Inca human sacrifices from the Ampato and Pichu Pichu volcanoes, Peru: new results from a bio-anthropological analysis

Abstract

One of the most important rituals in the Inca Empire was the capacocha. It required the most prestigious sacrificial offering of male and female children and young women who were characterized by their beauty and purity. The aim of this paper is to present the results of a bio-anthropological analysis of the remains of five individuals sacrificed on the summits of Ampato and Pichu Pichu during this ritual. Various methods (bone analysis and radiography) were applied in the investigation due to the diverse states of preservation of the remains. Four individuals were in the same age category: 6-7 years old. The individual Pichu Pichu #2 was sacrificed at age 3.5 years, which makes him the youngest capacocha sacrifice currently known. Results show proper development of the victims' bodies, the presence of stress markers related to the early childhood period, and, in the case of the Ampato boy, malformation of the cervical vertebrae. The studies of the Pichu Pichu and Ampato sacrifices confirm their widespread origins, privileged position, and high social status. They show that the victims were well-nourished and had proper body growth compared to juveniles from the lower social strata in different cemeteries in the region.

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ORIGINAL PAPER
Inca human sacrifices from the Ampato and Pichu Pichu volcanoes,
Peru: new results from a bio-anthropological analysis
Dagmara M. Socha
1
&Johan Reinhard
2
&Ruddy Chávez Perea
3
Received: 26 October 2020 / Accepted: 29 March 2021
#The Author(s) 2021
Abstract
One of the most important rituals in the Inca Empire was the capacocha. It required the most prestigious sacrificial offering of
male and female children and young women who were characterized by their beautyand purity. The aim of this paper is to present
the results of a bio-anthropological analysis of the remains of five individuals sacrificed on the summits of Ampato and Pichu
Pichu during this ritual. Various methods (bone analysis and radiography) were applied in the investigation due to the diverse
states of preservation of the remains. Four individuals were in the same age category: 6–7 years old. The individual Pichu Pichu
#2 was sacrificed at age 3.5 years, which makes him the youngest capacocha sacrifice currently known. Results show proper
development of the victims’bodies, the presence of stress markers related to the early childhood period, and, in the case of the
Ampato boy, malformation of the cervical vertebrae. The studies of the Pichu Pichu and Ampato sacrifices confirm their
widespread origins, privileged position, and high social status. They show that the victims were well-nourished and had proper
body growth compared to juveniles from the lower social strata in different cemeteries in the region.
Keywords Incas .Capacocha .Ampato .Pichu Pichu .Human sacrifices
Introduction
The capacocha was the most important sacrificial ritual to be
practised in the Inca Empire. Historical and archaeological
studies have demonstrated the complex role of this ritual in
the religious and socio-economic systems of the state
(Reinhard and Ceruti 2010). The Incas implemented ideolog-
ical control over the lands and people they conquered, and this
was supported through religious beliefs and customs (Malpass
and Alconini 2010:44–74). The capacocha, according to the
requirements of the state, was used to support the religious
syncretism of the provinces and to assign prestige to the local
authorities.
The aim of this article is to present the results of a bio-
anthropological analysis of children sacrificed on the
Ampato and Pichu Pichu volcanoes in southern Peru. The
burials were discovered during expeditions led by Johan
Reinhard and José Antonio Chávez in the 1990s (Reinhard
2006:170–192). The Ampato capacocha burials, found at
5800 m, consisted of three human bodies with accompanying
objects made from silver, gold, Spondylus shell, and ceramic.
The Pichu Pichu capacocha burials were located just below
the summit at an altitude of 5600 m. Here, the Incas construct-
ed an artificial platform that contained two bodies with rich
grave goods and one additional burial outside the platform. A
bio-anthropological analysis of the human bodies has revealed
new data about the significance of the capacocha and the
treatment of the children chosen for sacrifice.
The political and sociological meaning
of the capacocha
Capacochas were conducted for several purposes (Besom
2009:36–39). These can be divided into rituals performed
for the royal court and those performed for provincial shrines
and local cult places (Cobo 1990 [1623]:111–112; Hernández
*Dagmara M. Socha
d.socha@uw.edu.pl
1
Centre for Andean Studies, University of Warsaw, Krakowskie
Przedmieście 26/28, 00927 Warsaw, Poland
2
National Geographic Society, 1145 17th St. NW,
Washington, DC 20036, USA
3
Museo Santuarios Andinos, Universidad Católica de Santa Maria,
04001 Calle la Merced, 110 Arequipa, Peru
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-021-01332-1
/ Published online: 14 May 2021
Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences (2021) 13: 94
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.

1923 [1622]:34). The former took place in the imperial capital
of Cusco and were often related to important events in the
emperor’s life (Cobo 1990 [1623]:111–112). Other
capacocha ceremonies were performed for local huacas:sa-
cred places, shrines, or objects. They were often performed in
response to natural catastrophes such as volcanic eruptions,
earthquakes, and climate disasters (such as droughts and hail-
storms (Cobo 1990[1623] :54, 112, 150–153; Murúa 1946
[1590]:281; Ondegardo 1917 [1571]:193) and to celebrate
major construction activities, especially those related to irriga-
tion structures (Hernández 1923 [1622]:52).Capacochas
were also performed annually during the Inti Raymi and
Capac Raymi ceremonies (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980
[1613]). These ceremonies took place in the Temple of the
Sun (Coricancha) in Cusco and were also performed for the
most important huacas of the provinces (Cieza de León
1959[1553]:151–152; Cobo 1990 [1623]:54–74, 112).
Huacas played an important role in beliefs in the pre-
Columbian Andes. In the highlands, theywere often identified
with the highest peak. They were the centre of local religious
beliefs and supported the ethnic identity of the local groups,
often representing their divine ancestor. By performing rituals
for the huacas, the Incas established a hierarchy within local
groups and managed provincial politics. By making sacrifices,
the Incas also emphasized the position of the emperor as the
provider of the realm, as he was able to negotiate with the
gods. They thus introduced the local huacas into the imperial
pantheon and ascribed to them a place in their religious
hierarchy.
Prestigious and political reasons caused the Incas to give
the capacocha ritual a rank that allowed it to be performed
only by the state (Bray et al. 2005). The ritual included the
most important goods manufactured and controlled by the
Incas. The children and young women chosen for sacrifice
were, ideally, to have great beauty and no imperfections, and
the females had to be virgins (Ramos Gavilán 1976
[1621]:56). Children could also come from important ayllus
(kinship groups) (Cobo 1990 [1623]:112; Ramos Gavilán
1976 [1621]:56), and the females were often selected from
acllahuasi (buildings for housing chosen women). There is
some controversy with regard to the physical features de-
scribed in the chronicles. For example, Ramos Gavilán
(1976 [1621]):56) mentioned that a young girl was rejected
because she had a small mole, which made her imperfect. The
results of bio-anthropological studies, however, show that
some of the children sacrificed ascapacochas had body marks
or even suffered from serious diseases. Boys from Llullaillaco
and El Plomo had warts on their hands (Reinhard and Ceruti
2010: 106, Quevedo and Durán 1992:198). The Llullaillaco
Maiden had indications of the onset of tuberculosis, and the
older individual from Misti had deformed legs that may have
affected his walking (Corthals et al. 2012; Socha et al. 2020).
Furthermore, the boy from El Plomo had suffered a severe
elbow injury that had left a scar (Prunes 1957). He was also
infected by parasites on the surface of his skin (Pediculus
humanus capitis) and in his digestive tract (Entamoeba coli
and Trichuris trichiura)(Quevedo and Duran, 1992: 198).
The capacocha in historical and archaeological
sources
The capacocha ceremony was performed at various locations,
including Cusco, Pachacamac, and on the Island of the Sun
(Ramos Gavilán 1976 [1621];GuamanPomadeAyala1980
[1613]). However, the human sacrifices connected to these
rituals were not positively identified until recent times. The
first capacocha burial was found at the end of the nineteenth
century on the summit of Chachani, Peru (Beorchia 1985:65–
66). Another two were found on Chañi (1905) and Chuscha
(1921) in present-day Argentina at the beginning of the twen-
tieth century (Schobinger 2003; Reinhard and Ceruti 2010:9).
Capacocha offerings were also discovered on the Isla de la
Plata in modern Ecuador (Dorsey 1901). In 1954, the mummy
of an 8-year-old boy was found near the summit of El Plomo
(Sanhueza et al. 2005). The burial of a young woman with the
remains of ceremonial architecture was discovered on Pichu
PichuinsouthernPeruin1963(Linares1966). The bodies of
two females (9 and 18–20 years old) were discovered during
road construction at Cerro Esmeralda in northern Chile in
1976 (Checura 1977), and the body of a 7- to 8-year-old boy
was discovered by climbers on Aconcagua in 1985
(Schobinger 2001).
The next discoveries of high-altitude capacocha burials in
Peru, Chile, and Argentina were made by Johan Reinhard and
his team (Reinhard and Ceruti 2010). He and his climbing
companion, Miguel Zarate, found the first frozen Inca female
mummy on Ampato in September 1995. After that, from 1995
to 1999, Reinhard and José Antonio Chávez made several
expeditions to mountains in Peru and Argentina, which led
to the discoveries of further human sacrifices on (or near)
the summits of Ampato, Pichu Pichu, Misti, Sara Sara,
Quehuar, and Llullaillaco (Reinhard 2006). In total, they
found human remains belonging to 20 individuals varying in
age from about 3.5 to 15 years old.
The capacocha ritual could be carried out by communities
at a local level. A possible example of this behaviour was
found in Choquepukio near Cusco (Andrushko et al. 2011:
323–334). Under the floor of the ceremonial building, archae-
ologists found burial sites of children aged between about 3
and 12 years old. The bodies were accompanied by ceramic
artefacts and figurines made from gold, silver, and Spondylus
shells. Similar finds were discovered at the site ofLa Joya, and
these were related to the cult of the Coropuna and Solimana
mountains in southern Peru (Meinken 2005:81–90).
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The ways the children intended for capacocha sacrifice
distributed throughout the empire are still unclear. After a
ceremony in Cusco, they were reportedly sent to the provinces
(Molina 1959 [1573]:89). According to the chronicles, some
of them would be returned to the place where they had been
born (Hernández 1923 [1622]:52). The journey could some-
times take weeks or months, and the younger children were
probably carried on litters. The soles of the feet of the El
Plomo boy show hyperkeratosis and oedema, indicating that
he made at least part of the pilgrimage on foot (Quevedo and
Durán 1992:198). Blood was found in his mouth, suggesting
that he may have suffered from a pulmonary oedema due to
the altitude. Analysis of the boy from Llullaillaco suggested
that he might have died before the procession reached the
summit (Ceruti 2015: 8). Chroniclers described some of the
children as having been killed by a blow to the head, by being
buried alive, by having their hearts removed, or by strangula-
tion (Cobo 1990 [1623]:112; Cieza de León 1959[1553]:150;
Hernández 1923[1622]:61–62).
Evidence of human sacrifices has been found among pre-
Inca cultures in the Andes. However, the sacrificing of chil-
dren in state-sponsored ceremonies was a practice associated
primarily with the Incas until a mass sacrifice of children was
recently found among the Chimu in northern Peru (Prieto et al.
2019). An estimated 137 children, aged 5 to 14 years, were
immolated during the years 1400–1450 AD, and several had
signs that their hearts had been removed. The sacrifices prob-
ably occurred during an El Niño phenomenon that had caused
catastrophic flooding. However, the large number of child
sacrificial victims far exceeded those known to have been
made by the Incas or indeed by any other society in the
Americas (Prieto et al. 2019). Some chroniclers (e.g. Acosta
1962[1590]:248) reported that the Incas sacrificed hundreds
of children for important events, but no archaeological evi-
dence has been found of this nor have any of the known
Inca sacrificial victims been found with their hearts removed.
The Chimu sacrifices also lacked the luxury items found in
Inca capacocha burials on mountain summits. Nevertheless,
the Chimu were conquered by the Incas in the second half of
the fifteenth century, and there is evidence of the Chimu hav-
ing influenced some Inca cultural practices and crafts (e.g.
Cieza de León 1959[1553]:328). The possibility exists that
this may have also been the case with beliefs relating to Inca
child sacrifices, as those found on mountain summits date to
the period of Inca expansion out of the Cusco region in the
mid-1400s.
Several of the capacocha victims’bodies recovered to date
have not shown any signs of physical trauma. This has led to
the conclusionthat they may have been intoxicated and buried
alive or that some other method, like suffocation, was used
that did not leave any recognizable traces (Bárcena 1989;
Wilson et al. 2013). The boy found at El Plomo, the
Llullaillaco children, and the Aconcagua boy show traces of
vomiting which could have been due to altitude sickness but
which could also have been due to having been intoxicated
prior to death. The results of a toxicological analysis reveal the
presence of metabolites related to alcohol and the consump-
tion of coca leaves (Wilson et al. 2013). The techniques used
in killing the victims may have been chosen specifically so
that all blood remained in their bodies in order to be able to
provide an intact sacrifice to the gods.
Pichu Pichu and Ampato expeditions
In local folklore, Pichu Pichu is considered to be a helpful deity
(Reinhard 2006: 169). The shepherds make offerings to gain
protection and prosperity for themselves and their herds. The
Quechua word “pichu”means a peak, and the double use of
the word to name the volcano is to emphasize that it has several
peaks. The highest of Pichu Pichu’speaksis5664m,andit
borders the city of Arequipa to the northeast and east along with
the volcanoes of Chachani and Misti (Fig. 1).
The first discovery of an Inca sacrifice on Pichu Pichu was
made by mountaineers in 1963 (Linares 1966). They found a
partially collapsed artificial platform made by the Incas and
uncovered a cranium, a mandible, vertebrae (C1 and C2), a
calcaneus, and pottery and metal objects. These were found
just below and outside the eastern wall of the platform, and it
appeared that the burial itself had shifted downwards, proba-
bly as a result of an earthquake. The main part of the platform
remained intact (Fig. 2; Reinhard 2006). The material was
eventuallytakentobestoredinthemuseumofthe
Universidad Nacional de San Agustín in Arequipa. The
1963 expedition also observed an Inca tambo (way station)
located at 4600 m, which was used by the Incas as a place to
store supplies and to rest before proceeding to the summit.
Based on the grave goods, the sex of the sacrificed individ-
ual first found on Pichu Pichu was believed to be that of a
female (Linares 1966). The age was estimated as 16–18 years
old based on the partial eruption of the third molars and the
Fig. 1 A map showing volcanoes in southern Peru, with Pichu Pichu and
Ampato marked by arrows (courtesy ofthe National Geographic Society)
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Fig. 2 The plan of the Inca platform on Pichu Pichu (J. Chávez, J. Stępnik)
94 Page 4 of 14 Archaeol Anthropol Sci (2021) 13: 94
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obliteration of the cranial sutures. However, modern studies of
the Andean population show that the growth of the teeth starts
earlier than in other regions of the world (Gaither 2004), and
the stage at which the cranial sutures are obliterated is no
longer used in physical anthropology as a valuable diagnostic
feature (Meindl and Lovejoy 1985). Due to this, the probable
age of the individual should be estimated at 14–17 years old.
The cranium had significant damage in the region of the right
frontal, parietal, and occipital bones (Linares 1966). A regular
shaped polished area was also noticed at the border of the
temporal bone. This was interpreted as evidence of trepana-
tion; however, the temporal bone was rarely the area of trep-
anation because of the presence of hearing organs and main
vessels and because it was more complicated to access than
the frontal, parietal, or occipital bones (Andrushko and
Verano 2008: 10). The damage to the right part of the skull
probably occurred perimortem (Linares 1966:43–44).
Johan Reinhard and José Antonio Chávez led an expedition
to Pichu Pichu in 1989 and located the remains of the burial
that had been uncovered in 1963 outside of the artificial plat-
form at 5600 m (Reinhard 2006). Although partially
destroyed, the remaining bones of the adult individual (ribs,
vertebrae, and long bones) were recovered. The bones were
found together with grave goods that included miniature gold
and copper tupu pins, two wooden cups, a wooden spoon,
beads and pendants for a necklace, and a ball of thread.
These finds were deposited in the Museo Nacional de
Arqueología y Antropología in Lima.
The 1996 season was focused on excavating the main part of
the platform (Reinhard 2006). During this excavation, two new
capacocha burials were found. Based on grave goods, one pre-
sumably belonged to a female and the other to a male. A gold
female figurine was found above the first burial in a box made
from small stones, and four more female figurines were located
near the individual’s body. The second burial was located on the
opposite side of the platform. The skeleton of the child (probably
male) was accompanied by the carbonized remains of textiles, a
bag (chuspa) with coca leaves, and a male figurine. Due to the
conditions on the summit, the body of the probable female was
excavated with its surrounding soil and transported as a frozen
block to Arequipa. During the final days of the 1996 excavation,
archaeologists found more offerings, consisting of an unusually
large (30 cm), silver male figure and a male tunic (unku) covered
with silver metal discs
1
.
During Inca times, Ampato was mentioned as one of the
most important deities in Condesuyos, one of the four parts of
the Inca Empire. The volcano is located northwest of the city
of Arequipa (Fig. 1). The name of the mountain, Ampato,
likely originated from the Quechua word “hampattu”meaning
“toad”. Frogs and toads often appear in Andean folklore as
they are related to the water cult and witchcraft (Reinhard
2006:12–13; Sikkink 1997:175;Rescaniere1986).
Ash from the eruption of Sabancaya in 1990 and 1991 fell
on the snow-covered tops of the surrounding mountains, caus-
ing them to start melting. This exposed the summit ridge of
Ampato (Reinhard 2006). Johan Reinhard and Miguel Zarate
examined the summit in September 1995 and discovered the
mummy of a 15-year-old girl (later to become known as the
“Ampato Maiden”) who had been sacrificed on the summit at
6300 m (Reinhard 2006).
An expedition led by Johan Reinhard and José Antonio
Chávez returned to the mountain in October 1995 to systemati-
cally search for archaeological sites. They excavated two Inca
burials at 5800 m marked by stone circles and found a probable
female mummy and then the skeleton of a possible male indi-
vidual. The body of the former was well-preserved and wore a
headdress made of feathers (Fig. 3). The mummy was found
placed on a flat stone inside a burial pit filled with volcanic ash
and red soil. Surrounding the mummy were pottery vessels, a
wooden box, weaving tools, spoons, two miniature wooden
vases (keros), sandals, and two bags (chuspas).The mummy
had been struck by lightning while in the burial pit.
The body of the probable male mummy had been signifi-
cantly destroyed by lightning, and in contrast to the other
bodies from Ampato, the soft tissue had been almost
completely carbonized (Reinhard and Ceruti 2010: 110). His
head was surrounded by a circular headpiece made of vegetal
fibre. A gold male figure was located under the pelvis of this
individual. Lightning probably directly struck the burial more
than once, and the earth from the grave was partly vitrified.
The other stone circles did not contain human bodies.
However, in one of them, offerings in the form of a large
Spondylus shell and of male llama figurines made from silver
and Spondylus shell were found.
The archaeologists returned to Ampato summit again in
1996. In the ceremonial area at 5800 m, they found other
1
Asimilarunku was later found with one of the female bodies sacrificed on
the volcano of Misti (Socha et al. 2020). Fig. 3 Ampato #2’s burial during the excavation (photo Johan Reinhard)
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offerings: a blue tunic (unku), a set of red and white woollen
cords (with a female Spondylus figurine attached), and two
llama figurines. Duringthe last expedition in 1997, the archae-
ologists found another probably female body at the 5800 m
site (Fig. 4) with a female Spondylus statue next to it. The
body was partially mummified; however, the upper part of
the mummy bundle was destroyed, and the skull bones were
visible.
Material and methods
Five individuals were the subjects of the present study:
Ampato #2, #3, and #4 and Pichu Pichu #1 and #2. All of
them were found during the expeditions conducted by Johan
Reinhard and José Antonio Chávez during the years 1995–
1997. Various methods were used in studying the remains due
to the diverse states of preservation of the individuals from
Pichu Pichu and Ampato.
Conditions during the excavations of the Pichu Pichu #2
and Ampato #3 skeletons were favourable, and this allowed
the skeletons to be exhumed at the sites (Reinhard 2006). The
body of Pichu Pichu #1 was found completely frozen. The
archaeologists excavated her along with the frozen soil and
transported the body to the Andean Sanctuaries Museum
(Museo Santuarios Andinos) in Arequipa. Because of the state
of preservation, the block of soil first had to be unfrozen, and
then the skeletal remains were cleaned of soil. The thawing
process was done on special sieves to avoid the accumulation
of water. The unstable environmental conditions on the Pichu
Pichu summit had led to the full skeletonization of all the
bodies found there.
The Ampato capacocha sacrifices were sacrificed at a
higher altitude (5800 and 6300 m) than those on Pichu
Pichu. Additionally, the conditions before the eruption of
Sabancaya in the early 1990s were more stable, and this led
to better preservation of the bodies. The bodies of Ampato #2
and #4 were preserved in a mummified state and were still
wrapped in textiles. The mummies were first cleaned of the
remains of soil and ice. After the cleaning process, radiogra-
phy was conducted to investigate the bodies without risk of
damaging them. The skeletonization of Ampato #3 was the
result of a rise in soil temperature caused by multiple lightning
strikes. The bones, textiles, and exposed skin surface of all
individuals were examined with a mobile microscope.
The physical anthropological analyses focused on estab-
lishing age at the time of death and the presence of patholo-
gies, traumas, and patterns of activity. The sex of the sacrifi-
cial victims was impossible to determine from only the bones
(Schaefer et al. 2009). Nevertheless, the figurines and grave
goods, such as tupus (female shawl pins), made it possible to
preliminarily establish the sex of each victim.
The ages of the victims at the time of death were
established based on tooth eruption, bone size, and state of
fusion of the bones’epiphyses (Schaefer et al. 2009; Gaither
2004; Ubelaker 1979). Patterns of activity could be deter-
mined based on the development of entheses.
Results
Age and sex
Four of the five investigated individuals (Ampato #2, #3, and #4
and Pichu Pichu #1) were in the same age category of 6–7 years
old. Age was estimated based on tooth eruption and bone mea-
surements (Gaither 2004; Schaefer et al. 2009).Thesoleexcep-
tion was Pichu Pichu #2, who was sacrificed at age 3.5. This is
the youngest capacocha sacrifice currently known.
The sex of all the individuals was hypothesized based on
grave goods, such as tupus, and male and female figurines
(Table 2). On Ampato, the capacocha sacrifices consisted of
possible three females (Ampato #1, #2, and #4) and one male
(Ampato #3). On Pichu Pichu, the sacrifices consisted of pos-
sible two females (Pichu Pichu #1 and the body discovered in
1963) and one male (Pichu Pichu #2).
Fig. 4 Ampato #4’s burial during the excavation (photo Johan Reinhard)
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Taphonomy and artefact associations
The body of the Pichu Pichu #1individual had been buried
in a sitting position with her legs close to her chest. A
gold tube was found placed on her forehead, which may
have been part of a headdress whose organic parts have
decomposed. Two silver (12.6 cm) and one gold (9.2 cm)
tupus were found during the cleaning of the skeleton. The
silver ones were located on the individual’shoulders. The
gold tupu with two circular gold plates (4 cm diameter),
eight Spondylus beads, two silver and one wooden bell-
shaped object, two copper needles, and cactus spines were
found in the region of the chest. The silver bell-shaped
items were plugged with copper.
The body of the individual Pichu Pichu #2 was explored in
situ. There were no remains of soft tissue or any associated
objects except one male figurine and remains of chuspa bag.
The individual had been buried in the sitting position.
The body of Ampato #2 was preserved in a mummified
state. The individual was in a sitting position similar to
Pichu Pichu #1. Ampato #2 had been directly struck by light-
ning. The textiles on the skull were partially damaged, the soft
tissue carbonized, and part of the right parietal bone had a
white colour, suggesting that the temperature had been above
700 °C. This could have also led to the partial decomposition
of the facial region. With radiography, it was possible to see
three tupus inside the Ampato #2 mummy bundle (Fig. 8). The
green stains on the textile wrapping indicated that two of these
were made from copper.
Similar evidence of lightning was visible on the bones of
Ampato #3. However, in this case, the lightning probably
struck more than once. The high temperature led to the almost
complete carbonization of the soft tissue and most of the or-
ganic materials. Fragments of two textiles (one red and the
other decorated in yellow-black stripes) were still present.
Based on white coloured areas, the left side of the parietal
and occipital bone; the left scapula and clavicle; the lateral
condyle of the right and left femur; the posterior part of T1,
T2, T9, and T10; the third left-side rib; and the left foot bones
all had traces of having been burned. The earth inside the
burial pit was also partially vitrified.
ThebodyofAmpato#4wasalsomummified.
However, the upper part of the skull was partially skele-
tonized due to damage and exposure caused by external
factors. The mummy was located above a stone box that
contained a female figurine made from Spondylus shell
and two miniature tupus. A similar box was found at the
top of Pichu Pichu #1’s burial. This individual was buried
in a sitting position with her legs close to her chest. The
Ampato #4 individual also wore three tupus inside its
bundle (Fig. 9). A miniature wooden vase (kero)was
found under the damaged textiles. This was similar to
one discovered inside the Ampato #2 burial.
Body growth and patterns of activity
It was possible to take direct bone measurements for three
individuals (Ampato #3, Pichu Pichu #1 and #2) due to their
complete skeletonization. The results of measurements of the
Ampato and Pichu Pichu individuals revealed that their bone
sizes were much closer to modern European ones than pre-
Hispanic Andean ones (Table 1)(Drusinietal.2001;Schaefer
et al. 2009;VegaDulanto2009).
Pichu Pichu #2 had well-marked muscle attachments in the
region of the lower limbs. The posterior part of the femurs had
developed in the area of the join with the biceps femoris mus-
cle. Its function is twofold: it performs knee flexion and is a
weaker hip extender when the knee is flexed, and it rotates the
hip laterally. Due to the rapid remodelling rate of children’s
bones, it is possible that this attachment developed in the last
months of this individual’s life and was related to the pilgrim-
age from Cusco to Pichu Pichu as well as the effects of
climbing in the mountains.
Pathologies
Few lesions were observed, and those that were found were
mostly related to the first years of life. The neurocranial bones
of the Ampato #3 and Pichu Pichu #2 individuals were asym-
metrical. These changes could have been the result of malnu-
trition or a poorly balanced diet in the first month of life, but
they could also be due to improper nursing. Placing an infant’s
Table 1 The measurements of the
long bones of Ampato #3 and
Pichu Pichu #1 and #2
Ampato #3 Pichu Pichu #1 Pichu Pichu #2
Age based on tooth eruption 6 6–73–4
Left femur 275 267 194
Left tibia 229 215 156
Left fibula 220 213 155
Right humerus 186 200 146
Right ulna 161 159 121
Right radius 148 143 112
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Table 2 The summary of information about the investigated individuals
Number of individual Sex hypothesized
based on grave goods
Age Bones lesions Place of burial Associated objects
Ampato #2 Female 6 ± 2 years Fracture of the left side of
the temporal bone
(probably post-mortem)
Burial pit, marked
by stone circles
Three shawl pins (tupus), ten ceramic vessels (some in
fragments), a wooden box, weaving tools, two wooden
spoons, two miniature wooden vessels (keros), sandals,
two bags (chuspas)
Ampato #3 Male 6 ± 2 years Skull asymmetry,
malformation of
transverse foramina (on
C1,C4C5andC6
vertebrae)
Burial pit marked
by a stone
One silver male figure, five ceramic vessels, two miniature
wooden (keros), two pairs of sandals, the aji paprika, and
achira leaves
Ampato #4 Female 6 ± 2 years Fracture of the skull
(probably post-mortem)
Burial pit Seven ceramic vessels, three tupus, one wooden miniature
vessel (kero), one female figurine made from Spondylus in
a box made with small stones
Pichu Pichu #1 Female 6 ± 2 years Hypoplasia line on teeth,
artificial cranial
modification
In platform Golden tube, two silver tupus, one golden tupu,Spondylus
beads, two gold discs, two silver and one wooden
bell-shaped objects, two copper needles, cactus spines,
gold female figurine in a box made with small stones,
seven female figurines (three made from Spondylus,three
silver and one gold)
Pichu Pichu #2 Male 3.5 ± 1 year Skull asymmetry In platform Carbonized remains of textiles, a bag (chuspa) with coca
leaves, one male figurine made from Spondylus
Pichu Pichu (individual
discovered in 1968)
a
Female 14–17 years Outside the
platform
Pottery, three female figurines, two bags (chuspas) with coca
leaves, two miniature gold and copper tupus, two wooden
cups (keros), four wooden spoons, beads and pendants for
a necklace, and a ball of thread
The individual was not an object of the present studies
94 Page 8 of 14 Archaeol Anthropol Sci (2021) 13: 94
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head in one position most ofthe time can leadto a flattening of
the bones that are being pressed (Najarian 1999:174–177).
Pathological lesions were observed in the cervical part of
the spinal column of the Ampato #3 individual (Fig. 6). The
C1 vertebra’s left transverse foramen was fused. In the lower
part of the cervical vertebrae, the transverse foramina were
divided in two at C4 (right), C5 (left), and C6 (both). The
transverse foramina allow the passage of the vertebral artery
and vein and the sympathetic nerve plexus. The double open-
ing of the transverse foramen of the C7 vertebra appears in
literature as an inheritable non-metric feature (Katzenberg and
Saunders 2007: 536). The fusion of the foramen could be
congenital and may have caused alterations in blood circula-
tion and nerve damage (Cai et al. 2018; Goray et al. 2005;
Aziz and Morgan 2018). The narrowing of the original path
for the vessels and nerves could cause problems with blood
circulation (thrombosis, emboli, reflex spasm) and partial pa-
ralysis. The correct and steady growth of the postcranial skel-
eton excludes the possibility of chronic paralysis. The lack of
a natural path in the C1 foramen also exposes the vessels and
nerves to possible damage (Sultana et al. 2015). The medical
cases of patients who have fractured this region describe
symptoms such as temporary blindness, blood circulation im-
pairment, hypoxia, chronic headaches, vertigo, and loss of
consciousness caused by abrupt movements of the head (Cai
et al. 2018; Sultana et al. 2015).
Only one of the investigated individuals, Pichu Pichu #1,
had a dental growth disorder. A single hypoplasia line was
visible on the teeth. It had started to form at around the age
of 3 (Fig. 7). Hypoplasia is connected with malnutrition, hy-
pocalcemia, fluoride ingestion, disease, and problems during
pregnancy and birth, but it can also be caused by cultural
stress. It has the form of multiple lines, plane surfaces, or pits
(King et al. 2005). Pichu Pichu #1 has only one line, which is
unique. This suggests a singular stress event was responsible
for its formation. Taking into account that the individual had
the proper bone ossification rate and lacked porotic hyperos-
tosis and cribra orbitalia, it must have been occurred over a
short span of time. The most probable interpretation would be
connected to cultural factors.
For the Pichu Pichu children and Ampato #3, it was im-
possible to determine the cause of death. There was no blunt
force trauma to the skull or changes in the region of the pre-
served hyoid bone or cervical vertebrae. However, strangula-
tion does not always lead to bone fractures, and only Pichu
Pichu #1 still had a hyoid bone intact. Ampato #4 does have a
broken skull; the fracture probably occurred post-mortem
since it is squared, with sharp edges at right angles to the bone
surface (Kranioti 2015: 27). The bones were not covered by
textiles, and the direction of pressure was inward. In other
known examples, children were killed by a blow to the sides
of the head, and on the hair of one individual, a dark substance
was visible that could have been blood. The radiograph re-
vealed that Ampato #2 also had a break on the left side of the
temporal bone. Since it was impossible to conduct tomogra-
phy, it was impossible to determine if this had occurred peri-
or post-mortem.
Cultural attributes
Only Pichu Pichu #1 has an artificial cranial modification
(Fig. 5). The individual’s skull had been modified in a tabular
oblique manner. Pressure was put on the frontal and occipital
bones, which led to the elongation of the skull during infancy.
Despite the significant increase in the length and surface area
of the bones, there is no trace of disturbance to the density of
bone. Porotic hyperostosis is often observed along cranial su-
tures as a response to forced changes in bone shape (Boston
2012:7). However, Pichu Pichu #1 had the proper rate of os-
sification, which suggests good health and proper diet during
early childhood.
Fig. 5 The skull of Pichu Pichu
#1, found on Pichu Pichu (photo
Dagmara Socha)
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Discussion
The capacocha sacrifices from Pichu Pichu and the site on
Ampato at 5800 m share a similar burial pattern to those found
on Llullaillaco (Reinhard and Ceruti 2010), which were also
three individuals, two females and one male. The silver bell-
shaped items found with Pichu Pichu #1 individual were sim-
ilar to those found with the Llullaillaco Maiden (Reinhard and
Ceruti 2010:82).
Previous interpretation of the sex and age of sacrifices has
focused on the institution of sacred marriage as described by
Juan Betanzos (1996 [1551–1557]: 77). He noted that youn-
ger individuals were supposed to be sacrificed in pairs. The
older females were probably selected from the acllahuasi
(Reinhard and Ceruti 2010:106).
The capacocha sacrifices from Pichu Pichu vary in their
age categories as well as their possible social origins. The age
difference between Pichu Pichu #1 and #2 is about three years.
Pichu Pichu #1 also has an artificial head modification, which
suggests a different place of origin than that of the Pichu Pichu
#2 and the older (probable) female. The burial of the Pichu
Pichu individual discovered in 1963 was located outside the
main platform. This difference in burial placement could be
the result of her subordinate role compared to the main
capacocha sacrifices buried in the main part of the platform.
Another explanation is that the Incas returned on separate
occasions and performed at least two independent rituals on
the summit.
At Ampato, all of the individuals buried at an altitude of
5800 m were of similar age. The older female (the Ampato
Maiden) was likely sacrificed on the summit during an inde-
pendent event. In previous studies of the Llullaillaco children,
the Ampato Maiden, and the Sara Sara female, it was shown
that the individuals were not related along maternal lines
Fig. 6 The cervical vertebrae of
Ampato #3 (photo Dagmara
Socha)
Fig. 7 The hypoplasia line on the
teeth of Pichu Pichu #1 (photo
Dagmara Socha)
94 Page 10 of 14 Archaeol Anthropol Sci (2021) 13: 94
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(Wilson et al. 2013). These results support the interpretation
that the children were of different origins and that the Incas
may have returned to sacrificial places on multiple occasions
and not all of the individuals were buried during the same
event.
The new studies on the capacocha sacrifices from Ampato,
Pichu Pichu, and Misti (Socha et al. 2020) suggest that 5 to 7
years old was the most desirable age for victims. The chron-
icles do mention the Incas sacrificing breastfeeding infants
(Cobo 1990 [1623]:112; Guaman Poma de Ayala
1980[1613]:245); however, this practice had not been con-
firmed in the archaeological record. Of the 28 capacocha in-
dividuals discovered on high mountains up until the present
day, the majority (20) have been of a similar age category: 5–9
years old. The age of 5 was possibly a boundary, after which
individuals were more likely to reach adolescence. The high
juvenile morbidity in pre-Columbian Peru meant that many
children did not reach this age (Drusini et al. 2001; Vega
Dulanto 2009). The unusual young age of the Pichu Pichu
#2 could be due to a number of factors, such as his origin or
a narrow time span in which to perform the capacocha (hence
the lack of availability of a more suitable child). However, the
reason for choosing such a young individual is still unclear.
The hypoplasia line on the teeth of Pichu Pichu #1 could
suggest that the children were housed for lengthy periods of time
before the sacrifices were performed. The line appears around the
third year of life. The stress could be the result of being separated
from her parents after being chosen for sacrifice. This would
explain the appearance of the singular line as well as the lack
of other lesions related to disease or nutritional problems.
However, this hypothesis requires more testing. Information
about the duration of the capacocha ceremony appears in the
chronicles of Hernández (1923 [1622]:61–62). Tanta Carhua,
who was volunteered by her parents for sacrifice, reportedly
complained about the duration of the ritual.
The individuals from Pichu Pichu and the Ampato #3 did
not have any perimortem traumas. In two other cases (Ampato
#2 and #4), it is impossible at this stage to determine if their
injuries are taphonomic processes or not. A comparison of
these bodies to other capacocha sacrifices supports the theory
that the Incas desired the sacrifice of intact victims (Reinhard
and Ceruti 2010:125).
The bio-anthropological analysis of capacocha sacrifices
reveals two coexisting descriptions that could be applied to the
individuals selected for the ritual. On the one hand, all of the
children were well-nourished, with thick layers of fat tissue in
Fig. 8 The mummy of Ampato
#2 and her radiograph (photo
Dagmara Socha)
Fig. 9 The mummy of Ampato
#4 and her radiograph (photo
Dagmara Socha)
Page 11 of 14 94Archaeol Anthropol Sci (2021) 13: 94
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the case of the mummies and proper body growth (Previgliano
et al. 2003: 1476). The chronicles mention food consumption
as being an important aspect of the ritual —that is to say, only
well-nourished children were sacrificed (Cobo 1990 [1623]:
112; Molina 1959 [1575]: 93). The research based on long
bone measurements (Ampato #3, Pichu Pichu #1 and #2)
showed that the children selected as capacocha sacrifices
had well developed postcranial skeletons compared to juve-
niles from common pre-Columbian cemeteries (Drusini et al.
2001; Vega Dulanto 2009). Studies of juveniles from the coast
of Peru have shown great disproportion between teeth and
postcranial development. An analysis of the population from
a pre-Columbian cemetery showed that the infants and chil-
dren there had slower postcranial skeleton growth compared
to contemporary populations. This could be related to the mi-
nor impact of external factors on tooth growth, which makes
them a better age marker. The proper body development of the
capacocha children shows the impact of social status on the
growth of juveniles: the bone measurements of the individuals
in this study are closer to modern European standards
(Schaefer et al. 2009). This leads to the conclusion that
capacocha sacrifices did receive special treatment and thus
supports the information in the chronicles about the elite ori-
gins of some of the children designated to be sacrificed.
On the other hand, some individuals were found to have
lesions that could be interpreted as being due to congenital im-
pairment. It was possible to trace this in an older individual from
Misti with improper leg formation (Socha et al. 2020) and in the
case of Ampato #3. The malformation of the path for the verte-
bral artery and vein and the sympathetic nerve plexus could cause
some serious medical issues (Cai et al. 2018; Goray et al. 2005;
Aziz and Morgan 2018; Sultana et al. 2015). However, bone
lesions alone are not enough to determine the health of an indi-
vidual. Children with defects were often chosen for religious
purposes in the ancient Andes.AccordingtoDeArriaga
1968[1621]:214–215), people struck by lightning or those with
some type of genetic abnormality such as curved legs or cleft lip
were chosen to become priests of the god Illapa (the thunder and
weather deity). A bone lesion that was an inherent malformation
affecting the nervous and vascular system could also cause some
kind of health condition that was desirable, as it was evidence of
the interference of gods. However, taking into consideration the
descriptions from the chronicles about the requirement for beauty
andhealthinvictims(RamosGavilán1976 [1621]:56), the sac-
rifice of such individuals could also have been initiated for other
reasons, like the urgent need for an offering (thus excluding the
possibility of advanced selection) or an individual being
volunteered by their parents in order to obtain special treatment
from the Incas.
The capacochas fulfilled an important role in the Incas’pro-
vincial management strategy. The collection and preparation of
sacrificial victims from different ethnic groups placed the state in
the position of being the unique distributor of the most important
offerings made in the Empire. The results of the studies of the
Pichu Pichu and Ampato sacrifices confirmed the widespread
origins, privileged positions, and high social status of the victims.
The children were supposed to be in good general health and be
aged around 5–9 years old. The studies show that the victims
were well-nourished and had proper growth rate compared to
juveniles from lower social strata. The connection between the
high social status of the victims and the introduction of imperial
gods and religious syncretism assisted in the subordination of
conquered provinces.
Acknowledgements Dagmara Socha would like to acknowledge the
Universidad Católica de Santa Maria in Arequipa for their financial
support of this project and the director and staff of Museo Santuarios
Andinos for their help and support while conducting the research. The
research took place thanks to the cooperation between the Centre for
Andean Studies, University of Warsaw and Universidad Católica de
Santa María in Arequipa. Johan Reinhard would like to thank José
Antonio Chávez, co-director of the Ampato and Pichu Pichu expeditions,
the National Geographic Society for grants supporting the expeditions to
Ampato and Pichu Pichu, and the Discovery TV for making the expedi-
tion to Pichu Pichu in 1996 possible.
Funding The project was financed by Universidad Católica de Santa
Maria in Arequipa. During the works, the infrastructure of the Center
for Andean Studies, University of Warsaw was used, financed by the
Polish Ministry of Education and Science under the grant SPUB/SP/
378784/2018.
Availability of data and materials All data and materials used in this
article are available in the Museo Santuarios Andinos of Universidad
Católica de Santa María in Arequipa.
Declarations
Conflicts of interest The authors declare no competing interests.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adap-
tation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as
you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, pro-
vide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were
made. The images or other third party material in this article are included
in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a
credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's
Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by
statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain
permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this
licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
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