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China and the Arctic
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The High North, encompassing the Arctic regions of countries such as Norway, Russia, Canada, Denmark (Greenland), and the United States (Alaska), is a region of critical geopolitical, environmental, and economic significance. This area is characterized by its harsh climate, unique ecosystems, and the presence of indigenous communities with rich cultural heritages. Climate change is dramatically reshaping the High North, leading to the melting of ice caps and glaciers, which in turn opens new maritime routes and reveals vast reserves of natural resources like oil, gas, and minerals. These developments have spurred international interest and competition, highlighting the need for robust governance and sustainable practices. The region's environmental sensitivity, combined with its role in global climate regulation through ice-albedo feedback mechanisms, underscores the urgency of addressing environmental and socio-economic challenges. The High North stands at the forefront of global climate change impacts, necessitating comprehensive strategies for conservation, sustainable development, and international collaboration to ensure its future stability and resilience.
Kuhnian’ paradigms are a commonly used method of explaining the structure of knowledge production within the social sciences; however, in some ways, they are also in opposition with Popperian’ critical thinking. The opposing approaches surmount to a comparative analytic method – Kuhn advocates undertaking science that is incommensurable, discipline-specific and ideologically and metaphysically fixed in nature; whilst Popper advocates science that is pluralistic, rebellious, interdisciplinary, and ideologically and metaphysically adaptable. This article utilises a systematic literature review of key peer-reviewed articles, book chapters and online articles from respected sources relating to Arctic scientific cooperation during and since the Cold War in order to provide a qualitative data source for comparative theoretical analysis. This article analyses key trends in Arctic environmental decision-making since the Cold War utilising a comparative critical constructivist framework based on epistemological challenges visible in the “Science Wars” between Thomas Kuhn and Karl Popper. By applying two of the foundations of social science (critical thinking and paradigms) to Arctic International Relations and Geopolitics, this article assesses the state of Arctic science cooperation and; the potential for Arctic science cooperation to solve wicked environmental problems. The article concludes that there are power relationships within the epistemological background to environmental decision-making which impacts science cooperation in the Arctic and; current trends in Arctic decision-making further propels the Arctic along a trajectory of environmental degradation.
Delineation and delimitation of extended continental shelves is an emerging issue in
international relations. Submissions to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental
Shelf (CLCS) triggered disputes among the coastal states with the overlapping claims.
However, some of them managed to reach non-objection agreements which allowed the
CLCS to proceed. The aim of this study is to identify the critical variable which
influenced the cooperation process on delineation. The methodology is based on
comparative study of two cases: the Arctic Ocean and the South China Sea. The original
hypothesis of this research was that the pre-existing international, much functional,
cooperation was the critical variable which influenced the adoption of non-objection
memoranda of understanding in the Arctic Ocean, and that it might have potential to
influence in the South China Sea. The main objectives of this study are to contribute
towards a better understanding of a legal nature of delineation and to demonstrate
interrelations between international law and geopolitics in regard to the delineation.
What dilemmas and challenges are Greenland facing in the light of the wish for future independence? This article reflects on central issues relating to the Greenlandic economy and business structure of today and the possibilities in a future secession from the Kingdom of Denmark. The article demonstrates that – besides the grants from Denmark and the EU which amounts to approximately 60 % of the income of the Greenland Government – the foundation for Greenland’s economy and business structure since the 1950s and 60s has been fishery which is still thriving. The article also shows that this is a single stranded and sensitive business structure that cannot alone meet the income needs for an independent Greenland. The article points out that the Greenlandic economy needs diversification and that the business environment should be developed. Particularly innovation and new product development in the marine industry, such as development in bio-economy, could be elaborated. There is also room for entrepreneurship within the cultural and creative industries. Developments of the tourism industry must be pursued and a comprehensive strategy for attracting foreign and direct investment to Greenland should be developed.
In the beginning of the article, the legal and political framework for Greenland's international and foreign affairs actions under the current self-government act and the Danish constitution are introduced. Although Denmark, pursuant to the constitution possesses the competences of foreign affairs politics within the Kingdom, it is also made clear that reality is a bit more complicated and Greenland is not without its competences, rights and democratic responsibility to the Greenlandic people within foreign affairs. Based on Greenland's previous colonial status under the UN and international law for colonies, as well as the aforementioned legislation, the possibilities for Greenland's development within foreign affairs are dealt with in an independence perspective. The possibilities under a possible federal model or a Free Association relationship with Denmark are highlighted as worth striving for. The article does not go into depth with individual cases, but focuses on frameworks and relevant subjects, such as security policy, membership of international organizations and practical aspects like capacity considerations.
China’s Arctic Ambitions and What They Mean for Canada is one of the first in-depth studies of China’s increasing interest in the Arctic. It offers a holistic approach to understanding Chinese motivations and the potential impacts of greater Chinese presence in the circumpolar region, exploring resource development, shipping, scientific research, governance, and security.
Drawing on extensive research in Chinese government documentation, business and media reports, and current academic literature, this timely volume eschews the traditional assumption that Chinese actions are unified and monolithic in their approach to Arctic affairs. Instead, it offers a careful analysis of the different, and often competing, interests and priorities of Chinese government and industry.
Analyzing Chinese interests and activities from a Canadian perspective, the book provides an unparalleled point of reference to discuss the implications for the Canadian and broader circumpolar North.
Most studies of Asian state involvement in Arctic affairs assume that shorter sea-lanes to Europe are a major driver of interest, so this article begins by examining the prominence of shipping concerns in Arctic policy statements made by major Asian states. Using a bottom-up approach, we consider the advantages of Arctic sea routes over the Suez and Panama alternatives in light of the political, bureaucratic and economic conditions surrounding shipping and shipbuilding in China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. Especially Japanese and Korean policy documents indicate soberness rather than optimism concerning Arctic sea routes, noting the remaining limitations and the need for in-depth feasibility studies. That policymakers show greater caution than analysts, links in with our second finding: in Japan and Korea, maritime-sector bureaucracies responsible for industries with Arctic experience have been closely involved in policy development, more so than in China. Thirdly, we find a clear tendency towards rising industry-level caution and restraint in all three countries, reflecting financial difficulties in several major companies as well as growing sensitivity to the economic and political risks associated with the Arctic routes. Finally, our examination of bilateral and multilateral Chinese, Japanese and Korean diplomatic activity concerning Arctic shipping exhibits a lower profile than indicated by earlier studies.
Responsible Editor: Øyvind Ravna, UiT The Arctic University of Norway, Tromsø, Norway