The Making of Modern Korea
... For conference delegate Gerder Lerner, an American resident who had fled fascism in Austria, languages of liberation and oppression that cast America as an oppressor without qualification rendered sisterhood a complicated affair (Lerner, 2003: 247 (Buzo, 2007: 78). Fortunes of war fluctuated, particularly after the Chinese engaged in support of North Korea when US forces crossed the 38th parallel in October 1950(Cumings, 1990Buzo, 2007). By the end of December 1950 news of atrocities in North Korea were circulating in the American and the British press, including about the execution of women and children because they were family members of "reds". ...
... the Soviet Union and the USA agreed in 1945 to a joint occupation of Korea to get the Japanese surrender, the 38th parallel of latitude was fixed as the dividing line between North and South Korea. The Soviets established themselves as the military government of North Korea and the US established the United States Military Government in South Korea(Buzo, 2007). In each case distinct political ideologies became increasingly rigid with the onset of the Cold War as the broader relationship between the two powers shaped their respective Korean policies. ...
... In each case distinct political ideologies became increasingly rigid with the onset of the Cold War as the broader relationship between the two powers shaped their respective Korean policies. The transfer of power to a Stalinist-communist regime in the North and a rightist-conservative regime in the South and clashes of aspiration between Koreans desiring the unification of the country and occupying powers all heightened tensions that would result in 1950 in war(Buzo, 2007).Delegates addressing the 1948 WIDF conference about Korea drew on the languages of liberation and oppression that also ran through the "Manifesto for the Defence of Peace". The trope of women's position as the yardstick to measure and compare the progress of nations formed an important lens through which the distinction was constructed between a liberated North Korea under the Soviet Union and a colonized South Korea oppressed under US imperialism. ...
... Th e territory of the Korean peninsula has a long and complex history, the details of which are beyond our scope here. However, in terms of its signifi cance to our WvE considerations, the following facts are especially salient (see e.g., Buzo, 2016). Th e peninsula had been united as one kingdom from the 7 th century onwards, ruled fi rst by the Goryeo dynasty (918-1392), then the Joseon dynasty (1392-1897), before becoming the Korean Empire (1897)(1898)(1899)(1900)(1901)(1902)(1903)(1904)(1905)(1906)(1907)(1908)(1909)(1910). ...
Th e distinction between East and West is among the most prominent and infl uential cross-cultural tropes in both academic scholarship and public discourse. However, in most cases, this attention tends to focus narrowly on certain instances or iterations of this binary. In particular, Edward Said's infl uential analysis of 'Orientalism' has led to a relative fi xation on the dynamic between Western Europe and the 'near' and 'far' East in the 19 th century. However, the East-West polarity has been a defi ning feature of at least the last 2,500 years of human history. It is, moreover, a complex and contested binary, whose boundaries and contours have constantly shift ed. Th is paper therefore highlights these complexities through a 'psycho-historical' approach, namely, exploring the psychological nature and dynamics of this distinction through a historical lens. Th us, we explore variations on the East-West theme throughout six key historical eras: prehistory ; the Classical Age; the rise of Christianity; the medieval world; the Enlightenment; and the Cold War. It is hoped that our analysis not only off ers a useful introduction to the evolution of the East-West distinction but also encourages scholars to adopt a more subtle and nuanced approach to its dynamics.
... Endeavoring to extend the notion of T. Parsons that, "illness is not merely a state of the organism and/ or personality, but comes to be an institutionalized role" (Parsons 1978, 21), we have applied it to a variety of political dimensions incorporating it in a body of social, historical and political phenomena. As a result, we deem it necessary to investigate the urgency of the proposed research topic in a way that addresses both the "institutionalized" and "role" aspects of the matter, something that comes up, albeit obliquely, in this article now and again (Ayhan and Jang 2023;Buzo 2002). ...
This article deals with the problem of reconstructing the political future of post-war Armenia and overcoming modern turbulence in the context of regional instability. Characteristic features of overcoming widespread anxiety in the Armenian society, which manifested itself on the political stage in different ways, from popular protests and early elections to heated debates about the political future in recent years, are highlighted and described. The most important condition for the development of post-war Armenia is the extent to which Armenian society is able to form a concept for its future. Ideas about the future were of particular importance in critical epochs, when the traditional picture of the world was destroyed and new opportunities for social development opened up. But for many centuries, these ideas did not go beyond prophecies, predictions and various kinds of hoaxes, which essentially became the first attempts to predict the future. This article attempts to uncover the main causes of modern instability in Armenia, thereby contributing to the Armenian society to deconstruct and reconstruct the political future. In this context, it also means that even the scientific methodology for knowing the future has not yet been developed, since most scientific methods remain imperfect and do not give the researcher confidence in the accuracy of the forecast.
La competencia geoestratégica entre la red de seguridad liderada por Estados Unidos en el Indo-Pacífico y China se está intensificando. En medio de la rivalidad hegemónica entre estos dos países, Corea del Sur surge como un actor que busca encontrar su lugar en esta creciente rivalidad entre Washington y Pekín. A pesar de ser un socio estratégico formal de Estados Unidos, es común en la literatura académica argumentar que Seúl ha mostrado un comportamiento similar al hedging a lo largo de los años. En este artículo demostramos que el entorno estratégico, caracterizado por niveles variados de percepción de amenazas, y las orientaciones políticas de los líderes respecto a Corea del Norte son cruciales para dar forma al comportamiento estratégico de Corea del Sur (hedging, balancing o bandwagoning). Evaluamos el comportamiento de Corea del Sur utilizando un análisis realista neoclásico de las percepciones de sus líderes respecto a Corea del Norte, Estados Unidos y China. Las variables independientes incluyen la distribución de poder en el sistema internacional, el contexto regional, la interdependencia económica y la red de alianzas de Estados Unidos. Nuestras variables intervinientes son las percepciones de los líderes, específicamente sus evaluaciones de riesgo, y las imágenes que guían sus decisiones de hedging, balancing o bandwagoning con China y Estados Unidos. La investigación se llevó a cabo a través de un análisis bibliográfico y un examen de documentos oficiales, incluidos libros blancos, informes de defensa y discursos oficiales. Un hallazgo clave es que comprender el comportamiento de seguridad de Seúl requiere un examen cuidadoso de las acciones de Corea del Norte. Además, la decisión de hacer hedging o balancing no está impulsada por factores ideológicos; más bien, proviene de la percepción de cuál de los dos –China o Estados Unidos– apoya mejor las estrategias políticas de Seúl y sus relaciones esperadas con Pyongyang.
Korean anarchism is in many ways a unique phenomenon, as is the history of this Far Eastern country. Anarchists played a prominent role in the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonial rule, which dominated the country from 1910 to 1945. Along with Korean nationalists and communists, they became the “third force” in the anti-colonial struggle, which has attracted the interest of historians. A close connection with the issues of the struggle against the colonial power of Japan gave special features and direction to Korean anarchism, which was forced to oscillate between the demands for restoring the country’s independence and the anarchist tradition of denying any state as such. Unfortunately, the history of Korean anarchism remains virtually unexplored in Soviet and Russian academic literature. This article is intended to make the first steps in researching this topic. The article analyses the initial period in the development of the anarchist movement in the country, the time of its birth, drawing on original texts and publications by Korean socialists and anarchists of the early 1920s and taking into account the study of the issue in Korean and foreign historiography. The article shows that, as in other East Asian countries (Japan and China), anarchism in Korea was not initially identified as a special current in the socialist movement, and elements of anarchism, Bolshevism and social reformism were often mixed in the ideas of early Korean socialists. The separation of anarchism as a movement from this general socialist “conglomerate” occurred under the influence of disappointment in Russian Bolshevism and the results of the Great Russian Revolution.
International relations theory tends to be characterized by a dichotomy between those who emphasize international constraints with regards to grand strategy and foreign policy decisions, most often associated with realist theories of international relations, and those who emphasize domestic factors, most notably liberal theories. These two approaches are often framed as if they were incompatible. This article attempts to contribute to bridging the gap by examining the presidencies of Syngman Rhee and Park Chung Hee of the Republic of Korea. A comparison between the two presidencies reveals very different political visions for the Republic of Korea. However, it also shows very contrasting grand strategy and foreign policy options under similar international constraints. This is consistent with neoclassical realist theory and the idea that grand strategy and foreign policy are fundamentally determined by international pressures but nevertheless are also influenced by domestic-level factors.
Rozłam chińsko-radziecki był kluczowym wydarzeniem, które wpłynęło na politykę
wewnętrzną i zagraniczną Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo-Demokratycznej w okresie zimnej wojny. Korea Północna od samego początku istnienia była państwem istotnym dla sąsiadujących z nią potęg, które żywotnie zainteresowane były rozciągnięciem swojej strefy wpływów na kraj rządzony przez Kim Il Sunga. Szansą na podjęcie próby uniezależnienia się od wpływów Związku Radzieckiego oraz Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej był spór o przywództwo w bloku komunistycznym pomiędzy tymi państwami. Wraz z początkiem lat sześćdziesiątych, przywódca KRL-D, Kim Il Sung, podejmuje aktywne działania zmierzające do ugruntowania niezależnej pozycji swojego kraju względem wielkich mocarstw. Autor pracy podejmuje się ich analizy, a także oceny, biorąc pod uwagę cały okres zimnej wojny.
Studies of military regimes lack a typology of military rule with potential to account for regimes’ political trajectories overtime. Earlier typologies only distinguished military rule based on how much the army controlled executive decision-making but not according to how much the army also controlled legislative authority and the bureaucracy. This study introduces a typology of military regimes that sheds light on variation in military control of executive, legislative and bureaucratic powers. Civil-military relations were very different in each type of system. In highly militarized regimes, military elites did not trust civilian elites and civilians were excluded from decision-making. In less militarized regimes, military elites were constrained to work closely with civilians, whose expertise they depended on. Although the typology is descriptive, it has explanatory potential. How militarized regimes were had implications for the way they subsequently democratized, how involved the military remained in politics following a transition, and whether transitions to democracy were successful or not. Levels of militarization were also correlated with policy priorities (to some extent) and policy performance, but could not explain the kinds of economic policy regimes implemented or predict their expansion of the military.
This article argues that in the ongoing effort to promote ubuntu spirit as an instrument for decolonization, the church in Zambia can learn lessons from how Rev Pai Min-soo deployed the indigenous model of samae spirit to construct adult Christian education for Korean rural development. The samae spirit is utilized to underline the necessity for the affirmation of the ubuntu spirit for the critical consciousness of the rural dwellers in Zambia. It stresses that while non-African models cannot substitute indigenous decolonial models, they can assist in understanding how postcolonial African contexts can leverage indigenous knowledge systems for social transformation.
Background:
In the 1980s, North Korea established a socialist health care system. However, following the food crisis and the economic sanctions, it is estimated that North Korea's health care system has experienced continuous deterioration. Thus, in the present study, we estimated the current medical research trends of North Korea through an analysis of the medical journal Korean Medicine, published in North Korea.
Methods:
We analyzed the studies in Korean Medicine, which is the only North Korean medical journal accessible to foreigners with more than 30 years of data available, based on PRISMA guidelines. We analyzed the issues of the journal published for a total of 7 years, from 1985 onwards at 5-year intervals until 2015. To evaluate changes in the North Korean medical research trends, we compared and analyzed the issues published before and after the implementation of economic sanctions against North Korea.
Results:
In this study, we analyzed 775 articles of Korean Medicine. Following economic sanctions, the number of publications on approved services (conventional therapy and diagnosis)-related articles was decreased. In contrast, the articles related to non-conventional therapy increased sharply in number. This showed a similar pattern to North Korean medical research trends seen during the food crisis of 1995 to 1997.
Conclusions:
After placement of economic sanctions on North Korea, North Korean medical research trends changed significantly. These could be indirectly estimated results suggesting that recently, the North Korean health care system had deteriorated, similarly to in the food crisis of 1995 to 1997.
Günümüzde devlet dâhil modern örgütlerin en belirgin yönü her türlü istihdamın liyakat ve ehliyet ekseninde olmasıdır. Geleneksel toplumlarda ise irsiyet ve statü ekseninde hükümdarlar, kendi akrabaları, yakın arkadaşları ve kendine yakın tebaası arasından istediği kişileri görevlendirmiş, bu kişileri istediği zaman da görevden uzaklaştırmıştır. Çin’de 6. yüzyıldan itibaren uygulanan bürokrasi sınavları ise bu gelenekte önemli bir istisnadır. Kore’de Çin’deki sınav sisteminin etkisiyle 958 yılında Koryo Hanedanlığı döneminde uygulanan ve 1894 yılında kaldırılmasına kadar 936 yıl devam eden Gwageo sınav sistemi de bu istisnai geleneğin bir parçası ve liyakat eksenli bürokrasi modelinin ilk ve erken dönem örneklerinden birisidir. Bu çalışmada Kore’de uygulanan ve Gwageo denilen bürokrasi sınavları ele alınmıştır. Türkiye’de, bilindiği kadarıyla, bu sınav sistemini inceleyen herhangi bir çalışma bulunmamaktadır. Bu çalışmanın bu yönüyle özelde Kore, genel olarak Doğu Asya alanındaki çalışmalara bir katkı sağlaması hedeflenmektedir.
In both Northern Ireland and Korea, the euphoria following significant breakthroughs towards peace in the late 1990s and early 2000s turned into deep frustration when confronted by continuous stalemates in implementing the agreements. I explore the two peace processes by examining and comparing the breakthroughs and breakdowns of both, in order to identify potential lessons that can be shared for a sustainable peace process. Using a comparative case study, I demonstrate the parallels in historical analyses of why the agreements in the late 1990s and early 2000s in Northern Ireland and Korea were expected to be more durable than those of the 1970s. I also examine the differences between the two peace processes in the course of addressing major challenges for sustaining the two processes: disarmament; relationships between hard-line parties; cross-community initiatives. These parallels and differences inform which lessons can be shared between Northern Ireland and Korea to increase the durability of the peace processes. The comparative case study finds that the commitment of high-level leadership in both conflict parties to keeping negotiation channels open for dialogue and to allowing space for civic engagement is crucial in a sustainable peace process, and that sharing lessons between the two peace processes can be beneficial in finding opportunities to overcome challenges and also for each process to be reminded of lessons from its own past experience.
The paper examines the state sponsored, often vast cemeteries built to bury or commemorate the fallen ‘martyrs’ during revolutionary or civil wars in two Communist countries, China and North Korea. The legitimization of governments has always been an important issue with such burial sites and recent renovations of existing, as well as new constructions, in both countries show the continuing relevance of the policy. Of interest is also the way in which architectural, sculptural and landscape symbolization were employed to construct imagery that sometimes defies intended ideological messages.
According to historian Carter Eckert, in the late nineteenth century, “there was little, if any, feeling of loyalty toward the abstract concept of Korea as a nationstate, or toward fellow inhabitants of the peninsula as Koreans.” In this statement, Eckert provides a concise description of the issue of Korean identity in the nineteenth century. The problem existed in the lack of identity among the inhabitants of the peninsula as “Koreans.” By the twentieth century, following the turbulent opening of Korea by foreign powers, the inhabitants of the peninsula found it necessary to define themselves as a distinct community in the international sphere. At this point, intellectuals on the peninsula faced a new challenge to define exactly what comprised a Korean identity. Although the factors involved in the issue of Korean identity changed in the late nineteenth century, the fundamental problem of Korean identity persisted through the twentieth century. Elements such as constant foreign intervention, wars, and division of the peninsula only complicated the issue of Korean identity. In response to the various historical processes occurring on the peninsula, the Korean people were forced to attempt to define themselves as unique and independent. Whereas they had previously considered themselves as only a part of a larger Sinocentric world, Koreans needed to adapt to a largely Western-influenced discourse on nationhood and identity in order to prevent being completely assimilated into Japanese culture and the discourse of Japanese imperialism in the twentieth century. In the following chapters, I will examine the effects of the grander historical processes occurring on the peninsula (i.e., colonization, foreign intervention and occupation, migration, and war) upon two Korean individuals who lived through these events and their conceptions of identity. These accounts will illuminate the environment of the discourse on identity on the peninsula and clarify some factors which affected the formation of a Korean identity in the twentieth century.
From the 1930s through the 1950s, Americans read Korean national identity through the prism of marathons. At the 1936 Olympics, Koreans running as conscripts for Japan won gold and bronze medals in the marathon, sparking outbreaks of Korean nationalism and creating a global image of the marathon as Korea's national sport. As Korea emerged from the Second World War divided into US and Soviet protectorates, Koreans from American-occupied South Korea starred in the Boston Marathon, reinforcing the image of Korea as the ‘marathon nation'. Koreans won the 1947 and 1950 Boston Marathons as American audiences cheered and interpreted Korean endurance prowess as a product of US imperial benevolence. In 1951, however, during the Korean War, a different interpretation emerged. Americans barred Koreans from the Boston Marathon after reports that a group of Korean soldiers had trained for the marathon rather than serving in combat with their US allies.
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