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This research paper was aimed at providing a thorough content analysis on memes’ linguistic aspect and further understanding them in the light of their usage as political propaganda. A total of 60 memes were culled from July 2016 to December 2018. According to the memes’ linguistic and visual organization, they have the ability to create and simplify complex political narratives by employing primarily the categories of Shops, Text, and Stacked Stills based on Milner’s (2012) Taxonomy of Meme Collectives. The memes’ humor signifiers were mainly intertextuality, parody, and binary opposition which highlighted how memes are contextual in nature and use exaggeration and opposing concepts to elicit humor. On the other hand, the memes vary in their respective denotations as well as in their connotations which often point to humanization and discreditation. Lastly, for the memes’ propaganda characteristics, they possess all 10 of Walton’s (1997) propaganda characteristics while the audience perceived 9 out of 10 through the conducted survey. This proves that memes do have the potential to be used as tools for propaganda because of their inherent manipulation of complex political narratives which are furthered through the use of humor.
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Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature
ISSN: 2732-4605
Global Talent Academy
1
The Rise of Meme Culture: Internet Political Memes as Tools for
Analysing Philippine Propaganda
Faye Margarette G. De Leon (Corresponding author)
University of Santo Tomas, Philippines
Email: fayemargarette.deleon.ab@ust.edu.ph
Rachelle Ballesteros-Lintao
University of Santo Tomas, Philippines
Received: 11/02/2021
Accepted: 28/04/2021
Published: 01/07/2021
Volume: 2 Issue: 4
How to cite this paper: De Leon, F. M. G., & Ballesteros-Lintao, R. (2021). The Rise of
Meme Culture: Internet Political Memes as Tools for Analysing Philippine Propaganda.
Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature, 2(4), 1-13
DOI: https://doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v2i4.70
Copyright © 2020 by author(s) and Global Talent Academy Ltd. This work is licensed under
the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY 4.0).
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Abstract
This research paper was aimed at providing a thorough content analysis on memes’ linguistic aspect and further
understanding them in the light of their usage as political propaganda. A total of 60 memes were culled from July 2016 to
December 2018. According to the memes’ linguistic and visual organization, they have the ability to create and simplify
complex political narratives by employing primarily the categories of Shops, Text, and Stacked Stills based on Milner’s
(2012) Taxonomy of Meme Collectives. The memes’ humor signifiers were mainly intertextuality, parody, and binary
opposition which highlighted how memes are contextual in nature and use exaggeration and opposing concepts to elicit
humor. On the other hand, the memes vary in their respective denotations as well as in their connotations which often point to
humanization and discreditation. Lastly, for the memes’ propaganda characteristics, they possess all 10 of Walton’s (1997)
propaganda characteristics while the audience perceived 9 out of 10 through the conducted survey. This proves that memes
do have the potential to be used as tools for propaganda because of their inherent manipulation of complex political narratives
which are furthered through the use of humor.
Keywords: Memes, Propaganda, Semiotics, Politics, Digital Media
1. Introduction
In the last decade, digital media have been ranked as the second most used media platform in the world next to broadcast
media (Wagstaff, n.d.). In Southeast Asia alone, 641 million people used the internet in 2017, and that 51% of them are active
monthly users (Hollander, 2017). This means that 51% of Southeast Asians get immersed with digital media content which
ultimately describes the kind of power digital media has, not only towards the Asian society but also in the whole world - an
immense influence on the people, and their behavior. In other terms, media can elicit any kind of action from the people
whether it be fear, hate, idolatry, or even fanaticism. One reason for this power is the language that it uses. Media as an
institution has always been a melting pot of interesting linguistic phenomena for it is responsible for the language that people
get acquainted with (Belle, 1995). This results in the shaping of the language that people use, which eventually is reflected in
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how advertisements, social media platforms, TV networks, and others, use a certain dialect or language (Belle). Such
language then plays a crucial role in offering news and information about cultural, social, and political issues in a certain
society (Belle).
With the power of influence at hand, any kind of media (e.g. broadcast, printed, and digital) has the capability of
organizing people to form a community. Digital media has led to the creation of an online community with its own culture
such as humorous videos and images called Memes. Memes have taken over the web, even being labeled as the defining
characteristic of the internet (Rintel, 2014) due to their ability to communicate messages through a humorous perspective that
gains virality on the internet. Something that is essential and powerful in spreading an ideology and strengthening a
community’s solidarity.
2. The Political Arena: Duterte Administration
With all the controversy surrounding the current administration of President Rodrigo Duterte, Filipinos have taken their
views and opinions on social media particularly Facebook. Polarizing opinions exist on the internet which has often resulted
in people being tagged as either DDS or Dilawan (which refers to Duterte’s major political party opposition named the
Liberal Party). These polarizing opinions expressed on Facebook can be found in various forms such as long posts, videos,
and one-liners, but netizens always find themselves coming across memes of the current administration. These are called
political memes which are memes that focus on the political arena. According to Pleviriti (2014), political memes satirize
politics; It aims to provide a humorous but critical assessment of recent political issues but are often overlooked and not
taken seriously. This is because the majority of people only see memes as trivial and solely for entertainment (Plevriti, 2014).
Supposedly, as Calimbo (2016) espouses, they are representations of popular culture which come from a perspective of oral
tradition and folklore while politics is found rooted in modernity and literacy (Van Zoonen, 2005 as cited in Plevriti, 2014).
2.1. Language of Memes
Looking closely, Internet memes typically represent and carry ideas, opinions, and arguments. According to De la Rosa-
Carillo (2015), memes have a “visual and succinct nature” (p. 22). This visual and succinct nature translates into their virality
exhibited on the internet, which determines the life of a meme. It relies on the reusing and remixing of netizens which is a
direct parallel of verbal languages (De la Rosa-Carillo). As such, he argues that the virality of memes depends on their
message-carrying capabilities that, as what Belle (1995) specifies of media language, are cultural, social, and political in
nature, and even extending to emotional as well.
Memes are speech acts (Grundlingh, 2017). From a pragmatic perspective, memes are illocutionary acts because though
they do not adhere to the traditional written communicative processes, they utilize the foundational aspect of a speech act
which is a creator, a writer/speaker, and a receiver, a reader/hearer (Grundlingh). Grundlingh’s study revealed that for the
receiver or audience to fully engage and understand the meme, there must be a degree of literacy, schema or background
knowledge, and/or context. Thus, memes can carry complex messages and can function just like other languages can as long
as there is a common ground between the creator and the receiver.
Milner (2012) reported that memes are a gateway to opening online discussions to people as part of participatory culture.
This culture consists of three kinds: creators, distributors, and viewers (Plevriti, 2014). Meme creators aim to produce content
mainly for self-expression and exposing unrighteous acts of politicians, as well as reveal injustices in socio-political issues;
promote certain advocacy, stance, and/or cause. On the other hand, distributors share political memes for social interaction
and community building resulting in solidarity with other people. Lastly, viewers of memes see them as a tool to gather
information and be entertained. Since memes are produced by people, they also represent the popular culture (Calimbo,
2016), which consequently engages the audience in online discussions. Thus, memes facilitate cultural participation through
the combination of images and texts eliciting humor, while forwarding an opinion or an argument whether that argument is
cultural, political, social, or emotional in nature.
Both Calimbo (2016) and Hristova (2014) provided a unique way of understanding memes. While Calimbo claims that
memes can be used both to serve as an avenue for political commentary and to deconstruct the normalized political violations
of Filipino politicians, Hristova highlighted the importance of memes’ virality as a political tool. However, neither addressed
the audience’s perspective towards these memes and their participation in a movement or an issue. This opens a new semiotic
research opportunity on memes through a careful analysis of their message, the degree or extent of audience reception, and
the impact of memes from a societal perspective. This is true especially in the political arena of the Philippines, but few
studies have been made on Philippine political memes, specifically on the Duterte Administration and its recent
controversies. This research aims at bridging that gap and bringing forth a new understanding of memes on how they
function in the Philippine political arena, specifically as tools for propaganda.
2.2. The Political Arena: Memes as Tools for Propaganda
It is clear that the word propaganda has earned a negative connotation today. Lasswell (1927) provides an in-depth
analysis of what propaganda means: a “management of collective attitudes by the manipulation of significant symbols,” (p.
627). He explains that the attitude towards the word comes from the fact that propaganda persuades its audience to act
following patterns of valuation through signification, which aims to solidify a certain attitude towards a certain issue
(Lasswell), or in other words, crystallization of an idea.
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Despite all the negative connotations garnered by ‘propaganda’ through the years, Walton (1997) argues that the word
still has a mixed quality. Although propaganda raises some ethical questions due to its manipulative nature, it can still be
used to forward an agenda for good causes. Another negative aspect of propaganda is that oftentimes, it can contain illogical
reasoning because it aims to appeal to people or ad populum (Walton) which usually target people’s emotions to easily and
effectively persuade them. Another term for this is emotionally-charged phraseology (Hurley, 1994 as cited in Walton).
Generally, there are two types of ad populum arguments, the indirect approach and the direct approach. In the indirect
approach, much of the statements are aimed towards the crowd individually, while in the direct approach, the statements
made are usually made to feel that the individual belongs in a much bigger crowd with a much bigger purpose- to be united
as one which is reminiscent of the capability of memes to create solidarity within its community of users (Plevriti, 2014).
Individuals who dare to go against the conclusion of the statement risk their once gained acceptance and unity with the crowd
(Walton).
Stiver (2012) highlights how media is the monster that society has created through technological advancements
specifically, modern propaganda. Stivers specifies that modern propaganda requires a whole of society whose public opinion
overpowers its private opinion or a meme characteristic called virality. This is the process Lasswell (1927) calls the
crystallization of ideas. Through this, society creates a common and well-known opinion, one that is accessible to the public,
and follows that opinion henceforth. This is the glue that holds society together, that of which is created by sociological
propaganda; “Propaganda manipulates us before it attempts to persuade us rationally” (p. 207). Thus, it is clear that there is
already a culture of propaganda as it is evident in both the political field and the social field, the latter being advertisements
and the like.
Internet political memes have been proved to successfully serve as an avenue for people to voice out their opinions,
commentary, and critique of the political arena as a whole. Still, several studies have found memes’ impact to be negative
such as McClure (2016) in which he claimed that memes can be used as propaganda banking on the premise that they cannot
be used as a tool for critical thinking. There is also Hristova (2014) which revealed that memes’ strength of virality,
remixing, and anomalous juxtaposition is also their downfall in their usage as a political tool as they lose meaning and
credibility as they are remixed and reshared. This establishes the question of just how influential memes are, specifically
Philippine internet political memes, in propagating certain ideologies and opinions, and how they are received by the
audience.
In view of the foregoing, this research was aimed at bridging the gap on the linguistic study of memes by providing an
analysis on audience perception which would enable a wider and deeper look at how people receive the message/ideology.
This is especially true in the Philippine context where only Calimbo (2016) focuses on its linguistic aspect, as well as
Varona’s study on The Role of Internet Memes in Public Discourse on the 2013 Pork Barrel Case in the Philippines which
has the same conclusion as Milner (2012): memes enable public participation (Varona, n.d. as cited in Calimbo 2016; Milner,
2012). Thus, this research sought to further the linguistic analysis of Philippine internet political memes and add a new
perspective on how memes function in the political arena specifically as tools for propaganda.
2.3. Research Questions
1. How are the memes linguistically and visually organized?
2. What do the memes mean in terms of the following:
a. The memes’ humor signifiers?
b. Denotation and connotation?
3. What propaganda characteristics are present in memes?
4. How are the memes as tools for propaganda perceived by the audience?
3. Methods
3.1. Research Design
This study employed a mixed-methods approach towards a multidimensional understanding of Philippine internet
political memes. Semiotic analysis was first conducted to examine 60 political memes using Milner’s (2012), Berger’s
(2004), Barthes’ (1986), and Walton’s (1997) frameworks. This was complemented by the survey approach to determine how
the audience perceived memes as tools for propaganda.
3.2. Study Corpus
A total of 60 memes were collected from July 2016 to December 2018 which encapsulated Duterte’s first two years in
office. Two memes per month were collected, one anti-Duterte meme and one pro-Duterte meme to ensure the unbiasedness
of the study. Each meme group has one meme per month all of which were chosen randomly at Facebook, from pages such
as but not limited to MOCHA USON BLOG and For the Motherland Sass Rogando Sasot, two known Pro-Duterte
Facebook pages, and Silent No More PH and Malacañang Events and Catering Services which are known to be Anti-Duterte
Facebook pages.
3.3. Research Instruments
A survey composed of 10% of the data collected, which totaled in 6 memes, were subjected to evaluation by 60
participants. The assessment was done based on 10 statements that reflect the features of propaganda according to Douglas
Walton’s (1997) Characteristics of a Propaganda. The questionnaire design was guided by Gideon (2012) and was validated
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by three experts, two Doctors of Philosophy in English Language Studies and one Doctor of Philosophy in Applied
Linguistics.
3.4. Research Participants
The participants of the study consisted of 60 respondents, chosen randomly. They were divided into three groups
according to their age including 20 young adults of 18 35 years old, 20 adults aged 36 55, and finally, 20 elders of 55 and
above based on Yarlagadda, Murthy, and Prasad’s (2014) study on human age group classification.
3.5. Data Analysis
The analysis of the data started with a content analysis using Milner’s Taxonomy of Meme Collectives (2012), the
Semiotic Theory of Humor by Berger (2004, as cited in Calimbo, 2016), Roland Barthes’s Denotation and Connotation
(1986), and Walton Douglas’s (1997) Propaganda Characteristics. First, the 60 memes underwent the assessment of their
linguistic and visual organization according to Milner (2012) which assessed how the memes were able to create meaning
according to the arrangement of their physical elements. Next, the memes’ humor signifiers were identified using Berger
(2004, as cited in Calimbo, 2016) and were subjected to the analysis of their meanings in accordance with Barthes (1986).
These meanings were analyzed through the lens of political propaganda and were identified if the content analysis of the
memes matched the 10 aspects of the Characteristics of a Propaganda.
To summarize the findings of the content analysis for the memes’ linguistic and visual orientation, humor signifiers, and
propaganda characteristics, a frequency distribution was utilized.
Next, the data that were culled from the survey underwent the same statistical treatment of frequency distribution and
were later on subjected to the statistical treatment of weighted mean. This determined the equal average of the results of the
survey which utilized a 4-point Likert scale. Each weighted mean was then subjected to a verbal interpretation of Strongly
Agree, Agree, Disagree, and Strongly Disagree.
4. Findings and Discussion
4.1. Linguistic and Visual Organization of the Memes
Table 1. Linguistic and Visual Organization based on Milner's (2012) Taxonomy of Meme Collectives
Total
Overall
Rank
Remixed
Anti
Pro
Single
Annotated Still
9
4
13
5
Demotivationals
1
3
4
9
Macros
8
7
15
4
Quotes
3
6
9
7
Shops
21
9
30
1
Text
10
9
19
3
Stacked
Rage comics
1
1
2
11
Stacked stills
8
13
21
2
Stable
Drawings
2
6
8
8
Graphs
0
0
0
12
Memes IRL
0
0
0
12
Photos
1
3
4
9
Screenshots
4
6
10
6
Table 1 shows the total of the analyzed memes according to Milner’s (2012) Taxonomy of Meme Collectives. This refers
to the meaning-making processes of the memes. It was revealed that the 60 analyzed memes are not constrained in their
categories but are a hybrid of the remixed and stable images proving that, as products of pop culture, memes have
transcultural flows meaning they do not adhere to any national, ethnic, cultural, or linguistic boundaries (Shinhee & Moody,
2012). The process in which the memes create meaning flows from one category to another allowing for a more complex
message to be received and decoded by the audience.
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Figure 1. 2017 Anti-Duterte Meme #11 Figure 2. 2017 Pro-Duterte Meme #1
In Figure 1, the first category is a Text. Two poetic lines were added as a primary clause of the meme which was then
combined with a screenshot of the news making it a hybrid of a Text and a Screenshot. When put together, the two can now
be considered as a Stacked Still which created a rhyming scheme eliciting a poem-like structure when the first two poetic
lines are read together with the news headline. The way these images are combined now creates a narrative through the use of
a poetic structure.
According to Milner (2012), Shops are the types of memes that have undergone a photo editing software called
Photoshop that changes and/or adds meaning to the photo. This means that most of the Philippine internet political memes
have undergone photo manipulation to create a narrative that supports the hidden meaning. As Figure 2 shows, Mar Roxas
standing in front of a crowd of minions adds to the metonymy of the word “Yellow’ and the rest of its connotations which
can be found in the Denotation and Connotation discussion.
The second most frequent category is Stacked Stills referring to the combination of two or more photos stacked together
to form a narrative following the sequence the images were placed upon. This indicates that with the 21 occurrences, the
analyzed Philippine internet political memes require two or more panels to effectively create meaning that is based on the
arrangement of the panels or the sequences as Figure 2 shows.
Third on the most frequent category would be Text which indicates that an image alone cannot properly convey the
intended message. As proved by Milner (2012) and Grundlingh (2017), the audience cannot appreciate the message of the
meme if they are not able to relate to it or if they do not have a schema of the issue being portrayed. Such clarity that a text
provides helps the audience to relate to the meme more and therefore, be able to understand the message and participate in
discussions.
Figure 3. 2017 Anti-Duterte Meme #8
As Figure 3 shows, the photoshopped head of Duterte in the meme implies that he is the one on the hospital bed and with
the hashtag #NasaanAngPangulo (#WhereIsThePresident). It creates a narrative that the president is missing because he is in
the hospital, bedridden. This kind of manipulation of the linguistic and visual elements of the meme creates a simplified
narrative that is easy to digest. According to Olsen (2018), simplifying a complex political narrative has the tendency to
create and spread misinformation. True enough, none of the rumors that the president has terminal illness were confirmed
(Calonzo & Yap, 2018).
In summary, the memes’ linguistic and visual organization cannot be contained in a rigid category, rather its arrangement
of elements flows into multiple categories that effectively generate a manipulated meaning. As De la Rosa-Carillo (2015)
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argues, memes are visual and succinct. This manipulated meaning results in the creation of a narrative that often simplifies a
political context or issue that can result and be used as a tool for disinformation.
4.2. The Meaning of Memes: The Meme’s Humor Signifiers
Table 2. Memes’ Humor Signifiers
Overall
Rank
Humor
Signifiers
Anti
Pro
Metaphor
1
1
2
5
Metonymy
3
2
5
4
Intertextuality
20
20
40
1
Parody
18
17
35
2
Binary
Opposition
9
6
15
3
Puns
0
1
1
6
Synecdoche
0
1
1
6
Table 2 shows the frequency of the humor signifiers found in the 60 Philippine internet political memes. Among the
significantly highest were Intertextuality with 40 occurrences, Parody with 35 occurrences, and Binary Opposition whose
occurrence totaled 15.
Intertextuality, with 40 occurrences, proves that memes are highly contextual in nature. The incongruence in their humor
is always based on another issue, event, or situation which reaffirms the notion that one cannot understand the meme if one
does not have prior knowledge of the background (Grundlingh, 2017). For example, Figure 4 shows Sarah Duterte, Noynoy
Aquino, Rodrigo Duterte, and Mar Roxas on the same campaign float. At first glance, this meme does not elicit any humor,
but with the knowledge of the current context of Duterte being against PNoy and Mar Roxas because they belong to the
Liberal Party, the audience now understands that there is a binary opposition going on. This gives the notion that
intertextuality often elicits another form of humor signifier.
Figure 4. 2017 Anti-Duterte Meme #10 Figure 5. 2018 Anti-Duterte Meme #7
Parody with 35 occurrences, indicates that memes satirize the issues portrayed. Parodies also tend to exaggerate, define,
and highlight absurdities of political contexts which reaffirm the claims of McClure in his study that memes have the process
of “amplification through simplification” (McCloud, 1994 as cited in McClure, 2016) (p.292), reminiscent of what
propaganda is. Figure 5 is a parody of the famous television reality show called America’s Next Top Model wherein it
features amateur models vying for the position of the top model. In the meme, the word America is replaced with “Batasan”
referring to the Batasan Hills, where the legislative House of Representatives of the Philippines is located. The addition of the
famous politicians’ photos furthers the contrastive element that influences the audience to associate the politicians with
amateur models of a reality TV show. Therefore, it is realized that this meme is in reference to President Duterte’s 2016 State
of the Nation Address (SONA), deemed to have turned into a fashion show for politicians. It further connotes that SONA
has become a spectacle due to the media’s sensationalism of the politicians’ luxurious clothes rather than Duterte’s actual
speech. Parody imitates and violates the “code of authorial identity” (Berger, 2004, p.16) and uses this code violation to
ridicule another situation making the humor signifiers of Figure 20 Parody and Intertextuality.
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Lastly, binary opposition is the third most frequent humor signifier found with 15 occurrences. As earlier discussed,
binary oppositions happen when two concepts of the opposite meaning are present in the meme. These also exhibit a form of
irony just as what can be analyzed in Figure 6.
Figure 6. 2018 Pro-Duterte Meme #2
Binary opposition is exhibited by the notion of the protester wanting high prices for unmilled rice and low prices for
milled rice which is not in accordance with the basic economics law of supply and demand because the farmers would not
earn any profit. It is ironic considering that the protester is trying to protest for the sake of both the producers and consumers.
Furthermore, the ironic humor connotes a weakening of the cause that they are trying to forward.
Other humor signifiers include Metaphor with 2 occurrences, Metonymy with 5 occurrences, Puns with 1 occurrence, and
Synecdoche with 1 occurrence which is indicative that humor in memes utilizes forms of figures of speech, making it easier
to elicit humor and at the same time, receive the messages effectively as humor acts as a vehicle.
The humor signifiers of the memes produce a relationship that is found exclusively. This relationship ultimately results in
“amplification through simplification” (McCloud, 1994 as cited in McClure, 2016, p.292) produced by the narrative
sequences. What amplifies the simplified message effectively is the humor elicited with each visual and linguistic
organization. However, humor signifiers of the memes cannot decode the message since memes are heavily contextual in
nature. As Calimbo (2016) states, in order to decode the memes’ full implications, one must recognize the basic properties of
memes because a structuralist semiotic perspective limits the interpretation of the meme to the linguistic and visual elements
and organization only.
4.3. The Meaning of Memes: Memes’ Humor Signifiers Denotation and Connotation
Table 3. Themes/Issues of Pro-Duterte Philippine Internet Political Memes
Pro-Duterte Philippine Internet Political
Memes
Dilawans / Liberal Party
Duterte as Strong man
Anti-movements
Comparison of Duterte to other presidents
Critics
Marcos
Rappler
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Figure 7. 2016 Pro-Duterte Meme #4 Figure 8. 2018 Pro-Duterte Meme #1
The contrast in figure 7 highlights the meme’s connotation as to how Roxas’s rally seemed staged while Duterte’s was
more candid and genuine. Furthermore, the lack of unified shirt color in Duterte’s rally in contrast with Roxas’s wherein all
of them were wearing yellow, connotes that Duterte is a “poor-man’s” president and makamasa as what his campaign slogan
was all about. Thus, this binary opposition type of humor signifier which was elicited by the linguistic and visual
organization of Stacked Stills made Duterte more likable by humanizing him using this meme.
Figure 8, on the other hand, tells the narrative that the Liberal party uses money to spread propaganda and deceive people.
The simple highlighting of the word ‘sponsored’ emits a metonymy giving it a new meaning; that the post was paid by
someone from the liberal party to spread undesirable news about Mocha Uson. This strengthens the speculations that Liberal
party supporters and Duterte critics were just paid to further hate and oppose the current administration.
Figure 9. 2016 Pro-Duterte Meme #5
Another prevalent theme in the Pro-Duterte memes was Duterte’s strongman qualities. As exhibited in Figure 9, it is
denoted that Duterte just says what he wants to say and does whatever he pleases to do. Considering the meme’s context, he
is saying that he would be happy to slaughter drug addicts and corrupt politicians which, connotatively, strengthens his
already established image of a strongman. It further connotes the humanization of Duterte as he is placed in a normal social
context with a response that any laypeople could make and be passed off as a joke, placing Duterte on equal footing as that of
laypeople. It normalizes that kind of uncharacteristic presidential behavior.
Overall, Pro-Duterte memes often connote discreditation of the Liberal Party and its members to disrepute them in
political discourses. The same is also true for memes that focus on themes/issues on critics and Rappler. Memes that show
Duterte’s strongman characteristics while reaffirming his tough leadership, when put in social contexts that laypeople
experience, humanizes the president and therefore, becomes a way for people to relate to him; furthering support for Duterte
which is also true for memes whose themes/issues lie on the comparison of Duterte to other presidents. Meanwhile, for
memes that depict anti-movements, it is evident that they can instantly discredit whatever the movement is fighting for.
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Table 4. Themes/Issues on Anti-Duterte Philippine Internet Political Memes
Figure 10 is in reference to the promise Duterte made during one of his speeches wherein he said that he would Jet Ski his
way to China if China will not recognize the legitimate claim the Philippines has on the Spratly Island. This meme pokes fun
at the president’s promise by mocking him that he should practice how to Jet Ski because it seems like all efforts to protect
the Spratleys Island from Chinese invasion are failing. The linguistic and visual organization of Shops, Macros, and
Annotated Stills work together to create a connotation that implies the inability of Duterte to protect the Philippines from
China.
Figure 10. 2016 Anti-Duterte Meme #1 Figure 11. 2018 Anti-Duterte Meme #4
Figure 11 shows a man going over a wall with Duterte’s face photoshopped. Accompanied with the caption, it paints him
as obsessed and in love with China, when all he wants is a good relationship with a neighboring super country for the
economic growth of the Philippines. Furthermore, this meme connotes that Duterte is willing to go through numerous heights
just to maintain a strong relationship with China.
Another theme/issue is with memes that show how Duterte acts uncharacteristically that of a president. In Figure 12, the
audience is met with opposing statements by Duterte talking about how God made him president and then saying that God is
stupid. This meme shows how Duterte backtracks his statements which are an unlikely characteristic for a president. It
further implies that Duterte will play any kind of man that favors him the most. Thus, he cannot be trusted in so far as being a
president. It connotes discreditation of Duterte for all the work that he is doing for the Philippines, encouraging the audience
to not trust and support Duterte.
Anti-Duterte Philippine Internet Political Memes
China
Uncharacteristic president
Terminal disease
Likened to other presidents
PNoy administration
Incompetent Duterte administration
Rallying
De Lima
Dutertards
SONA
Mocha Uson
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Figure 12. 2018 Anti-Duterte Meme #6 Figure 13. 2016 Anti-Duterte Meme #3
Another theme/issue would be Duterte being likened to presidents. Figure 13 likens Duterte to past controversial
presidents, such as Ferdinand Marcos, and with the usage of ‘?’ as the code violation, gives the notion that he is just as bad as
them. This connotes that Duterte is the same as these former presidents who do not have a good track record with the people.
Furthermore, this means that Duterte is already in line with them, he is on the same path as them.
Overall, these Anti-Duterte memes indicate the underlying goals to discredit Duterte as a president and show his
incompetencies in running the country. The memes which were premised upon themes/issues of China show the sudden shift
of Duterte from his strongman persona to that of friendlier towards China which means that Duterte should not be trusted and
supported. The same is also true for memes whose themes/issues are about his terminal disease, uncharacteristic president,
the incompetent Duterte Administration, and likened to other presidents.
In summary, often both Pro-Duterte and Anti-Duterte memes connote more than what the literal meaning meant, with
underlying goals like that of humanization and discreditation. With the use of primary humor signifiers intertextuality,
parody, and binary opposition, the hidden messages of the memes are effectively received by the audience as the political
context and/or issue is now simplified (McClure, 2016). Moreover, the simplified message digested by the audience allows
them to relate to the meme more, encouraging them to participate in the meme culture which helps them in community
building that strengthens their solidarity (Plevriti, 2014) with their respective groups. Thus, there is an inherent mechanism in
the memes which allows them to be tools to further the dichotomy between Dilawans and DDS as these memes facilitate an
echo-chamber-like process and are effective in crystallizing an attitude as what Lasswell (1927) said about propaganda.
4.4. Evaluation of Memes as Tools for Propaganda: Content Analysis
Table 5. Propaganda Characteristics
Total
Overall
Rank
Anti
Pro
Dialogue Structure
30
30
60
1
Message Content
30
30
60
1
Goal-Directed Structure
21
25
46
3
Involvement of Social Groups
11
12
23
8
Indifference to Logical
Reasoning
15
18
33
7
One-Sided Argumentation
25
17
42
5
Involvement of Persuasion
Dialogue
3
8
11
10
Justified by Results
3
13
16
9
Emotive Language and
Persuasive Definitions
20
19
39
6
Eristic Aspect
19
25
44
4
According to Table 3, the two most frequent propaganda characteristics observed were Dialogue Structure and Message
Content which are present in all of the 60 memes analyzed.
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Dialogue Structure refers to the communicative discourse between people while Message Content refers to any kind of
form that propaganda can take shape in. All memes have the characteristic of a Dialogue Structure because they are created
by a proponent to communicate a message towards the recipients. As Grundligh (2017) explains, memes are an illocutionary
act, they carry messages directed towards receivers. Memes have the characteristic of a message content because they take
the primary form of images to embody these messages, as well as humor. Therefore, these two characteristics are inseparable
when it comes to memes since they complement each other. As stated in the memes’ linguistic and visual organization, both
elements work together to form a message masked in humor. The form of the memes in and of themselves is a characteristic
of what propaganda is.
Rank 3 is Goal-Directed Structure which is defined for its message to support either the interest of a group or the group
itself and vice versa. The connotations of the memes have underlying goals such as to humanize and discredit, proving that
memes do have the inherent structure focused to support/discredit politicians and issues. It is important to note that the goals
that memes posit are always a representation of a much bigger message/ideology that, as a tool for propaganda, also aims to
manipulate the audience subconsciously. In the words of Stivers (2012), “Propaganda manipulates us before it attempts to
persuade us rationally” (p. 207) which is also in rank 7 as the most frequent propaganda characteristic in the memes called
Indifference to Logical Reasoning. This characteristic is often accompanied by rank 5 One-Sided Argumentation.
4.5. Evaluation of Memes as Tools for Propaganda: Audience Perception
Table 6. Overall Audience Perception on Memes as Tools for Propaganda
Total
Mean
Verbal Interpretation
1. I understand the meme’s
background (the situation/the
issue behind the meme).
3.3
Strongly Agree
2. I find the meme’s message to
be funny and
appealing/interesting.
2.99
Agree
3. I agree that the meme is in
support of a particular issue,
person, and/or social group.
3.04
Agree
4. I agree that the meme
includes/represents a particular
person and/or social group.
3.17
Agree
5. I agree that the meme is
unreasonable/ irrational. It does
not make any sense.
2.3d
Disagree
6. I agree that the meme is
biased to one group. It only
supports one side of the
situation/issue.
2.97
Agree
7. I agree that the meme is
persuasive or convincing.
2.91
Agree
8. I agree that meme presents a
problem/s that is biased or is in
support of one side.
2.99
Agree
9. I agree that the meme uses
words that are emotionally
engaging and persuading. They
use funny words.
2.96
Agree
10. I agree that the meme is
effective in disproving anti-
Duterte / DDS arguments. It
can instantly shut down anti-
Duterte / DDS arguments.
2.47
Agree
In summary, based on audience perception, memes do have the capability to become effective tools for propaganda as
they possess 9 out of 10 propaganda characteristics identified by Walton (1997). Only one propaganda characteristic returned
with negative results which were Indifference to Logical Reasoning, meaning that even though memes have the tendency to
become illogical due to the simplification process, the audience still perceives them as logical. Factors that affected this
discrepancy could be that memes, as tools for propaganda, use logical reasoning to effectively persuade people. Another
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would be that memes employ the propaganda characteristic of Dialogue Structure; even though a meme is illogical, the
audience still perceives it as logical, in line with Stivers’s (2012) claim that propaganda firstly persuades before rationally
convincing people. This shows that Filipino society needs to improve its media literacy especially with the growing number
of Filipinos using social media.
5. Conclusion
It is evident that as pop culture data, memes are transcultural; they do not respect the set social, cultural, historical, ethnic,
and/or linguistic boundaries. This characteristic allows memes to be more effective in curating messages combined with their
humor as a vehicle to further their messages, making them understandable and digestible by watering down complex political
issues. This makes those who participate in the meme culture prone to misinformation. Once this simplistic humorous
message is received, its underlying message is received as well. These underlying messages have goals such as humanizing
the political actor to either criticize or gain sympathy/support for them. They also connote a goal of discrediting the political
actor or argument/idea portrayed. Furthermore, memes possess all ten of the propaganda characteristics which further
justifies that while memes are a form of entertainment, they can be tools for propaganda. However, based on the conducted
survey, it was revealed that the audience identified 9 out of 10 propaganda characteristics; they did not identify Indifference
to Logical Reasoning as present which is a discrepancy compared with the content analysis. This indicates that according to
audience perception, memes utilize logical reasoning which makes the audience understand the messages more effectively.
At the same time, this can also indicate that the respondents have a low sense of media literacy as they still see memes as
logical even though they are not.
Philippine internet political memes, as user-generated pieces of culture, then have the ability to relay hidden messages
anchored on a specific goal, founded on a specific ideology. As memes are inherently viral, this virality becomes a boost for
the messages they carry to be received by a large number of people, creating a sense of belongingness and solidarity through
humor. As products of pop culture, memes are a way for a person, group, community, and even an institution to promote
their opinions and stances on issues in the guise of entertainment and humor, making memes a perfect example of how
political propaganda can take any form and shape. Therefore, even the simplest and entertaining media artifact can propagate
different kinds of messages and ideologies.
This research aims to further people’s understanding of memes and how these media artifacts can be so much more than
what they seem. It shines a light on the rise of meme culture and the changes that it can bring to the political field. This goes
to show that along with the changes that the 21st technological century has brought, the way politicians and even social
groups can forward their respective agendas have also changed. It is about time that the audience realizes that anyone with
the intention and power can feed a group of people or even a whole community with illusions and lies that can lead to further
manipulation of thoughts and actions. Therefore, it is needed in this modern era, for people to become aware of these
manipulations, be critical of the kind of media they consume, and of course, fact-check the information that they come across
with. It is time that the audience takes an active part in becoming the first line of defense against misinformation and
disinformation because a properly informed citizen is an empowered citizen.
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The study is a qualitative-descriptive analysis of 12 randomly selected Philippine political internet memes. Utilizing Berger’s (2004) Semiotic Theory of Humor and Barthes’s (1991) concept of myth, the study examined how the humorous signifiers in the political internet memes deconstruct dominant political ideologies of modern (Philippine) society which appear natural and normal. Findings revealed that contrasts and binary oppositions in both images and captions portraying code violations are the humorous signifiers in the memes. Humor in the memes is basically aggressive, as it ridicules and satirizes representatives of power, the political elite, for their undesirable qualities and practices which are in stark contrast with (or violations of) the righteous and moralistic slogan of the present administration, that is, ‘Daang Matuwid.’ Through the internet memes, the belief that a new administration can be a ‘messiah’ who can save the masses from their present sorry condition is deconstructed. As the analysis shows, humor in the internet memes exposes some political ideological constructs which are naturalized or normalized in the Philippine society. Through humor, such ideologies are unmasked and the public is brought to awareness of what is really behind seemingly normal or natural events in the Philippine political arena. This means that Filipino humor, apart from being a mere expression of fun and entertainment, has the potential to express dissent especially against some ills in the society. Recommendations for future research are included.
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A meme, conceived as the cultural equivalent of the biological gene by Richard Dawkins, spread through culture like a virus – quickly and widely. Its viral power is in turn understood as product of nature, rather than culture – or rather as threatening to subvert culture into a condition of nature. Firing up over night, and disappearing just as quickly, memes are often allowed to run their course and fade into oblivion, only to return again. They emerge at moments of contestation of dominant narratives and through their participatory structure of imitation and mutation allow for the dissolution of points of ideological conflict and the reestablishment of a normative narrative. If not too threatening to the health of the state body, these cultural viruses are left unchecked as they build the immunity, and further, in Derrida’s terms, the “autoimmunity” of the nation-state. In this project, I explore the role of visual Internet memes as neutralizers of contested past and present narratives of occupation and dissent by focusing the digital visual memes associated with the Occupy Movement in the United States. More specifically, I examine the emergence of the term “occupy” as an visual Internet meme in and of itself – Occupy Wall Street spurred Occupy Chicago, Oakland and even Sesame Street and the North Pole, as well as a marker of a revolution - revolving viral civil and political dissent. I argue that there is a notable distinction between physical participation the Occupy Movement and virtual participation through the reworking of Occupy’s memes, where as the first modality serves as an active disruptor of the political normative imaginary, the second works in precisely the opposite fashion - in its reconstitution of a common-sense dominant image of the political.
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In the time following the 2016 presidential election, much has been written about the spread of false information on social media websites. Given the potential influence false information has had on American politics, it is more important than ever for people to critically evaluate the content they view and share on social media. This article describes an activity that encourages students to develop evidence based arguments and think critically about content shared on social media. In the activity, students are asked to generate an internet meme related to U.S. politics and write a short essay defending the position they have taken in the meme. This article explains how the activity can promote critical thinking and includes suggestions for future implementation.
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Propaganda in all its forms is the culture of a mass society. The media transmits propaganda to form public opinion and recreate the human being. Reversing the Western ideal of a rational and free individual, the media creates a childish conformist ensconced in the peer group, who acts unconsciously.
Language and the Media
  • R Barthes
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