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... Klasyczne modele komunikowania politycznego uwzględniają co prawda obywateli jako jeden z kluczowych elementów procesu przepływu informacji politycznej (Wolton 1990;Blumer, Gurevitch 1995;Rush 1992;Perloff 1998;Negrine 2008;McNair 2018), ale traktują publiczność mediów jako "słabe ogniwo" w porównaniu z aktorami politycznymi i mediami (Adamczewska 2023, s. 89). Obywatele postrzegani są w tych modelach komunikowania politycznego zwykle jako ci, którzy nie mają ani zaplecza personalnego, ani finansowego i organizacyjnego, by wpływać istotnie na zawartość przekazów politycznych i ich dystrybucję (Dobek -Ostrowska 2012, s. 194). ...
... To prowadzi nas do bardziej rozbudowanych definicji, koncepcji i modeli komunikowania politycznego. Literatura przedmiotu bogata jest zarówno w autorskie ujęcia (Wolton 1990;Rush 1992;Blumer, Gurevitch 1995;Waller 1995;Perloff 1998;Negrine 2008;McNair 2018;Moy i in. 2012;Veneti, Lilleker 2022), jak i analityczno-krytyczne opracowania ukazujące różnorodność podejść do komunikowania politycznego (w języku polskim zob. ...
... Przegląd klasycznych definicji i modeli komunikowania politycznego pozwala stwierdzić, że o ile istnieje zgoda wśród badaczy co do trzech kluczowych elementów tego procesu, czyli aktorów politycznych, mediów i obywateli, o tyle brak pełnej zgody co do pozycji poszczególnych elementów w modelu i roli, jakie te elementy odgrywają w procesie przepływu informacji politycznej. Badacze dzielą się na tych, którzy akcentują rolę podmiotów politycznych i mediów (Negrine 1994;Blumer, Gurevitch 1995), i takich, którzy zakładają równorzędność elementów procesu komunikowania politycznych (Wolton 1990;Rush 1992). ...
Citizens in Political Information Environment: Areas of Study and Methodological The aim of this paper is to offer a theoretical background for studies on political communication that focus on the role of the audience in the flow of political messages. We start with normative models of democracy and their demands upon citizens and the concept of political information environment. By employing these two concepts, we are able to focus on two dimensions of citizens’ roles in political communication, that is expectations towards media users who are perceived here as citizens, as well as citizens’ expectations towards news media disseminating political information. A combination of the aforementioned concepts provides us with a theoretical background for studies on actual news media consumption and related phenomena, such as news avoidance and selective media exposure.
... In their respective obsessions over image and commercial interests, the political and media elites forgot the people they both claimed to serve. This populist critique is concerned with selective aspects of a crisis of public communication in representative democracy (Blumler and Gurevitch, 1995;Van Aelst et al., 2017). It identifies the lack of external political efficacy-citizens' beliefs that governmental authorities and institutions respond to their demands (Niemi et al., 1991)-as a problematic consequence of the current state of political communication. ...
How can we make sense of the current age of global political disruption when populism leaves norms overturned and the future form of democracy unpredictable?
Political representatives are no longer elected for their experience and expertise but out of a desire for an ephemeral sense of authenticity, a direct connection to citizens, and the certainty of the truths they tell. But when populists project these ideas and claim to represent the citizenry, what is reality and what is strategic performance for the media presence and an invented ‘people’? This conceptually rich book explores the performative strategies of the populist politicians who disrupt the normative order with acts of ‘truth-telling’. It disentangles their complex use of media—from their appeal to news values through spectacular disruptions to sophisticated social media commentary—in repertoires of mediated performances. Based on vigorous empirical research in both established and transitional democracies, it develops a theoretical framework of populist communication in the new media environment.
... The relationship between politics and media is thoroughly described by Blulmer & Gurevitch (1995) with their five-level model of political-media relationship. The first level is media ownership by political parties which will be the level closely discussed in the below sections. ...
This dissertation seeks to analyze the social media differences between the incumbent and the new candidates during the 2019 European Parliament Elections in Malta. Although the use of social media in political campaigning has been studied widely, particularly in the US, limited research on the subject exists in the local Maltese context. This study draws onto several research approaches in its data collection, including semi-structured netnographical interviews, social media meta-data collection, and social media qualitative analysis. In a bid to reduce potential bias, comparative studies were used by including two political parties in the focus of this research.
Results have shown that social media offers an even platform for all Maltese political
candidates. Both Facebook and Instagram were used to target different age groups, paid adverts did not guarantee a better performance at the polls. While challenging candidates were seen to be more active with a higher degree of interaction amongst their followers, incumbency advantages work in favour of the candidates if they prove their ability to hold on to the seat. Moreover, current political debates may have affected the outcomes of the results. Research limitations of this study included the issue of timing, where one was not able to harness all of the social media data due to the timeframe the dissertation was undertaken in.
... Most of these studies have expanded our knowledge of the "usual suspects," such as political factors (political regime, freedom of speech, state control of the media, or political parallelism). This includes the level of autonomy enjoyed by journalists (press freedom), cultural values, and economic pressure on the media sphere (Blumer & Gurevitch, 1995;Dobek-Ostrowska, 2015;Mellado & Lagos, 2013;Meyen, 2018;Peruško, Vozab, & Čuvalo, 2013). Other scholars have added religion (Couldry, 2005;Engesser & Franzetti, 2011;Norris, 2009) and culture (Hayashi & Kopper, 2014) as categories of comparison that could have a decisive impact on media systems. ...
... Most of these studies have expanded our knowledge of the "usual suspects," such as political factors (political regime, freedom of speech, state control of the media, or political parallelism). This includes the level of autonomy enjoyed by journalists (press freedom), cultural values, and economic pressure on the media sphere (Blumer & Gurevitch, 1995;Brüggemann, Engesser, Büchel, Humprecht, & Castro, 2014;Dobek-Ostrowska, 2015;Hallin & Mancini, 2004, 2012Mellado & Lagos, 2013;Meyen, 2018;Peruško, Vozab, & Čuvalo, 2013). Other scholars have added religion (Couldry, 2005;Engesser & Franzetti, 2011;Norris, 2009) and culture (Hayashi & Kopper, 2014) as categories of comparison that could have a decisive impact on media systems. ...
... They are seen as omnipotent and capable of being employed for manipulative purposes in political process. Blumer and Gurevitch (1995) identified three sources of media power and influence in modern democracy. These are the structural, psychological and normative sources. ...
The availability, accessibility and use of Information and Communication Technology tools for health care service delivery has been observed as the steering agents that facilitate the realization of major health care system objectives including accessibility, availability, affordability and quality of health care which are principal determinants of effective and quality health care service. This study investigated the availability, accessibility and use of ICT tools by the Primary Health Care Workers (PHCWs) including the challenges limiting the full exploitation of ICT for optimal primary health care service delivery. From the findings, limited availability, accessibility and usage of ICT tools in PHC Centres (PHCCs) were revealed. Findings also revealed that the major challenges hindering the effective use of ICT tools are lack of relevant ICT tools, erratic power supply and cost of ICT facilities. Based on the findings, recommendations are made towards addressing the challenges at the PHCCs in the study areas.
... The BSE crisis seems to some to epitomize a malaise in British (or English) society and its political organization (Andrews, 1996). Blumer and Gurevitch (1995) argue though that these shortcomings of government are more a re ection of our post-modernist society and the loss of control by authority gures through the growth and diversity of communications, resulting in what they term the 'turned-off' (p.212) citizen. ...
The so-called 'BSE Crisis' and CJD has gained much government attention and media coverage since its rst reported discovery in UK cattle in 1985. This article looks at the marketing communications issues that are raised by the crisis, how government handled the communication of complex messages to restore public faith, and why they did not succeed. We then outline a marketing communication approach which shows how the BSE issue could have been better argued, managed and presented.
The intricate relationship between Internet access, freedom, and the spread of COVID-19 during the pandemic remains a crucial topic, important both for understanding what happened and for improving the response to future crises. This study investigates the impact of the share of Internet users, and its relationship with Internet freedom, on the COVID-19 transmission rate, addressing research questions regarding the interplay between these factors. Analyzing a panel dataset of 60 countries during the first wave, hybrid F-GLS models reveal that an increased number of Internet users correlates with a larger number of new daily COVID-19 cases. Conversely, the interaction between Internet users and net freedom attenuates the positive relationship between users and case counts, implying that the latter has a moderating role. These findings emphasize the multifaceted nature of the Internet’s influence on pandemic dynamics, and highlight how it acts both as a facilitator and a constraint.
In Poland, the presidential elections were primarily scheduled on May 10th, 2020. However, due to the COVID-19 circumstances, the elections were postponed and eventually took place in late June (first round) and mid-July (second round) 2020. The aim of the paper is to examine media coverage of the postponed presidential elections in Poland. In particular, the paper explores frames used by journalists in their coverage of the postponed elections. For the purpose of this study we conducted a quantitative content analysis of news items from three TV newscasts, four radio stations, and three online platforms. The material was collected on May 10th (a day of primarily scheduled the first round of elections), and June 30th (a day when the results of the first round of postponed elections were officially announced). The findings showed that both amount of the news coverage and the main frames used by the media across time differed. Although episodic frame prevailed in the media coverage on both days. thematic frame was used more often in the media coverage on the day when voting was supposed to take place, than on the day when results of the first round of presidential elections were announced. On contrary, conflict frame was used more often in the media coverage of results of the elections than on a day without election. The political orientation of the media outlets affected the way journalist employed responsibility and consequences frames.
For its breadth and complexity, Mexico is a rich case to study the relationship between media and politics in post-authoritarian democracies. In this chapter, we summarize and organize recent scholarly work about the state of said relationship. We focus on the structural dynamics that evidence the grip that politics still has on the media, as well as other dynamics that indicate empowerment and symmetrical standing by the media toward politics. Second, we provide an explanation of the contradictory traits we described, through two theoretical strands: the first considers the coexistence of different journalisms within the same country, explained by the presence of different modernization processes in Mexican regions. The second strand uses Voltmer’s framework for explaning institutional and cultural changes by political and media actors in transitional contexts, their advances, and setbacks. Finally, we provide a synthesis about each of the chapters of the book, divided into three parts: (1) Mexican media system and regulation, (2) field inquiries and reflections on anti-press violence, and (3) analyses about media content and performance, such as the press’ depictions of civil society and workings of media logic, and the openness and closeness of televised political satire.
This study explores the relationship between journalists and their sources particularly the poli- tician’s news sources. The study attempts to highlight the nature relationship between that two parties. The journalist-politician interplay In Kurdistan region is questionable and complicated in consequence to public sphere in the region. The study’s finding is that there is a large degree of interplay between these parts, an outdome that strengthens the findings of previous research in this field. The conclusions are also support recent research arguing that the certain variables such as trust and common control governed this relationship as well as recognising the importance of professional norms journalist-politician. Additionally, both sides must keep the distance between them as they require manoeuvring space in which they can create and uphold a balance of power in the relationship to serve the professionalism values. The interplay between the two groups is motely uncharacteristic, both groups attempt to utilize other side to their interests.
A ideia de esfera pública tem sido central, desde há muito tempo, para a discussão da comunicação política. A sua presente condição é o tema deste ensaio. O debate sobre a esfera pública tem sido marcado pelo policiamento de fronteiras de sistemas políticos e ideologias concorrentes. A atual discussão reflete a transição acelerada da era dos mass media para a era do entrincheiramento ramificado da Internet. Tem sido também influenciada pela análise em voga do populismo. A presente fase de transição, cujo resultado permanece indefinido, tem na ideia de uma “pós-esfera pública” instável a sua melhor descrição. Esta instabilidade não é fora de comum, pois, ao longo do tempo, as conceções sobre os fundamentos e o escopo da esfera pública registaram constantes alterações. Lateralmente, as respostas dos Estados ao desenvolvimento da Internet deram origem a uma nova alteração de foco, a “viragem regulatória”. É provável que isto venha a influenciar a forma futura da esfera pública.
Este artigo estuda e problematiza o uso de fontes de informação na cobertura jornalística sobre a posse de Jair Bolsonaro na presidência da República, em 1º de janeiro de 2019. Busca-se compreender de que modo a escolha de fontes condiciona o resultado da cobertura sobre a posse presidencial realizada pelos jornais Folha de S.Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo e O Globo, pelos portais UOL e G1 e pelas revistas Carta Capital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja. A análise de 208 textos evidencia e discute três principais problemas: a predominância de visões e posições de fontes oficiais, a baixa diversidade de atores da sociedade civil, e a não identificação de fontes.
The health of democratic public spheres is challenged by the circulation of falsehoods. These epistemic problems are connected to social media and they raise a classic problem of how to understand the role of technology in political developments. We discuss three sets of technological affordances of social media that facilitate the spread of false beliefs: obscuring the provenance of information, facilitating deception about authorship, and providing for manipulation of social signals. We argue that these do not make social media a “cause” of problems with falsehoods, but explanations of epistemic problems should account for social media to understand the timing and widespread occurrence of epistemic problems. We argue that “the marketplace of ideas” cannot be adequate as a remedy for these problems, which require epistemic editing by the press.
This article describes and evaluates civic networks in Europe and the USA. These are seen as attempts to use new media technology, particularly the internet, to improve participation in local democratic processes. Various aspects of democratic communication are examined, including information access, preference measurement, deliberation and group mobilization. A wide variety of city-based experiments are described, which have all faced problems of low take-up and problems of inequality of access. It is argued that new media will have a significant and positive impact upon the processes of democratic communication within the appropriate regulatory and economic context, particularly regarding access to communications technologies.
This collection of original essays brings a dramatically different perspective to bear on the contemporary 'crisis of journalism'. Rather than seeing technological and economic change as the primary causes of current anxieties, The Crisis of Journalism Reconsidered draws attention to the role played by the cultural commitments of journalism itself. Linking these professional ethics to the democratic aspirations of the broader societies in which journalists ply their craft, it examines how the new technologies are being shaped to sustain value commitments rather than undermining them. Recent technological change and the economic upheaval it has produced are coded by social meanings. It is this cultural framework that actually transforms these 'objective' changes into a crisis. The book argues that cultural codes not only trigger sharp anxiety about technological and economic changes, but provide pathways to control them, so that the democratic practices of independent journalism can be sustained in new forms.