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Street media : ambient messages in an urban space /
Abstract
Ambient street media are the media of our everyday lives in cities. Manifested in bits and fragments on the surfaces of the streetscape, these media often escape our notice - tuned out as visual clutter or dismissed as unimportant. Yet, attentive viewing and analysis reveal much about the local culture of communication and expression. This thesis blends empirical and theoretical methodologies in a year-long photographic study that takes a fresh look at the concepts and realities of "media," "the city," and "the everyday," and sets several disciplines in interaction with one another. Ambient street media include news racks, traffic and street signs, storefronts, sandwichboards, graffiti, stickers, murals, and flyers. This is in contrast to conventional notions of "the media" as one-to-many communication modalities consumed primarily in the domestic space, particularly television, radio, major newspapers, and the Internet. Studies of media in everyday life typically address these mass media, passing over ambient street media for any detailed examination. By examining both the explicit and implicit facets of street communications, this study elevates their importance in a number of disciplines, from cultural studies to urban design and planning. For example, we find much to counter postmodern anxieties about cities.
... It will provide the community with a good visual aesthetic experience while also creating a perception of the cityscape. Murthy (2005) has claimed that a streetscape is more than just a physical scene; it is a space for humans in everyday life. According to Woodcock et al., (2013) the word 'streetscape' refers to the overall visual appeal of all buildings, sidewalks, gardens, and landscaping along a street that plays an essential role in encouraging interaction ...
Disordered commercial signboards are a key source of visual chaos in the urban landscape because signboard content is presented with a variety of forms and colors. Enforcement of signboard regulations has therefore received increasing attention. However, signboards are a significant element of the urban landscape, showcasing the regional characteristics and identity of a municipal region or city. Seoul, South Korea has implemented various signboard policies aimed at improving the urban landscape, but the effect has been unsatisfactory. In this study, the effects of commercial signboard regulation were assessed in a selected district of a Seoul municipality using Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) perceptional analysis for both customers and business owners. Quantitative analysis found that overall signboard size was reduced by more than 80 percent after regulation. In addition, Life Cycle Cost (LCC) analysis indicates using Light Emitting Diode (LED) has a 26.4% overall cost advantage over the conventional fluorescent lamp. Notably, business owners’ responses were not negative despite the smaller signboard size. After adopting the new policy, customers ranked the signboard shape as providing the most satisfaction among various subcategories while business owners indicated high satisfaction with reduced maintenance cost.
This article explores the definition of digital banner and how this is differences from posters, murals and other visual images. This article mainly discussed about how digital banners are designed and that banners are designed according to the customers’ choices and needs. This study has been found the nature and working of digital banner studios in Tamil Nadu. This study has deals with the rules and regulations followed by the designers and digital banner users. It will also explain how the digital banners become a good marketing tool and how much this culture has created job opportunities to the people over the Tamil Nadu. The researcher has utilized qualitative research methodology for this study and used ethnography research methods of data collection. The researcher has gone his filed areas in Madurai, Tirunelveli and Chennai for data collection in Tamil Nadu. The present study discussed with how the banners are used for their home functions, like (how people constructed their images and how their created their banners). In this study has probe in to who are the castes people can display their banners in local place and
to be analyzed on the semiotic perception in this study.
This article discusses fly-posting practices performed by radical urban activists in Rome and Berlin. It suggests that political posters cannot be understood simply as channels of information about events and activities of political and subcultural "autonomous scenes" encompassing squats, occupied social centers, political bars, bookshops, cafes, and similar activist hangouts. Rather, these "street media" are crucially involved in processes of spatial appropriation and in the construction of an antagonistic territoriality. Fly-posting exposes its practitioners to police repression and attacks by right-wing groups, and given the risks involved, it also becomes a form of demarcation, alerting that a certain wall, street, area is symbolically claimed by the movement. Looking at fly-posting we can come to understand the nature of autonomous movement scenes as antagonistic and exclusive spaces, whose internal communitarianism is premised on the symbolic and spatial repulsion of authorities and political enemies.
I have taken my title from Victor Hugo’s self-conscious diversion in Notre-Dame de Paris: “le livre tuera l’édifice.” In this little essay Hugo contends that the mechanical reproduction of print will destroy the monumental architecture of the Middle Ages, that the innovations of the press will thereby kill the solidity of the Church, and that a change in mode of expression is a change in human thought. Here Hugo takes as his subject the inverted teleology of certain loss: “L’homme qui a écrit ce mot sur ce mur s’est effacé, il y a plusieurs siècles, du milieu des générations, le mot s’est à son tour effacé du mur de l’église, l’église elle-même s’effacera bientôt peut-être de la terre.”1
The city, with its overwhelming physical presence, makes it easy to forget that it owes its origin, continuing existence, renovation, and personality to human speech-the myriad words of varying degrees of effectiveness uttered by public and semipublic officials, the media, poets, and ordinary citizens.
boundary 2 30.1 (2003) 51-66
I take my title from a passage near the end of Benjamin's essay on the technological reproducibility of the work of art. Benjamin italicizes the sentence: "Reception in distraction [Die Rezeption in der Zerstreuung]—the sort of reception which is increasingly noticeable in all areas of art and is a symptom of profound changes in apperception—finds in film its true training ground [Ðbungsinstrument]." I would like, in what follows, to highlight a certain inconsistency (if I can put it that way) in Benjamin's handling of the concept of distraction, a variance in his attitude toward the concept, and I would like to show how two separate attitudes involved here—one prominently exemplified in his writings on Bertolt Brecht and the other in the work of art essay—are both reflected in The Arcades Project. I shall refer, provisionally, to the first of these attitudes as "negative," and to the second as "positive," but it should be kept in mind that, especially in the case of the artwork essay and The Arcades, the notion of distraction operates in a peculiarly slippery manner, such as very likely makes this one of the more elusive of Benjaminian topoi. It is at its slipperiest where it bears on the theory of montage.
* * *
The "negative" view of distraction is enunciated in Benjamin's discussion of Brecht's epic theater in two pieces from the early thirties: the magazine article "Theater and Radio," from 1932, and the famous (possibly undelivered) lecture from 1934, "The Author as Producer." In both texts Benjamin distinguishes epic theater from the big-city "theater of convention," which, in its complementary functions of cultivation and distraction, Bildung and Zerstreuung (the latter might also be translated here as "entertainment"), caters to a "sated class," as he says, "for which everything it touches becomes a stimulant." In the epic theater, on the other hand, a certain concrete pedagogics takes the place of sensationalism, Schulung replaces Bildung (that is, "training"—the training of expert judgment—replaces "culture"), and instead of distraction there is "group formation" [Gruppierung], which refers to the formation of both a well-informed audience and a highly trained ensemble of performers on the basis of a set of shared social and political concerns translated on the stage to a series of radically distinct, thought-provoking "actions"—what Brecht calls the "knotting" of the incidents. Zerstreuung thus has the sense of "divertissement" here, of complacent diversion. Rather than such a bald appeal to the emotions—above all, to the capacity for empathy, for identifying with characters—epic theater engenders critical distance; rather than soothing or warming its audience, it seeks to astonish them through the well-known "alienation effect," which, by making ordinary objects and actions seem strange, renders them conspicuous and encourages audience and actor alike to reflect on them. Discovery through alienation—"communication by alienation" (ST, 169; BT, 202)—these are Brecht's formulas for the new experimental theater that he and others (such as the directors V. E. Meyerhold and Erwin Piscator) have established, one where the development of plot gives way to the "lightning-like" (GS, 2:530) illumination of situations and where performance becomes critique. As Benjamin puts it in the first of two essays entitled "What Is Epic Theater?" (1931), "The discovery of situations is accomplished by means of the interruption of sequences" (GS, 2:522). Benjamin lays emphasis on the principle of interruption, which, with its "retarding character" (a term derived from Schlegel and Novalis), makes for the distinctively punctuated, intermittent rhythm of Brechtian drama. Whether by means of the sudden intervention of song, the use of captions, or what Brecht calls the gestic conventions of the actors, this interruption of sequences creates gaps that undermine the audience's illusion of a "world" on the stage and make room for critical reflection, including the possibility of imagining, as Brecht says, "a different set of political and economic conditions" (ST, 242–43; BT, 86) under which the actions on stage might take place. In this way the stage is converted from a Bannraum, a magic space, a space for working spells, to an...
Aron said, pointing to his glass: ‘You see, my dear fellow, if you are a phenomenologist, you can talk about this cocktail and make philosophy of it!’ Sartre turned pale with emotion at this. Here was just the thing he had been looking to achieve for years.
How dreams of unitary urbanism that would confound Le Corbusier could be a summons to social revolution. The Situationist ideas of derive and detournement as gypsy principles of chance and larceny in the imagination of a utopian space. Inspirations from Neuschwanstein to the Watts riots, visions from Constant's helicoptered nomads to Jorn's ceramic garden.
Introduction: The Unavoidable "Actuality" of Everyday Life1: Tracking the Dinosaur: Area Studies in a Time of "Globalism"2: The "Mystery of the Everyday": Everydayness in History3: "Dialectical Optics": Everydayness in History
In the last half of the 20th century in the United States of America, the modernist planning project that emerged in the first half is being challenged by the political and economic manifestations of postmodernity and its corresponding cultural practices. Despite a serious erosion of its rationalist roots, critical distance, reformist intentions, commitment to master narratives, and focus on the city as object of theory and practice, that project persists. Modernist planning seems suspended between modernity and postmodernity. In order to resolve these tensions, planners need to refocus their work on the built environment (specifically the process of city building), to reestablish a mediative role between capital, labor, and the state, and to project a more democratic profile in public debates surrounding the meaning and consequences of urban and regional development. -Author
New Literary History 27.4 (1996) 717-729
Paul Valéry
Capital. The name already says it: Capitals are named after the human body. The state (since the Greeks) has been conceived of as an organism, whose head is its capital. This capital, in turn, is ruled by a chief, whose name once more means just that, the head.
Historically, the analogy can be shown to have been true. The prehistoric implosion of villages or entire countrysides and the subsequent emergence of the city was due, as Mumford illustrates, less to economic necessity than to the arms monopoly of a warlord. Plato, as lawmaker for an ideal city, proposed that its size be limited to the range of a voice, which would broadcast laws or commands.
And for centuries -- from the prehistoric formation of cities, which was also the beginning of high culture or history, through the residential seats of baroque power -- the military head remained architectonically visible: as fortress or acropolis, citadel or palace. Not until the first in-dustrial revolution did a growth begin, whose spread, in Mumford's eyes, changed the face of the city and went, in the name of pure technology, beyond the ecological necessity of living together: megalopolis.
The description, however, of a digression is often itself a digression. When we cling to the clear-cut centrality of the head in thinking the concept "capital," it may be (as in Foucault's thesis "in political thought and analysis") that "we still have not cut off the head of the king." The monarchs, to whom Europe owes most of its capitals, might thereby be said to have transcended architecture and achieved immortality in the head of theory itself. But if 'man' with his ecological necessity is only a miniature of these potentates, it then becomes possible to decipher "head" and "capital" from technology rather than vice versa.
TECHNOLOGY. What strikes the eye of the passerby as a growth or entropy is technology, that is, information. Since cities no longer lie within the panopticon of the cathedral or castle and can no longer be enclosed by walls or fortifications, a network made up of intersecting networks dissects and connects the city -- in particular its fringes, peripheries, and tangents. Regardless of whether these networks transmit information (telephone, radio, television) or energy (water supply, electricity, highway), they all represent forms of information. (If only because every modern energy flow requires a parallel control network.) Even in those unthinkable times when energy still needed beasts of burden like Sinbad and information required messengers like the first marathon runner, networks existed. They just hadn't been built yet or, in technician's jargon, implemented. The narrow, rugged mule trail was replaced by the railway and the highway, which in turn have been replaced by no less transient copper and fiber optic cables.
NETWORKS. It is common in the open spaces of the city to see the skeletal infrastructure on the backside of a building -- these are networks, too.
To best reconstruct the way out of a labyrinth (as the Greeks were said to have done in reading the ruined foundations of Knossos, Phaistos, or Gournia), one doesn't need to sketch the still visible connecting walls, rather their inverse: the invisible passages between path and door. Thus (in mathematical terminology) a "tree" takes shape, whose bifurcations distinguish the dead ends from the exits.
Or one can, like Claude Shannon, head mathematician for Bell Telephone laboratories, construct a mechanical mouse, capable of nosing its way through the labyrinth on the basis of trial and error. Whereas the mouse would be able to optimize city plans without Ariadne's thread, Shannon himself was able to optimize an invisible something else: the telephone network in America.
GRAPHS. Mathematics first began around 1770 to take networks, such as...
New Literary History 33.4 (2002) 761-780
This essay investigates everyday life as a moral and a social space. It presumes that it is in the everyday, and above all in the detail of the relationships that are made with others and which constitute everyday life's possibility, that our common humanity is created and sustained. It also presumes that it is through the actions and the interactions that make up the continuities of daily experience that an ethics of care and responsibility is, or is not, enabled. I argue that no ethics of, and from, the everyday is conceivable without communication, and that all communication involves mediation, mediation as a transformative process in which the meaningfulness and value of things are constructed.
The modern world has witnessed, and in significant degrees has been defined by, a progressive technological intrusion into the conduct of everyday life, of which the most recent and arguably the most significant manifestations have been our media technologies. These technologies, principally broadcast technologies in the twentieth century, have become increasingly central to the ways in which individuals manage their everyday lives: central in their capacity, in broadcast schedules and the consistencies of genre, to create a framework for the ordering of the everyday, and central too in their capacity to provide the symbolic resources and tools for making sense of the complexities of the everyday.
These technologically enabled processes of communication and meaning construction are processes of mediation. Mediation, in the sense in which I am using the term, describes the fundamentally, but unevenly, dialectical process in which institutionalized media of communication (the press, broadcast radio and television, and increasingly the World Wide Web) are involved in the general circulation of symbols in social life. That circulation no longer requires face-to-face communication, though it does not exclude it.
Mediation is dialectical because while it is perfectly possible to privilege those mass media as defining and perhaps even determining social meanings, such privileging would miss the continuous and often creative engagement that listeners and viewers have with the products of mass communication. And it is uneven, precisely because the power to work with, or against, the dominant or deeply entrenched meanings that the media provide is unevenly distributed across and within societies.
Mediation, in this sense of the term, is both technological and social. It is also increasingly pervasive, as social actors become progressively dependent on the supply of public meanings and accounts of the world in attempting to make sense of their own. As such, mediation has significant consequences for the way in which the world appears in and to everyday life, and as such this mediated appearance in turn provides a framework for the definition and conduct of our relationships to the other, and especially the distant other—the other who only appears to us within the media.
I intend to argue that there are profound moral and ethical issues to be addressed in confronting the mediation of everyday life. I also intend to argue that insofar as the persisting representational characteristics of contemporary media, above all in our media's representation of the other, remain unchallenged—as for the most part they are—then those who receive and accept them are neither mere prisoners of a dominant ideology nor innocents in a world of false consciousness; rather they are willing participants, that is, complicit, or even actively engaged, that is, collusive, in a mediated culture that fails to deliver its promises of communication and connection, with enduring, powerful and largely negative consequences for our status as human beings.
This critique juxtaposes the media and everyday life while at the same time arguing that the media and everyday life are in significant ways inseparable. One can no longer conceive of the everyday without acknowledging the central role that increasingly the electronic media (but also books and the press) have in defining its ways of seeing, being, and acting. My argument presupposes that the media take as their paramount reality, in terms of their orientation, the everyday life world of its audiences, readers, and users. Of course neither the media nor everyday life are...
What does the city's form actually mean to the people who live there? What can the city planner do to make the city's image more vivid and memorable to the city dweller? To answer these questions, Mr. Lynch, supported by studies of Los Angeles, Boston, and Jersey City, formulates a new criterion—imageability—and shows its potential value as a guide for the building and rebuilding of cities. The wide scope of this study leads to an original and vital method for the evaluation of city form. The architect, the planner, and certainly the city dweller will all want to read this book.
In this paper, we begin to unpack the cultural economies of urban regeneration in a former industrial quarter of a large English city, Nottingham's Lace Market. In this tightly defined urban space, the integration of culture and economic activity has been at the forefront of regeneration, and the area reveals a particular agglomeration of activities based around the production and consumption of fashion and design, media, architecture, and food and entertainment. Underpinning the revival of the area has been the development of defined networks of interlinked and embedded firms which cut across conventional production-consumption divides. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to explore the role of cultural production and consumption in contemporary urban regeneration. The piece begins with a theoretical discussion of the cultural economy of cities in the 1990s. We then introduce Nottingham's Lace Market as a cultural quarter of the city and report the findings of detailed interview work with a wide range of cultural intermediaries and consumers, discussing the roles played by both producers and consumers in the cultural renaissance of the Lace Market. We conclude by evaluating the viability of a simultaneous economic and cultural strategy for urban regeneration.
In this classic text, James W. Carey maintains that communication is not merely the transmission of information; reminding the reader of the link between the words "communication" and "community," he broadens his definition to include the drawing-together of a people that is culture. In this context, Carey questions the American tradition of focusing only on mass communication's function as a means of social and political control, and makes a case for examining the content of a communication-the meaning of symbols, not only the motives that originate them or the purposes they serve. He seeks to recast the goal of communication studies, replacing the search for deterministic laws of behavior with a simpler, yet far more challenging mission: "to enlarge the human conversation by comprehending what others are saying." This new edition includes a new critical foreword by G. Stuart Adam that explains Carey's fundamental role in transforming the study of mass communication to include a cultural perspective and connects his classic essays with contemporary media issues and trends. This edition also adds a new, complete bibliography of all of Carey's writings.
The Department of Geography, University of Heidelberg, held its first 'Hettner Lecture' in June 1997. The aim of this lecture series is to explore theoretical developments in the crossover fields of geography, economics, the social sciences, and the humanities. This publication contains two presentations made by Derek Gregory, developing his ideas on the socialisation of geographical research and the spatialisation of social theory. His first presentation explores the relationship between power, knowledge and geography. He attempts to confront the conjunction between Eurocentrism and European high theory, and to use the relationship between power, knowledge and geography to deconstruct the relationship between geography, European science and Eurocentrism. His second presentation is made on the geographical discourse of modernity. He argues that in the spatial and temporal sense 'geography' provides a discursive foundation for modernity. A final section presents a question and answer discussion by David Gregory giving his personal views on the theme of representation, modernity and space.
Everybodyâs got a theory . . . or do they? Thomas McLaughlin argues that critical theoryâraising serious, sustained questions about cultural practice and ideologyâis practiced not only by an academic elite but also by savvy viewers of sitcoms and tv news, by Elvis fans and Trekkies, by labor organizers and school teachers, by the average person in the street. Like academic theorists, who are trained in a tradition of philosophical and political skepticism that challenges all orthodoxies, the vernacular theorists McLaughlin identifies display a lively and healthy alertness to contradiction and propaganda. They are not passive victims of ideology but active questioners of the belief systems that have power over their lives. Their theoretical work arises from the circumstances they confront on the job, in the family, in popular culture. And their questioning of established institutions, McLaughlin contends, is essential and healthy, for it energizes other theorists who clarify the purpose and strategies of institutions and justify the existence of cultural practices. Street Smarts and Critical Theory leads us through eye-opening explorations of social activism in the Southern Christian anti-pornography movement, fan critiques in the âzine scene, New Age narratives of healing and transformation, the methodical manipulations of the advertising profession, and vernacular theory in the whole-language movement. Emphasizing that theory is itself a pervasive cultural practice, McLaughlin calls on academic institutions to recognize and develop the theoretical strategies that students bring into the classroom.
The argument. Preface. Acknowledgements. Part I: The Passage from Modernity to Postmodernity in Contemporary Culture: . 1. Introduction. 2. Modernity and Modernism. 3. Postmodernism. 4. Postmodernism in the City: Architecture and Urban Design. 5. Modernization. 6. POSTmodernISM or postMODERNism?. Part II: The Political-Economic Transformation of late Twentieth-Century Capitalism: . 7. Introduction. 8. Fordism. 9. From Fordism to Flexible Accumulation. 10. Theorizing the Transition. 11. Flexible Accumulation - Solid Transformation or Temporary Fix?. Part III: The Experience of Space and Time: . 12. Introduction. 13. Individual Spaces and Times in Social Life. 14. Time and Space as Sources of Social Power. 15. The Time and Space of the Enlightenment Project. 16. Time-space Compression and the Rise of Modernism as a Cultural Force. 17. Time-Space Compression and the Postmodern Condition. 18. Time and Space in the Postmodern Cinema. Part IV: The Condition of Postmodernity:. 19. Postmodernity as a Historical Condition. 20. Economics with Mirrors. 21. Postmodernism as the Mirror of Mirrors. 22. Fordist Modernism versus Flexible Postmodernism, or the Interpenetration of Opposed Tendencies in Capitalism as a Whole. 23. The Transformative and Speculative Logic of Capital. 24. The Work of Art in an Age of Electronic Reproduction and Image Banks. 25. Responses to Time-Space Compression. 26. The Crisis of Historical Materialism. 27. Cracks in the Mirrors, Fusions at the Edges. References. Index.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of London, 1999.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1992. Includes bibliographical references (p. 413-430). Photocopy.
El concepto de vida cotidiana se ha convertido para las ciencias sociales y para las humanidades un concepto clave. El autor expone que existe una tradición de teorizar acerca de la vida cotidiana que ha ayudado a elevar nuestro entendimiento de la vida diaria a un status de conocimiento crítico. Aborda el pensamiento de Lefebvre, Bakunin, Heller, Certeau y de Smith.
Modes of public communication, ranging from journalism to architecture, can be understood not only in relation to space (their geographical setting) but also in relation to time. 'Public address' of different kinds has a frequency, from the (high-frequency) instant to the (low-frequency) millennium. This paper explores some of the implications of analysing public 'writing' in terms of its frequency, and considers how changes in frequency, in journalism especially, may affect the cultural form and public understanding of the medium in question. The relations between spatial and temporal aspects of public communication are discussed, and comparisons made between 'writing' of different frequencies, including journalism (high frequency), academic and scholarly writing (mid frequency) and public architecture (low frequency). Any consideration of 'media in transition' needs to consider frequency both historically and comparatively; from Egypt to email.
Cheap Novelties: The Pleasures of Urban Decay. With Julius Knipl, Real Estate Photographer
- Ben Katchor
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Everyday Speech Translated by Susan Hanson
- Maurice Blanchot
Blanchot, Maurice. "Everyday Speech." Translated by Susan Hanson. Yale
French Studies 73 (1987): 12-20.
Originally published in French as Seuils
- Jane E Lewin
- Cambridge
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Crossroads: Stories of Central Square
- Sarah Boyer
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A Parisian Attempt To Tame The Tagueurs
- Mary Blume
Blume, Mary. "A Parisian Attempt To Tame The Tagueurs." International
Herald Tribune, April 15, 2005.
Tales of Manhattan: Mapping the Urban Imagination Through Hollywood Film
- Henry Jenkins
Jenkins, Henry. "Tales of Manhattan: Mapping the Urban Imagination
Through Hollywood Film."
http://web.mit.edu/21fms/www/faculty/henry3/manhattan.html.
News Sensation The Boston Globe Magazine
- Patrick Healy
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Healy, Patrick Gerard. "News Sensation." The Boston Globe Magazine.
Six Discourses on the Postmetropolis
- Edward W Soja
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City Reader, edited by Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson. Malden, MA:
Blackwell Publishing, 2002.
Megalopolis: Contemporary Cultural Sensibilities
- Celeste Olalquiaga
Olalquiaga, Celeste. Megalopolis: Contemporary Cultural Sensibilities.
Official Site of the Eighth Wonder of the World
- Giant Andre
Andre the Giant: Official Site of the Eighth Wonder of the World.
http://www.andrethegiant.com.
Central Square: My Part in Urban Decay
- Conn Nugent
Nugent, Conn. "Central Square: My Part in Urban Decay." The CoEvolution
Quarterly (Winter, 1982): 22-25.
Facade, Signage and Lighting Improvement Program
- Community Development
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Faculty Response In Signs in the City: A Study by Graduate Students of Urban Design in the Department of City and Regional Planning, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
- Kevin Lynch
- Donald Appleyard
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