliečiai gali pasirinkti, kaip paveikti politinį procesą, tačiau ne visi dalyvavimo būdai yra lygiaverčiai demokratinės santvarkos konsolidacijos aspektu. Išanalizavus Lietuvos gyventojų apklausos duomenis, nustatytos trys Lietuvos gyventojų grupės (nepasitikintys neaktyvūs, nepasitikintys aktyvūs, santūrūs optimistai), kurios tarpusavyje statistiškai reikšmingai skiriasi profesija, asmeninės ekonominės padėties iki Nepriklausomybės vertinimu, pasitenkinimu gyvenimu, požiūriu į individo galimybes kontroliuoti savo gyvenimą ir procedūrinio teisingumo vertinimais sveikatos sektoriuje.
Over the past decades, political participation in an online context has gained substantive attention. However, it is only recently that conceptual advancements have been made concerning the specific expressive and mobilizing practices that occur on social media. This article argues on the importance and implications of recognizing political participation on social media as a conceptually distinct mode of political participation, shaped by unique affordances that highlight its networked and political character. Specifically, the article provides a conceptual and normative state of the art regarding online and social media political participation. By discussing the empirical implications of prominent theoretical assumptions in the field, three key research gaps are identified and I propose a research agenda for the field of political communication.
Remedial and developmental methods have been dominating across different fields of social work practice. Even in social work literature, political social work methods have largely been scarce. This qualitative study explored what political social work looks like in Zimbabwe. A sample of seven social workers from different practice fields were drawn using snowballing and interviewed using an interview guide. The target was to sample 12 social workers from different practice fields. However, the study reached saturation at the 6th respondent. Data were analysed using thematic content analysis. Results show that political social work is practiced by a few social workers in human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) due to the risks and challenges associated with it in Zimbabwe. It is predominantly used as an indirect response to state perpetrated and systemic injustices. It also emerged that its practice is restricted by a host of challenges including security threats, lack of curriculum content on political social work, and a state that is intolerant to its critics. The findings can be useful in enhancing both political social work scholarship and practice in Zimbabwe. It is important that the Council of Social Work, National Association of Social Workers and various schools of social work in Zimbabwe improve curriculum content on political social work and collaboratively lobby government for recognition of political social work. The findings demonstrate incapabilities of remedial and developmental approaches to address social injustices in which the state is implicated. When properly structured, legally protected, and integrated with other social work methods, political social work can uproot systemic injustices affecting Zimbabwe.
Political crowdfunding, an emerging trend in online political engagement, has revolutionized the way individuals and groups fund their political campaigns and initiatives. By tapping into the power of social media and online platforms, politicians and political causes can raise funds directly from their supporters, bypassing traditional fundraising methods. Notable examples of political crowdfunding include Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign in 2016, which famously raised millions of dollars from small individual donations through online platforms like ActBlue. Another example is the UK's Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn's success in mobilizing grassroots support through online crowdfunding for his political campaigns. These instances highlight the potential of political crowdfunding to democratize the fundraising process and increase citizen involvement in politics through direct financial contributions. This innovative approach also fosters greater transparency and accountability in the political landscape. Furthermore, the sustainability of political crowdfunding lies in its ability to engage a diverse range of donors, from small individual contributions to larger investments, ensuring that campaigns are not solely reliant on traditional sources of funding. By linking the power of technology and social media, political crowdfunding is revolutionizing the way political campaigns are financed and reshaping the dynamics of online political engagement.
Social media play an important role in the dissemination of political information and in political dialogue among agents, agencies and citizens. We study the effects of social media on democratic attitudes. Our analysis proceeds in two phases. First, we examine the effect of using eight social media platforms on support for democracy and liberal democratic principles. Second, we test the relationships between the intensity of six types of online political engagement on Facebook and Instagram and democratic attitudes. We employ linear and ordinal logistic regression analysis on a representative sample of 1,502 Slovak citizens aged 18 and older. We report three key findings: First, users of social media are not less supportive of democracy or liberal democratic principles. Second, passive political engagement on Facebook undermines support for liberal democratic principles. Third, active political engagement on both Facebook and Instagram is related to higher support for democracy as a regime but not for its liberal principles. In addition to the results on the effects of specific participatory activities, our study contributes by highlighting the need to differentiate between various types of democratic attitudes, different types of participation and different types of social media.
People engage in online political debates through Facebook and online political information sharing leads to offline political participation. This study aims to analyse the use and influence of Facebook on the information-sharing practices of Pakistani netizens. A quantitative research design based on an online questionnaire survey was used to collect data from Pakistani netizens who were also active users of Facebook. Data showed that the majority of the respondents positively used Facebook during an election to enhance their political knowledge and participation. They also forwarded political information and influenced their friends to vote for a specific candidate in the election. The Facebook campaign had a positive influence on election results as well as the turnout of the election. Findings also revealed that demographic factors of respondents did not have any effect on their information sharing practices during a general election. Moreover, caution should be exhibited to avoid posting derogatory and appalling comments and fake news. The use of Facebook among educated netizens in the Pakistani General election may fill the gap in the psephology and context of a developing country. Findings may apply to other developing countries with similar contexts.
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