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The Experience of Disgust in Women Exposed to Domestic Violence in Turkey

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Journal of Interpersonal Violence
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In trauma, fear as a basic emotion that evokes avoidance after exposure to a traumatic event is important for posttraumatic process. Another emotion causing avoidance is disgust. Despite the fact that disgust also plays an important role in trauma, there is limited information about how it is experienced during and after exposure to the traumatic event. In this study, the aim was to understand how women experience disgust during and after domestic violence, as a prolonged and repeated traumatic experience, and how they try to cope with disgust evoking situations in this process. For this aim, qualitative methodology was used. With purposive sampling, six women exposed to domestic violence including physical, verbal and sexual abuse were interviewed. With each woman, approximately seven semi-structured interviews were completed. Forty-one interviews were audio recorded and transcribed. Data was analyzed by Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. At the end of the analysis, three superordinate themes, namely, experience of perpetrator-directed disgust with gustatory expressions of moral disgust and association of disgust in domestic abuse to daily life experiences; experience of self-disgust with two themes of internalization of assault without awareness and contamination by sexual abuse; coping with disgust in domestic violence with four subthemes, namely, avoidance from perpetrator, reidentification of the perpetrator with substitutive identity, alienation from self, reidentification of self with new relationships were constructed. Results showed that disgust is experienced in a repressed way as a result of the aversive nature of traumatic experience. The results were evaluated in psychological, social and cultural contexts. Their implications for understanding disgust in domestic violence were discussed.
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https://doi.org/10.1177/08862605211013953
Journal of Interpersonal Violence
2022, Vol. 37(15-16) NP14538 –NP14563
© The Author(s) 2021
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DOI: 10.1177/08862605211013953
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Original Research
713224JIVXXX10.1177/08862605211013953Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceWalsh et al.
research-article2021
The Experience of
Disgust in Women
Exposed to Domestic
Violence in Turkey
Seray Akça,1 and Faruk Gençöz2
Abstract
In trauma, fear as a basic emotion that evokes avoidance after exposure
to a traumatic event is important for posttraumatic process. Another
emotion causing avoidance is disgust. Despite the fact that disgust also plays
an important role in trauma, there is limited information about how it is
experienced during and after exposure to the traumatic event. In this study,
the aim was to understand how women experience disgust during and after
domestic violence, as a prolonged and repeated traumatic experience, and
how they try to cope with disgust evoking situations in this process. For this
aim, qualitative methodology was used. With purposive sampling, six women
exposed to domestic violence including physical, verbal and sexual abuse
were interviewed. With each woman, approximately seven semi-structured
interviews were completed. Forty-one interviews were audio recorded
and transcribed. Data was analyzed by Interpretative Phenomenological
Analysis. At the end of the analysis, three superordinate themes, namely,
experience of perpetrator-directed disgust with gustatory expressions
of moral disgust and association of disgust in domestic abuse to daily life
experiences; experience of self-disgust with two themes of internalization of
assault without awareness and contamination by sexual abuse; coping with
disgust in domestic violence with four subthemes, namely, avoidance from
perpetrator, reidentification of the perpetrator with substitutive identity,
Corresponding Author:
Seray Akça, Yeditepe University, 34755 Istanbul, Turkey.
Email: serayakca@gmail.com
1Yeditepe University, Istanbul, Turkey
2Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey
2 Journal of Interpersonal Violence
alienation from self, reidentification of self with new relationships were
constructed. Results showed that disgust is experienced in a repressed way
as a result of the aversive nature of traumatic experience. The results were
evaluated in psychological, social and cultural contexts. Their implications
for understanding disgust in domestic violence were discussed.
Keywords
anything related to domestic violence, battered women, domestic violence,
mental health and violence, PTSD, sexual assault
Throughout the world, violence against women is a serious public issue
(World Health Organization [WHO], 2013). According to a global report,
35% of women from different regions of the world are exposed to violence,
and intimate partner violence is higher than nonpartner violence (WHO,
2013). Similarly, 42% of women in Turkey reported that they have experi-
enced violence by their partner or husband, and approximately 20% of
women reported that they have experienced nonpartner violence by their own
fathers, mothers, elder brothers, mothers-in-law, fathers-in-law, strangers,
and male relatives (Turkish Republic Prime Ministry Directorate General on
the Status of Women [DGSW] et al., 2009). In order from most to least,
women in Turkey are exposed to emotional, physical, or sexual violence by
their partners (Hacettepe University Institute of Population Studies, 2014).
Also, these results indicate that almost 38% of women are exposed to one or
both of physical and sexual violence.
Domestic violence is a form of violence committed in a family or house-
hold (Hegarty et al., 2000). Survivors can be children, parents, siblings, or
partners (Holden, 2003). It can be in different forms such as physical, sexual,
economic, social, verbal, and emotional (Hegarty et al., 2000; Yetim & Şahin,
2008). Physical violence includes threat to life and physical well-being such
as beating, or using a weapon in a threatening manner. Sexual abuse includes
coercive sexual interaction, rape, or use of sexual interaction for punishment.
Economic abuse consists of limiting basic needs for life and access to income
sources. Social abuse is committed through oppression on social self by lim-
iting freedom, or controlling the social life of others. While verbal abuse
includes humiliation, insult, and assault, emotional violence includes any
attempt to make the survivor feel down through acts such as isolation, domi-
nation, or calling by humiliating nicknames (Forke et al., 2008; Sims, 2008).
In general, domestic violence captures any coercive act that threatens the
physiological, social, and psychological integrity of a family member
(Edegbe et al., 2020).
... Four studies included phenomenological descriptions of trauma survivors' experiences of MC (Akça & Gençöz, 2021;Fairbrother & Rachman, 2004;Jung & Steil, 2013;Steil et al., 2011). Overall, these descriptions supported the cognitive-behavioral conceptualization described above (e.g., Rachman, 1994). ...
... Survivors' descriptions of MC further emphasized the cognitive component of MC. For example, many survivors reported believing that their body or sense of self was "polluted" or "contaminated" by the trauma (Akça & Gençöz, 2021;Fairbrother & Rachman, 2004;Steil et al., 2011). For some, MC involved perceived violations of moral or social integrity. ...
... For some, MC involved perceived violations of moral or social integrity. To illustrate, several domestic violence survivors described how they believed that their husband's immorality could spread to them during a sexual assault, leading to appraisals that they themselves were polluted and immoral as well (Akça & Gençöz, 2021). Some trauma survivors also believed that others could see or sense their "polluted identity" (e.g., Akça & Gençöz, 2021;Steil et al., 2011). ...
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Full-text available
Mental contamination (MC), an internal feeling of dirtiness that is typically experienced in the absence of contact with a physical contaminant, is increasingly recognized as a sequela of trauma. This scoping review identified 19 studies on MC among trauma survivors and aimed to (a) summarize qualitative research on the phenomenology of MC among trauma survivors, (b) examine how MC is operationalized and measured in studies of trauma survivors, (c) identify the nature and extent of research linking trauma exposure to MC, and (d) identify the nature and extent of research linking MC to other psychopathology among trauma survivors. Qualitative studies indicated relative coherence in the phenomenology of MC across trauma survivors. Quantitative studies showed strong evidence for a link between sexual assault and MC. There was also strong support for a relationship between MC and posttraumatic stress symptoms. Insufficient evidence exists for relationships between MC and obsessive-compulsive symptoms, depression, and suicidal thoughts and behaviors among trauma survivors. The cross-sectional design of most studies limits conclusions about the directionality of relationships between trauma, MC, and other psychopathology, including whether MC represents a transdiagnostic risk factor for psychological distress among trauma survivors.
... The consequences of IPV are well documented, as research consistently demonstrates associations between IPV victimization and detrimental mental and physical health outcomes including, but not limited to, depression (Scott-Storey et al., 2022), substance abuse (Cafferky et al., 2018), suicidal ideation (McLaughlin et al., 2012), miscarriage (Morland et al., 2008), chronic pain and PTSD (Basile et al., 2022). With regard to moral injury and IPV, specifically, very little research has been conducted (Akça & Gençöz, 2021;Fani et al., 2021;Lathan et al., 2022). ...
... Qualitative research on female survivors of IPV in Turkey found that feelings of moral disgust, both with the perpetrators and themselves, emerged as key themes (Akça & Gençöz, 2021). Fani and colleagues (2021) assessed many types of potentially traumatic events and moral injury using the Moral Injury Events Scale (MIES; Nash et al., 2013), which assesses individuals' (a) exposure to morally injurious events (i.e., moral injury exposure) and (b) their feelings of distress regarding these events (i.e., moral injury distress). ...
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Phenomenology is a philosophy that began in 1900 with the publication of Logical Investigations by Edmund Husserl (1970). In that work Husserl introduced a novel way of examining and studying the phenomenon of consciousness. It should be remembered that psychology was founded in 1879 as the science of consciousness by Wilhelm Wundt in Leipzig. Wundt pursued the study of consciousness primarily by the use of empirical methods. Later, when the behaviorist movement (Watson, 1913), dominated the field, positivistic approaches became dominant. These approaches made sense because both empiricism and positivism, historically, were philosophies associated with scientific investigations: empiricism since the seventeenth century and positivism since the nineteenth century. Since phenomenology was the most recent philosophy to support scientific endeavors, and its criteria and emphases differ from those of empiricism or positivism, it has not been easily assimilated by psychology. It has taken time for psychologists to respond to what it has to offer. The exception that proves the rule is the impact that it had on the Würzburg experiments on thinking (Humphrey, 1963) that took place in the first decade of the twentieth century. Like most intellectual movements phenomenology is not all of one piece. While Husserl laid out the main dimensions of the phenomenological movement, almost every follower of his deviated from him in some manner or other. Since there are a variety of phenomenological interpretations one should not be surprised that several interpretations of the phenomenological method have taken place within psychology. In this chapter we will detail one way in which psychologists have adapted an articulation of the philosophical phenomenological method for its scientific purposes and only briefly describe some other interpretations without any effort at evaluation. In a previous version of this chapter we offered a mostly historical and theoretical explication of the phenomenological movement in psychology. We covered the various interpretations of the meaning of phenomenology when applied to psychology. While including a synopsis of this historical review ahead, this new chapter is intended as an example that demonstrates how the method can be concretely applied to descriptive data, but we urge that it not be construed as a completed research project. Examples of complete contemporary applications will be referenced at the very conclusion. But before doing so, it is important to spell out the intricate but different and difficult interdisciplinary relationship between the philosophical and psychological levels of analysis.
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