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Damage Control: The Breach of the Budapest Memorandum and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime



The Memorandum on Security Assurances in Connection with Ukraine’s Accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), signed in 1994 by Ukraine, and the three NPT depositary states, the United States, United Kingdom and Russian Federation, is not a ratified, legally binding treaty, but a set of high-level political commitments. Its significance is in explicitly linking Ukraine’s sovereignty and security to the NPT, and the basic bargains enshrined in it. The NPT’s depositary states gave Ukraine security assurances in exchange for Kyiv’s renunciation of the world’s third largest nuclear weapons arsenal. Moscow’s manifest violation of this deal when it invaded Ukraine in 2014 not only eroded European security. It has also undermined the rationale of the international nonproliferation regime. While not directly related to the question of the North-Atlantic Alliance’s enlargement, Russia’s disregard for the NPT’s logic has, since 2014, escalated Ukrainian critique of NATO’s insufficient engagement in Eastern Europe, during the last quarter of a century.
Swedish Institute of International Affair
Andrássy University of Budapest
University of Winchester
MGIMO (U) MID RF, Moscow
, University of Bremen
University of Kent at Canterbury
Oxford Brookes University
University of Cambridge
Journal of Slavic Military Studies
George Washington University
Southern Illinois University
University of Leipzig
Central European University
University of North Carolina
University of Cambridge
, Higher School of Economics, Moscow
McGill University, Montreal
University College London
University of Bonn
University of Innsbruck
University of Konstanz
Harvard University, Cambridge
N-Ost Network, Berlin
University of Michigan
University of Oxford
Södertörn University
Tallinn University
University of Cambridge
Moscow State University
Catholic University of Eichstaett
Russian Academy of Sciences
University College London
University of Tromsø
West Virginia University
University of Ottawa
Humboldt University of Berlin
Seton Hall University
University of Cambridge
European University Viadrina
University of Munich
University of Oxford
Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
Harvard University, Cambridge
University of Florida
Friedrich Naumann Foundation
Hoover Institution, Stanford, California
SWP, Berlin
NUPI, Oslo
University of Aberdeen
Russian Academy of Sciences
University of Hamburg
Naval War College, Newport, RI
University of Munich
Kansas State University
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
MGIMO (U) MID RF, Moscow
Higher School of Economics
University of California
, Caucasus Analytical Digest
Institut für Ostrecht Regensburg
CEEER, Berlin
Russian Academy of Sciences
University of Edinburgh
, Stanford University, Palo Alto
University of Mainz-Germersheim
The Urals State University
Higher School of Economics, Moscow
Russian Academy of Sciences
St. Petersburg State University
University of Oxford
University of Amsterdam
Robert Bosch Foundation Stuttgart
Wesleyan University, Middletown
The Urals State Law Academy
University of Oxford
EHESS, Paris
University of Oxford
RIIA Chatham House London
Tufts University, Medford
University of Siegen
Shevchenko University, Kyiv
SWP, Berlin
Ukrainian Academy of Sciences
Russian Academy of Sciences
, University of British Columbia
, Religion, State and Society, Oxford
Ithaca College, New York State
University of Toronto
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung
University College London
University of Oxford
University of Oxford
220 Gergana Dimova
221 Torben Waschke
222 Steven Jobbitt, Zsolt Bottlik, Marton Berki (Eds.)
223 Daria Buteiko
224 Olga Bertelsen (Ed.)
225 David Mandel
226 Daria Isachenko, Mykhailo Minakov, Gwendolyn
Sasse (Eds.)
227 Jakob Hauter (Ed.)
228 Tima T. Moldogaziev, Gene A. Brewer, J. Edward
Kellough (Eds.)
 
Vladimir V. Kara-Murza
Foreword: A Europe Whole and Free Will Not Be Possible
Without Russia ....................................................................................... 7
Note by the Series Editor .................................................................... 11
Oxana Schmies
Introduction .......................................................................................... 13
Looking for Historical Unlocking: Issues of Strategic Stability
Alexey Arbatov
Nuclear Deterrence: A Guarantee or Threat to Strategic
Stability? ............................................................................................... 29
John Kornblum
50 Years Ago: Kennedy, Brandt, NixonA Model for 21st
Century Statecraft? .............................................................................. 59
Liviu Horovitz
A Great Prize, But Not the Main Prize: British Internal
Deliberations on Not-Losing Russia, 19931995 ............................. 85
Steven Pifer
The Clinton Administration and Reshaping Europe .................... 113
Russia and NATO: Security Guarantees as a Strategic Challenge
for Central and Eastern Europe
Marcin Zaborowski
Central European Security and Russia ........................................... 143
Andreas Heinemann-Grüder
The Ukraine Conflict: Lessons for NATO, Kyiv and Their
Future Relations ................................................................................. 161
Mariana Budjeryn & Andreas Umland
Damage Control: The Breach of the Budapest Memorandum
and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime ................................... 177
Pavlo Klimkin
Lost and Real Chances in Western-Ukrainian-Russian
Relations: An Interview .................................................................... 191
Russia as a Security Challenge of Tomorrow: Some Clues
Gleb Pavlovsky
Strategic Decentering: Moscows Ideological Rhetoric and
its Strategic Unconscious, 20122020 .............................................. 201
Dmitry Stefanovich & Mikhail Mironyuk
Foundations of Current and Future Security Relations Between
Russia and NATO Member States: Narratives, Capabilities,
Perceptions and Misperceptions ..................................................... 221
Roderich Kiesewetter
Cooperation vs. Confrontation: German-Russian Security
Relations Between Geopolitical Poles ............................................. 237
ukasz Adamski
On the Misperception of Russias Foreign and Security Policies ..... 247
Reiner Schwalb
Russian Military Policy and Moscows Approaches Towards
the West .................................................................................................... 255
Oxana Schmies
Concluding Remarks ......................................................................... 269
Damage Control
The Breach of the Budapest Memorandum and
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime
Mariana Budjeryn & Andreas Umland1
The Memorandum on Security Assurances in Connection with Ukraines
Accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT), signed in 1994 by Ukraine, and the three NPT depositary states,
the United States, United Kingdom and Russian Federation, is not a rat-
ified, legally binding treaty, but a set of high-level political commitments.
Its significance is in explicitly linking Ukraines sovereignty and security
to the NPT, and the basic bargains enshrined in it. The NPTs depositary
states gave Ukraine security assurances in exchange for Kyivs renuncia-
tion of the worlds third largest nuclear weapons arsenal. Moscows man-
ifest violation of this deal when it invaded Ukraine in 2014 not only eroded
European security. It has also undermined the rationale of the interna-
tional nonproliferation regime. While not directly related to the question
of the North-Atlantic Alliances enlargement, Russias disregard for the
NPTs logic has, since 2014, escalated Ukrainian critique of NATOs in-
sufficient engagement in Eastern Europe, during the last quarter of a cen-
When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the worlds largest nu-
clear arsenal found itself stationed in four newly independent
states: the Russian Federation, Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan.
Russia ended up with the lions share of the nuclear inheritance and
succeeded the USSR as a recognized nuclear-weapon-state under
the 1968 Treaty on Nuclear Non-Proliferation (NPT). Yet the size of
nuclear arsenals inherited by the non-Russian republics was still
staggering: independent Ukraine overnight became home to the
worlds third-largest nuclear arsenal.
1 See also: Budjeryn, Mariana and Andreas Umland. 2017. Amerikanische Russ-
landpolitik, die Souveränität der Ukraine und der Atomwaffensperrvertrag:
Ein Dreiecksverhältnis mit weitreichenden Konsequenzen. SIRIUS  Zeitschrift
für Strategische Analysen 1 (2): 13342.
In 1994, after contentious and, at times, acrimonious negotia-
tions with the Unites States and Russia, Ukraine decided to relin-
quish its nuclear inheritance and join the NPT as a non-nuclear-
weapon state. This decision was made after Ukrainian leaders were
assured by the U.S. that their fledgling state would not be aban-
doned to deal with a potential Russian threat on its own. These
commitments were recorded in a Memorandum on Security Assur-
ances in Connection with Ukraines Accession to the NPT signed
on December 5, 1994 in Budapest, Hungary, by Ukraine, on the one
side, and the United States, United Kingdom and Russian Federa-
tion, as the three depositary states of the NPT, on the other.2 Belarus
and Kazakhstan received similar assurances. Additional commit-
ments were pledged by China and France, the other two recognized
NPT nuclear-weapon states, in separate declarations.3 The Buda-
pest Memorandum, as the document became known, is the link
through which Ukraines security is tied to the one of the basic bar-
gains of the NPT, one of the most prominent and widely adhered-
to international treaties in history, designed to curb the spread of
nuclear weapons around the world. That bargain is that the NPTs
discriminatory naturethe treaty recognizes nuclear possession of
five states but bans it for all otherswill be tolerated by the non-
nuclear weapons states as long as their security will not suffer at
the hands of the nuclear weapons states, to which they conceded
the advantage of possessing the worlds most powerful weapons.
Russias Violation and Western Response
Moscows annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and deep involve-
ment in the initiation and prolongation of the ongoing war in East-
ern Ukraine since April 2014, are blatant (though not the only) vio-
lations of the commitments it pledged in the Budapest Memoran-
2 UN General Assembly Security Council. 1994. Memorandum on Security As-
surances in Connection with Ukraines Accession to the Treaty on the Non-Pro-
liferation of Nuclear Weapons. United Nations, signed December 5, 1994.
3 See, for the texts of the Chinese and French governmental declarations, the re-
spective sections here: n.d. Security Assurances. Accessed January 27, 2021.
dum.4 The response of the United States and its allies to Russias
actions since spring 2014 has generally upheld the letter of the Bu-
dapest Memorandum. The parties to the Budapest Memorandum,
except for the Russian Federation, convened consultations pro-
vided for by the Memorandum in March 2014, upholding Ukraines
territorial integrity in the face of Russias border revisionism.5
Washington has vocally and repeatedly condemned the Russian in-
vasion of Ukraine, including at the UN Security Council.
In 2014, the United States staggered sanctions on Russia and
has since provided military training and equipment to Ukraine,
even though, initially, the Administration of President Barak
Obama hesitated to provide defensive lethal arms, authorized by
the U.S. Congress. The policy of support for Ukraine and the sanc-
tions regime against Russia survived the change of administrations
in Washington. Shortly after the Administration of Donald Trump
took over the White House, his Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley,
speaking on February 2nd, 2017, at the Security Council meeting
called by Ukraine in the wake of the renewed escalation of fighting
in the Donbas, reassured that: The United States stands with the
people of Ukraine who have suffered for nearly three years under
Russian occupation and military interventions.6 Eventually, the
Trump administration released the sale of lethal weapons to
Ukraine and stepped up other military assistance, approving, in
March 2018, the $47 million sale of 210 Javelin anti-tank missiles
and 37 launchers to Ukraine.7
At the same time, the Trump administration, as the Obama
administration, was careful not to get involved in the process of ne-
4 Budjeryn, Mariana. 2014. The Breach: Ukraines Territorial Integrity and the
Budapest Memorandum. NPIHP Issues Briefs 3. https://www.wilsoncenter.
5 Office of the Spokesperson. 2014. US/UK/Ukraine Press Statement on the Bu-
dapest Memorandum Meeting. U.S. Department of State, March 5, 2014, https:
6 United States Mission to the United Nations. Ambassador Nikki Haley Deliv-
ers Remarks to the UN Security Council. February 2, 2017.
7 Martinez, Luis. 2019. What are Javelin missiles and why theyre being men-
tioned repeatedly during the impeachment hearings. ABC News, November
15, 2019,
gotiating the resolution of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Instead,
it has left the task in the hands of the so-called Normandy format
France, Germany, and Russiaand the attending Minsk process to
attempt to end the war in Eastern Ukraine. Neither endeavor has
thus far yielded a long-term sustainable solution that would ad-
dress security interests of Ukraine. Thus, the conflict is ongoing
with intermittent ceasefires and their violations, while a portion of
Ukraines territory remains occupied by the Russian-backed au-
Furthermore, in summer 2019, the provision of military aid to
Ukraine emerged as the core issue in the impeachment proceedings
against President Trump. The investigation revealed that he had
blackmailed Ukraines leadership with withholding military aid if
Kyiv refused to cooperate with the administration in undermining
Trumps political opponent, former Vice-President and presidential
candidate Joseph Biden.8 Ukraine, the country that surrendered
worlds third-largest arsenal in exchange for security commitments
from the NPT nuclear states, found itself in the situation where one
signatory of the Budapest MemorandumRussiahad violated its
commitments and anotherthe United Stateswas trying to use
its security commitment as a lever to serve its domestic political
As a result, by late 2020, Ukraines security environment has
not significantly improved. Meanwhile, the deterioration of U.S.-
Russian relations over Ukraine, as well as over the Kremlins inter-
national behavior, such as Moscows meddling in the U.S. 2016
presidential elections, Russias support for the regime of Bashar El-
Assad in Syria, or the use of chemical agents in poisonings in Eng-
land, have contributed to the collapse of the arms control dialogue
between the two nuclear superpowers that together hold 90% of the
worlds nuclear weapons. The last few years saw a gradual collapse
of the arms control architecture that has underpinned European
and global security. This included the U.S. withdrawal in 2017 from
8 Budjeryn, Mariana. 2019. Impeachment Backstory: The Nuclear Dimension of
US Security Assistance to Ukraine. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, November
13, 2019.
the Intermediate Range Forces (INF) Treaty over Russias repeated
violations of the treaty, the impending U.S. withdrawal from the
1992 Open Skies Treaty, and finally, the uncertain future of the New
START treaty that expires in February 2021 with nothing to replace
it. This, combined with ambitious strategic modernization pro-
grams pursued by all nuclear-weapon states, contributed to the al-
legations that the NPTs nuclear states are failing to fulfill their ob-
ligations under Article VI of the NPT to pursue arms control and
None of this bodes well for the international nuclear nonpro-
liferation regime and the basic bargains that have sustained it over
the past five decades. The world faces the formidable task of miti-
gating the damage the violation of the Budapest Memorandum has
inflicted on the NPT and credibility of nuclear powers.9
Ukraines Territorial Integrity and the NPT
The nuclear inheritance Ukraine relinquished in 1994 comprised
176 intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and 44 strategic
bombers armed with some 2,000 nuclear warheads, as well as over
2,600 tactical nuclear weapons, constituting approximately 15% of
the former Soviet nuclear arsenal.10 In addition, Ukraine inherited
a formidable military-industrial infrastructure, including nuclear
research reactors, the worlds largest ICBM factory, missile target-
ing and guidance capacities, and some uranium mining. It is true
that operational control over the use of the strategic weapons sys-
tems remained in Moscow. Also, Ukraine lacked uranium enrich-
ment and plutonium reprocessing facilities necessary for the full
nuclear fuel cycle, as well as an indigenous nuclear warhead pro-
duction facility.
9 Umland, Andreas. 2017. The Price of Appeasing Russian Adventurism.Carne-
gie Europe, January 16, 2017.
10 See: Pifer, Steven. 2011. The Trilateral Process: The United States, Ukraine, Russia
and Nuclear Weapons. Washington, DC: Brookings. https://www.brookings.
edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/05_trilateral_process_pifer.pdf; Potter, Wil-
liam. 1995. The Politics of Nuclear Renunciation: The Cases of Belarus, Kazakhstan,
and Ukraine. Washington, DC: Henry L. Stimson Center.
Nevertheless, Ukraine possessed an enviable starter package
for any aspiring proliferator, as well as enough technological and
intellectual capacity to acquire control over some of its various in-
herited weapons and make them fully operational, within a couple
of years.11 Despite or, perhaps, because of this proximity to nuclear
status, Kyivs initial intention was to relinquish all nuclear weapons
on its territory and become a neutral state, a position declared in
Ukraines Declaration of Sovereignty adopted by its parliament, the
Rada, on July 16, 1990.12 This early anti-nuclear stance was spurred
by the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster, an experience
that came to exemplify for Ukrainians the worst exigencies of the
dysfunctional Soviet regime. In addition, the Soviet nuclear weap-
ons with their centralized command and control systems were
viewed as ties fastening Ukraine to Russia while Kyiv was eager to
consolidate its independence from Moscow.
Yet during the first months following the declaration of
Ukraines independence in August 1991 and the subsequent disso-
lution of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian leaders gradually took a more
nuanced view of their nuclear inheritance. At that time, Moscows
military establishment staunchly impeded the establishment of in-
dependent Ukrainian armed forcesa core sovereign function
which Ukraine viewed as essential for securing its newly-found in-
dependence. The Russian defense ministry attempted instead to
preserve common military-strategic institutions in the post-Soviet
realm. Concurrently, Russian politicians soon began to advance ter-
ritorial claims flagrantly contradicting the ratified December 1991
Belavezha Accords which had dissolved the USSR, and in which
11 On the issue of possibility of establishing operational control over its nuclear
inheritance by Ukraine, see: Kincade, W.H. 1993. Nuclear Weapons in
Ukraine: Hollow Threat, Wasting Asset. Arms Control Today 23 (6): 1318;
Budjeryn, Mariana. 2016. Was Ukraines Nuclear Disarmament a Blunder?
World Affairs 179 (2): 920.
12 Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. 1990. Declaration
of State Sovereignty of Ukraine. July 16, 1990, available in Ukrainian at, and Verkhovna
Rada of Ukraine. 1991. Statement on the Non-nuclear Status of Ukraine. Oc-
tober 24, 1991, available in Ukrainian at
Moscow accepted Ukraines sovereignty as well as its borders. In
May 1992, the Russian parliament passed a resolution declaring the
1954 Soviet law ceding Crimea from the Russian Federal Soviet So-
cialist Republic to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic null and
void.13 In July 1993, the Russian parliament voted to recognize the
Crimean city of Sevastopol, the base of the disputed Black Sea Fleet,
Russian sovereign territory.14 In parallel, Moscow was militarily
and politically supporting irredentist movements in the former So-
viet space, including in Georgias South Ossetia and Abkhazia re-
publics, and Moldovas Transnistria.
A growing perception of the threat of Russian border-revi-
sionism did not lead to Ukraines outright abandonment of the pol-
icy of nuclear disarmament, but it caused Ukraines demand for se-
curity pledges from the West in exchange for nuclear renunciation.
In response to these demands, a series of complicated U.S.-Ukrain-
ian negotiations over future guarantees to Kyiv commenced in mid-
1992. Originally, Ukraines foreign ministry envisionedand even
draftedan international treaty between Ukraine and the five per-
manent UN Security Council members.15 This agreement would
have been legally binding, guaranteed Ukraines borders, and spec-
ified concrete costs for breaching them. The arrangement Kyiv pro-
posed, to be sure, did not provide for an alliance with the West, but
rather envisaged Ukraines neutrality, not unlike that of post-war
Neither the outgoing Bush Sr. administration nor the incom-
ing Clinton administration, however, were willing to concede le-
13 Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation. 1992. Resolution On the Legal Eval-
uation of the Decision of the Highest Government Authorities of the RSFSR on
Changing the Status of Crimea, Adopted in 1954. May 21, 1992, available in
Russian at
14 Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation. 1993. Resolution On the Status of
the City of Sevastopol. July 9, 1993, available in Russian at
15 Draft Treaty on National Security Guarantees for Ukraine in connection with
her accession to the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. June 3, 1993, Fond
5233, Opis 1, Delo 280, Central State Archive of Ukraine.
gally binding obligations to the young Ukrainian state. Nor was
there, at that point, any talk of Ukraines possible inclusion into
NATO. Instead, large parts of the US political and intellectual es-
tablishment looked, in the early 1990s, with hope on a gradually
reforming and increasingly democratic Russia as a keystone of re-
gional stability. In addition, a fully-fledged multilateral treaty with
Ukraine would have had to undergo a lengthy ratification process
in the legislatures of all signatory states, delaying the process of de-
nuclearization. Finally, any Western concessions to, or even en-
gagement with, Ukraine encountered hostile reactions in Moscow
which considered Ukraine and its nuclear predicament something
of a family affair.
Thus, Washington convinced Kyiv that the best it could hope
for was a high-level memorandum in which the U.S. would declare
its commitment to Ukraines political sovereignty and territorial in-
tegrityand have Russia do the same. In addition, Washington
made available technical assistance for dismantlement of delivery
platforms and transportation of warheads to Russia under the Co-
operative Threat Reduction program, as well as compensation for
the fissile material contained in the Ukrainian warheads. These
commitments were first formalized in a Trilateral Statement signed
by the Presidents of Ukraine, U.S., and Russia in Moscow, on Janu-
ary 14, 1994.16
Though Washington and Moscow both undertook the same
obligations, everybody involved understood perfectly well that it
was Russian territorial revisionism that Ukraine considered a
threat, and American security guarantees that Kyiv sought. While
the document did not say so explicitly, the U.S. signature under the
Trilateral Statement nevertheless constituted a promise that it
would consider any violation of Ukraines political sovereignty and
territorial integrity as damaging its own national interests. Back
16 Trilateral Statement of the Presidents of Ukraine, US and Russia. January 14,
1994, available in Ukrainian/Russian at
show/998_300; English version available in: Pifer, Steven. 2011. The Trilateral
Process: The United States, Ukraine, Russia and Nuclear Weapons. Washington, DC:
then, this implicit commitment by Washington, and its considerable
financial help to Kyiv looked like a small price to pay for disabling
the worlds third largest nuclear stockpile. Kyiv was also reassured
that the U.S. takes its political pledges as seriously as its legally
binding commitments.17
The Budapest Memorandum and the NPT
Ukraines negotiators understood, however, that the assurances
Washington and Moscow had pledged in January 1994 fell short of
robust security guarantees they had sought. Thus, the Ukrainian
leadership remained dissatisfied and insisted on having Western
commitments formalized in a document that would specifically
connect them to Kyivs accession to the NPT. That was the main
purpose of the Budapest Memorandum, singed in December 1994
between Ukraine all three depositary states of the NPT, and sub-
mitted to the UN together with Ukraines instruments of accession
to the NPT.
Substantively, the provisions in the Budapest Memorandum
differed little from the commitments that the United States and
Russia had already made in the Trilateral Statement. The language
of the Memorandum reiterated commitments to respect borders
and refrain from use or threat of military force found in other mul-
tilateral documents, such as the UN Charter and OSCE Helsinki Fi-
nal Act. In addition, the Memorandum included the general nega-
tive and positive nuclear assurances customarily extended by the
NPTs nuclear-weapon states to the Treatys non-nuclear signato-
For the NPT, Ukraines denuclearization came at a critical
time. In the wake of the First Gulf War in 1991, the world was
shaken by the revelation of a nascent nuclear program in Iraqa
member of the NPT which successfully evaded inspectors of the In-
ternational Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). In 1993, another non-
compliant NPT member, North Korea, threatened to withdraw
17 More on this in: Pifer, Steven. 2017. The Eagle and the Trident: U.S.-Ukraine Relations
in Turbulent Times. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, chapter 2.
from the regime. Libya and Iran were suspected of clandestine nu-
clear programs in contempt of the NPT. Meanwhile, Pakistan and
India were moving towards joining Israel as nuclear states outside
the NPTs regime to prevent the spread of atomic weapons.
At the same time, the NPT was inching toward the 1995 NPT
Review and Extension Conference, where, per the provisions of the
treaty, it was due to be extended indefinitely. Western powers,
above all the U.S., for whom nuclear nonproliferation had become
one of the top foreign policy priorities, had much stake in the NPT
extension. Ukraines nuclear renunciation in 1994 thus came as a
powerful vote of confidence for the nonproliferation regime.
Alongside the concurrent nuclear roll-backs of Belarus, Kazakhstan
and South Africa, it stood as a reminder that nuclear disarmament
was possible.18
For Ukraine, the significance of the Budapest Memorandum
was not in providing any novel or particularly robust security guar-
antees. Rather, its significance was in linking the fulfilment of these
political commitments to Ukraines nuclear renunciation and acces-
sion to the NPT and making them thereby an integral part of the
international nonproliferation regime. Indeed, Ukraines instru-
ment of ratification of the NPT specifically states that any threat to
Ukraines territorial integrity and revision of its borders by a nu-
clear-armed state, would be treated as extraordinary circum-
stances that jeopardize its supreme interests.19 This clause was
taken verbatim from the NPTs Article X regulating withdrawal
from the Treaty, and provided for a potential legal pretext for
Ukraine to renew its nuclear status.
Not surprisingly, Russias invasion, almost twenty years later,
led to a motion in the Ukrainian parliament to withdraw from the
18 Galaka, Sergiy. 2015. Ukrainian Crisis and Budapest Memorandum: Conse-
quences for the European and Global Security Structures. UA: Ukraine Analyt-
ica 1 (1): 4551.
19 Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. 1968. Law on Accession to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. July 1, 1968, available in Ukrainian at .
NPT.20 Also unsurprisingly, Ukraines public support for nuclear
rearmament swelled in 2014 to 43%, with even stronger approval
amongst the younger generation.21 The parliamentary motion was
not sustained, to be sure. Despite the growing sense among Ukrain-
ians that their nuclear disarmament had been a blunder, the likeli-
hood of Kyiv going nuclear is low.22 Ukraines decision to denucle-
arize was driven by its desire to become an international citizen in
good standing. The NPT contributed to shaping Ukraines nuclear
decision-making by foreclosing the nuclear option as one that con-
tradicts the international effort to rid the world of weapons of mass
destruction. Now as then, Ukraines stands committed to uphold
international norms, and not subvert them.
The Non-Proliferation Regimes Uncertain Future
Today, the NPT is once again under duress and struggles to main-
tain legitimacy. The NPT is inherently discriminatory in nature as
it recognizes five nuclear haves, the United States, United King-
dom, Russia, France, and China and commits the rest to nuclear ab-
stinence. This disparity is ameliorated by a recognition that the ex-
ceptional status of nuclear-weapons-states levies upon them a spe-
cial onus not to abuse it for their own gain lest the legitimacy of the
entire nonproliferation regime be eroded. In addition, the nuclear
five have committed to pursue disarmament in Article VI of the
Over the past decade, the nuclear five have been coming un-
der fire from a growing number of NPT non-nuclear states for their
inadequate efforts to meet their disarmament obligations under the
1968 agreement. This frustration had culminated in the signing of
the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) in 2016,
which entered into force in January 2021. TPNW strives to delegit-
20 TASS. 2014. Ukraine initiative to withdraw from Non-Proliferation Treaty
puts document under threat. TASS, March 25, 2014,
21 2014. Almost half of Ukrainians want renewal of nuclear status., June 2, 2014.
22 Budjeryn, Mariana. 2016. Was Ukraines Nuclear Disarmament a Blunder?
World Affairs 179 (2): 920.
imize nuclear possession in a way the possession and use of land-
mines and chemical weapons have been delegitimized by the 1997
Land-mines Convention and the 1993 Chemical Weapons Conven-
tion, respectively.23 None of the nuclear possessors are likely to join
TPNW and disarm, to be sure. Yet, the new treaty risks seriously
rattling the entire nonproliferation regime by straining the tenuous
bargains that held the NPT together and driving a further wedge
between nuclear haves and nuclear have-nots.
Since 2014, Russia, a recognized nuclear-weapon and deposi-
tary state of the NPT, as well as a signatory of the Budapest Mem-
orandum, has been using military force against Ukraine, a non-nu-
clear state. All the while it has been brandishing its nuclear status
to deter Western assistance. Moscow thereby created exactly the
kind of situation against which Ukraine wanted to be assured, as a
condition for its 1994 NPT accession. The brazen and unapologetic
violation of some key commitments connected with the NPT by one
of its major founding parties, since 2014, has been damaging
Its destructiveness could further grow, if other key NPT mem-
ber fail to respond adequately. The salience of international rules is
not only a function of who and how brakes them, but also of who
reacts how to a grave violation. So far, the response to Russias
breech of Ukraines territorial integrity has been overwhelmingly
negative on the declaratory level, but inconsistent and ineffective
on the practical level. Worse, the passage of time has the effect of
normalizing the new status quo.
The longer Crimea remains under Russian rule, the longer
parts of Ukraine continue to be occupied, the harder it will be to
23 See, on these conventions: UN. 1997. Convention on the Prohibition of the Use,
Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their De-
struction. United Nations, September 18, 1997.
mines.pdf; Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. 1997. Con-
vention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and
Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction, OPCW, April 29, 1997.; Lele, Ajey.
2011. Challenges for the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). Strategic
Analysis 35 (5): 7526.
restore them to Ukraine and to mitigate the social, economic, and
political damage inflicted by the Russian-backed occupational au-
thorities. Sanctions regimes are notoriously difficult to maintain
long-term. Permanent limitations to free trade are difficult to jus-
tify. No wonder that calls for compromise, and renewal of cooper-
ating with Moscow abound. An eventual fizzling away of Western
sanctions on Russia and return to business as usual without rever-
sal of the territorial changes affected by the Kremlins illegal actions
in Ukraine would cast a serious doubt on whether nuclear renunci-
ation is a prudent policy and whether the NPT is a viable and sus-
tainable international regime.24
The United States and other nuclear armed states must rebuild
the confidence of the non-nuclear-weapon states that the security
of the latter will not suffer because of their decision to renounce or
not to acquire the worlds most powerful weapons. One of the ways
to achieve this is for the United States and United Kingdom to up-
hold the Budapest Memorandum and, by extension, the nuclear
nonproliferation regime, by becoming directly engagedthrough
the Budapest format, if you willin ending the war in Ukraine
and restoring its territorial integrity.
Mariana Budjeryn is a Research Associate at the Harvard Kennedy
Schools Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Project on
Managing the Atom, at Cambridge, Mass. Her research concerns the in-
ternational nonproliferation regime and politics of nuclear disarmament
of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. The views expressed in this article
are only those of the author.
Andreas Umland is a Research Fellow at the Swedish Institute of Inter-
national Affairs in Stockholm, Senior Expert at the Ukrainian Institute
for the Future in Kyiv, Adjunct Professor of Political Science at the Frie-
drich Schiller University of Jena, and Associate Professor of Politics the
National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.
24 See also: Umland, Andreas. 2016. The Ukraine Example: Nuclear Disarma-
ment Doesnt Pay. World Affairs 178 (4): 459.
Edited by Dr. Andreas Umland |ISSN 1614-3515
1 ( .) |
. , | ISBN 3-89821-387-0
2 Christian Wipperfürth | Russland  ein vertrauenswürdiger Partner? Grundla gen, Hintergrün de und
Praxis g egenwärtiger ru ssischer Außen politik | Mit einem Vorwort v on Heinz Timme rmann | ISBN 3- 89821-401-X
3 Manja Hussner | Die Übernahme internationalen Rechts in die russische und deutsche Rechts-
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der Bundesrepublik Deutschland | Mit einem Vorwort von Rainer Arnold | ISBN 3-89821-438-9
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8 David J. Galbreath | Nation-Building and Minority Politics in Post-Socialist States. Interests, Influ-
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13 Anastasia V. Mitrofanova | The Politicization of Russian Orthodoxy. Actor s and Ideas | With a fore-
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26 John B. Dunlop | The 2002 Dubrovka and 2004 Beslan Hostage Crises. A Critique of Russian Counter-
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27 Peter Koller | Das touristische Potenzial von KamjanecPodilskyj. Eine fremdenverkehrsgeographische
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29 Florian Strasser | Zivilgesellschaftliche Einflüsse auf die Orange Revolution. Die gewaltlose Massenbe-
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30 Rebecca S. Katz | The Georgian Regime Crisis of 2003-2004. A Case Study in Post-Soviet Media Repre-
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31 Vladimir Kantor | Willkür oder Freiheit. Beiträge zur russischen Geschichtsphilosophie | Ediert von Dagmar Herr-
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32 Laura A. Victoir | The Russian Land Estate Today. A Case Study of Cultural Politics in Post-Soviet Russia | With
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33 Ivan Katchanovski | Cleft Countries. Regional Political Divisions and Cultures in Post-Soviet Ukraine and Moldova |
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34 Florian Mühlfried | Postsowjetische Feiern. Das Georgische Bankett im Wandel | Mit einem Vorwort von Kevin
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35 Roger Griffin, Werner Loh, Andreas Umland (Eds.) | Fascism Past and Present, West and East.
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36 Sebastian Schlegel | Der Weiße Archipel. Sowjetische Atomstädte 1945-1991 | Mit einem Geleitwort von
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37 Vyacheslav Likhachev | Political Anti-Semitism in Post-Soviet Russia. Actors and Ideas in 1991-2003 |
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38 Josette Baer (Ed.) | Preparing Liberty in Central Europe. Political Texts from the Spring of Nations 1848 to the
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40 Nicola Melloni | Market Without Economy. The 1998 Russian Financial Crisis | With a foreword by Eiji Furukawa |
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41 Dmitrij Chmelnizki | Die Architektur Stalins | Bd. 1: Studien zu Ideologie und Stil | Bd. 2: Bilddokumentation | Mit
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42 Katja Yafimava | Post-Soviet Russian-Belarussian Relationships. The Role of Gas Transit Pipelines | With a
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43 Boris Chavkin | Verflechtungen der deutschen und russischen Zeitgeschichte. Aufsätze und Archiv-
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44 Anastasija Grynenko in Zusammenarbeit mit Claudia Dathe | Die Terminologie des Gerichtswe-
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45 Anton Burkov | The Impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on Russian Law. Legis-
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46 Stina Torjesen, Indra Overland (Eds.) | International Election Observers in Post-Soviet Azer-
baijan. Geopolit ical Pawns or A gents of Change ? | ISBN 978-3 -89821-743-9
47 Taras Kuzio | Ukraine  Crimea  Russia. Triangle of Conflict | ISBN 978-3-8982 1-761-3
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49 Marlies Bilz | Tatarstan in der Transformation. Nationaler Disk urs und Politi sche Praxis 19 88-1994 | Mit e i-
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schaft am Beispiel Polens, Rumäniens und der Ukraine | Mit einem Vorwort von Rainer W. Schäfer | ISBN 978-3-89821-790-3
57 Christian Wipperfürth | Russland und seine GUS-Nachbarn. Hintergründe, aktuelle Entwicklungen und Kon-
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58 Togzhan Kassenova | From Antagonism to Partnership. The Uneasy Path of the U.S.-Russian Cooperative
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59 Alexander Höllwerth | Das sakrale eurasische Imperium des Aleksandr Dugin. Eine Diskursanalyse
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60 | « - ». , XX |
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61 Ivan Maistrenko | Borot'bism. A Chapter in the History of the Ukrainian Revolution | With a new Introduction by Chris
Ford | Translated by George S. N. Luckyj with the assistance of Ivan L. Rudnytsky | Second, Revised and Expanded Edition
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62 Maryna Romanets | Anamorphosic Texts and Reconfigured Visions. Improvised Traditions in Contempo-
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63 Paul D'Anieri and Taras Kuzio (Eds.) | Aspects of the Orange Revolution I. Democratization and Elec-
tions in Post-Communist Ukraine | ISBN 978-3-89821-698-2
64 Bohdan Harasymiw in collaboration with Oleh S. Ilnytzkyj (Eds.) | Aspects of the Orange Revolu-
tion II. Information and Manipulation Strategies in the 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Elections | ISBN 978-3-89821-699-9
65 Ingmar Bredies, Andreas Umland and Valentin Yakushik (Eds.) | Aspects of the Orange Revolu-
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66 Ingmar Bredies, Andreas Umland and Valentin Yakushik (Eds.) | Aspects of the Orange Revolu-
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67 Ingmar Bredies, Andreas Umland and Valentin Yakushik (Eds.) | Aspects of the Orange Revolu-
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68 Taras Kuzio (Ed.) | Aspects of the Orange Revolution VI. Post-Communist Democratic Revolutions in Com-
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69 Tim Bohse | Autoritarismus statt Selbstverwaltung. Die Transformation der kommunalen Politik in der Stadt Kali-
ningrad 1990-2005 | Mit einem Geleitwort von Stefan Troebst | ISBN 978-3-89821-782-8
70 David Rupp | Die Rußländische Föderation und die russischsprachige Minderheit in Lettland. Eine
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71 Taras Kuzio | Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives on Nationalism. New Directions in Cross-Cul-
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72 Christine Teichmann | Die Hochschultransformation im heutigen Osteuropa. Kontinuität und Wandel bei
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73 Julia Kusznir | Der politische Einfluss von Wirtschaftseliten in russischen Regionen. Eine Analyse am
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74 Alena Vysotskaya | Russland, Belarus und die EU-Osterweiterung. Zur Minderheitenfrage und zum Prob-
lem der Freizügigkeit des Personenverkehrs | Mit einem Vorwort von Katlijn Malfliet | ISBN 978-3-89821-822-1
75 Heiko Pleines (Hrsg.) | Corporate Governance in post-sozialistischen Volkswirtschaften |
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76 Stefan Ihrig | Wer sind die Moldawier? Rumänismus versus Moldowanismus in Historiographie und Schulbüchern
der Republik Moldova, 1991-2006 | Mit einem Vorwort von Holm Sundhaussen | ISBN 978-3-89821-466-7
77 Galina Kozhevnikova in collaboration with Alexander Verkhovsky and Eugene Veklerov | Ultra-
Nationalism and Hate Crimes in Contemporary Russia. The 2004-2006 Annual Reports of Moscows SOVA
Center | With a foreword by Stephen D. Shenfield | ISBN 978-3-89821-868-9
78 Florian Küchler | The Role of the European Union in Moldovas Transnistria Conflict | With a fore-
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79 Bernd Rechel | The Long Way Back to Europe. Minority Protection in Bulgaria | With a foreword by Richard
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80 Peter W. Rodgers | Nation, Region and History in Post-Communist Transitions. Identity Politics in
Ukraine, 1991-2006 | With a foreword by Vera Tolz | ISBN 978-3-89821-903-7
81 Stephanie Solywoda | The Life and Work of Semen L. Frank. A Study of Russian Religious Philosophy |
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82 Vera Sokolova | Cultural Politics of Ethnicity. Discourses on Roma in Communist Czechoslovakia |
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83 Natalya Shevchik Ketenci | Kazakhstani Enterprises in Transition. The Role of Historical Regional Develop-
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84 Martin Malek, Anna Schor-Tschudnowskaja (Hgg.) | Europa im Tschetschenienkrieg. Zwischen poli-
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85 Stefan Meister | Das postsowjetische Universitätswesen zwischen nationalem und internationa-
lem Wandel. Die Entwicklung der regionalen Hochschule in Russland als Gradmesser der Systemtransformation | Mit einem
Vorwort von Joan DeBardeleben | ISBN 978-3-89821-891-7
86 Konstantin Sheiko in collaboration with Stephen Brown | Nationalist Imaginings of the Russian
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87 Sabine Jenni | Wie stark ist das Einige Russland? Zur Parteibindung der Eliten und zum Wahlerfolg der
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88 Thomas Borén | Meeting-Places of Transformation. Urban Identity, Spatial Representations and Local Politics
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89 Aygul Ashirova | Stalinismus und Stalin-Kult in Zentralasien. Turkmenis tan 1924-1953 | Mit einem Vor wort
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90 Leonid Luks | Freiheit oder imperiale Größe? Essays zu einem russischen Dilemma | ISBN 978-3-8382-0011-8
91 Christopher Gilley | The Change of Signposts in the Ukrainian Emigration. A Contribution to the History
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92 Philipp Casula, Jeronim Perovic (Eds.) | Identities and Politics During the Putin Presidency. The
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93 Marcel Viëtor | Europa und die Frage nach seinen Grenzen im Osten. Zur Konstruktion europäischer
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94 Ben Hellman, Andrei Rogachevskii | Filming the Unfilmable. Casper Wrede's 'One Day in the Life of Ivan
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95 Eva Fuchslocher | Vaterland, Sprache, Glaube. Orthodoxie und Nationenbildung am Beispiel Georgiens | Mit
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96 Vladimir Kantor | Das Westlertum und der Weg Russlands. Zur Entwicklung der russischen Literatur und
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97 Kamran Musayev | Die postsowjetische Transformation im Baltikum und Südkaukasus. Eine ver-
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98 Tatiana Zhurzhenko | Borderlands into Bordered Lands. Geopolitics of Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine | With a
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99 , ( .) | -
. - | ISBN 978-3-8382-0148-1
100 Michael Minkenberg (Ed.) | Historical Legacies and the Radical Right in Post-Cold War Central
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101 David-Emil Wickström | Rocking St. Petersburg. Transcultural Flows and Identity Politics in the St. Petersburg
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102 Eva Zabka | Eine neue Zeit der Wirren? Der spät- und postsowjetische Systemwandel 1985-2000 im Spiegel
russischer gesellschaftspolitischer Diskurse | Mit einem Vorwort von Margareta Mommsen | ISBN 978-3-8382-0161-0
103 Ulrike Ziemer | Ethnic Belonging, Gender and Cultural Practices. Youth Identitites in Contemporary Russia |
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104 Ksenia Chepikova | Einiges Russland - eine zweite KPdSU? Aspekte der Identitätskonstruktion einer post-
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105 | ? ?
| | ISBN 978-3-8382-0211-2
106 Anna Dost | Das russische Verfassungsrecht auf dem Weg zum Föderalismus und zurück. Zum
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107 Philipp Herzog | Sozialistische Völkerfreundschaft, nationaler Widerstand oder harmloser Zeit-
vertreib? Zur politischen Funktion der Volkskunst im sowjetischen Estland | Mit einem Vorwort von Andreas Kappeler | ISBN
108 Marlène Laruelle (Ed.) | Russian Nationalism, Foreign Policy, and Identity Debates in Putin's
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109 Michail Logvinov | Russlands Kampf gegen den internationalen Terrorismus. Eine kritische Bestands-
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110 John B. Dunlop | The Moscow Bombings of September 1999. Examinations of Russian Terrorist Attacks at
the Onset of Vladimir Putin's Rule | Second, Revised and Expanded Edition | ISBN 978-3-8382-0388-1
111 . | - I. o
? ( ) | With a foreword by Peter
Reddaway | ISBN 978-3-8382-0302-7
112 . | - II. -
( 2000 .) | ISBN 978-3-8382-0303-4
113 Bernd Kappenberg | Zeichen setzen für Europa. Der Gebrauch europäischer lateinischer Sonderzeichen in der
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114 Ivo Mijnssen | The Quest for an Ideal Youth in Putins Russia I. Back to Our Future! History, Modernity, and
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ISBN 978-3-8382-0368-3
115 Jussi Lassila | The Quest for an Ideal Youth in Putins Russia II. The Search for Distinctive Conformism in
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tion | ISBN 978-3-8382-0415-4
116 Valerio Trabandt | Neue Nachbarn, gute Nachbarschaft? Die EU als internationaler Akteur am Beispiel ihrer
Demokratieförderung in Belarus und der Ukraine 2004-2009 | Mit einem Vorwort von Jutta Joachim | ISBN 978-3-8382-0437-6
117 Fabian Pfeiffer | Estlands Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik I. Der estnische Atlantizismus nach der wiedererlang-
ten Unabhängigkeit 1991-2004 | Mit einem Vorwort von Helmut Hubel | ISBN 978-3-8382-0127-6
118 Jana Podßuweit | Estlands Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik II. Handlungsoptionen eines Kleinstaates im Rah-
men seiner EU-Mitgliedschaft (2004-2008) | Mit einem Vorwort von Helmut Hubel | ISBN 978-3-8382-0440-6
119 Karin Pointner | Estlands Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik III. Eine gedächtnispolitische Analyse estnischer Ent-
wicklungskooperation 2006-2010 | Mit einem Vorwort von Karin Liebhart | ISBN 978-3-8382-0435-2
120 Ruslana Vovk | Die Offenheit der ukrainischen Verfassung für das Völkerrecht und die europäi-
sche Integration | Mit einem Vorwort von Alexander Blankenagel | ISBN 978-3-8382-0481-9
121 Mykhaylo Banakh | Die Relevanz der Zivilgesellschaft bei den postkommunistischen Transfor-
mationsprozessen in mittel- und osteuropäischen Ländern. Das Beispiel der spät- und postsowjetischen Uk-
raine 1986-2009 | Mit einem Vorwort von Gerhard Simon | ISBN 978-3-8382-0499-4
122 Michael Moser | Language Policy and the Discourse on Languages in Ukraine under President
Viktor Yanukovych (25 February 201028 October 2012) | ISBN 978-3-8382-0497-0 (Paperback edition) |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0507-6 (Hardcover edition)
123 Nicole Krome | Russischer Netzwerkkapitalismus Restrukturierungsprozesse in der Russischen
Föderation am Beispiel des Luftfahrtunternehmens Aviastar | Mit einem Vorwort von Petra Stykow | ISBN
124 David R. Marples | 'Our Glorious Past'. Lukashenkas Belarus and the Great Patriotic War |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0574-8 (Paperback edition) | ISBN 978-3-8382-0675-2 (Hardcover edition)
125 Ulf Walther | Russlands neuer Adel. Die Macht des Geheimdienstes von Gorbatschow bis Putin | Mit einem Vor-
wort von Hans-Georg Wieck | ISBN 978-3-8382-0584-7
126 Simon Geissbühler (Hrsg.) | Kiew  Revolution 3.0. Der Euromaidan 2013/14 und die Zukunftsperspektiven der
Ukraine | ISBN 978-3-8382-0581-6 (Paperback edition) | ISBN 978-3-8382-0681-3 (Hardcover edition)
127 Andrey Makarychev | Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World. Discourses, Identities, Norms | With a fore-
word by Klaus Segbers | ISBN 978-3-8382-0629-5
128 Roland Scharff | Kasachstan als postsowjetischer Wohlfahrtsstaat. Die Transformation des sozialen
Schutzsystems | Mit einem Vorwort von Joachim Ahrens | ISBN 978-3-8382-0622-6
129 Katja Grupp | Bild Lücke Deutschland. Kaliningrader Studierende sprechen über Deutschland | Mit einem Vorwort
von Martin Schulz | ISBN 978-3-8382-0552-6
130 Konstantin Sheiko, Stephen Brown | History as Therapy. Alternative History and Nationalist Imaginings in
Russia, 1991-2014 | ISBN 978-3-8382-0665-3
131 Elisa Kriza | Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist? A Study of
the Western Reception of his Literary Writings, Historical Interpretations, and Political Ideas | With a foreword by Andrei
Rogatchevski | ISBN 978-3-8382-0589-2 (Paperback edition) | ISBN 978-3-8382-0690-5 (Hardcover edition)
132 Serghei Golunov | The Elephant in the Room. Corruption and Cheating in Russian Universities |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0570-0
133 Manja Hussner, Rainer Arnold (Hgg.) | Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit in Zentralasien I. Sammlung von
Verfassungstexten | ISBN 978-3-8382-0595-3
134 Nikolay Mitrokhin | Die Russische Partei. Die Bewegung der russischen Nationalisten in der UdSSR 1953-1985 |
Aus dem Russischen übertragen von einem Übersetzerteam unter der Leitung von Larisa Schippel | ISBN 978-3-8382-0024-8
135 Manja Hussner, Rainer Arnold (Hgg.) | Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit in Zentralasien II. Sammlung von
Verfassungstexten | ISBN 978-3-8382-0597-7
136 Manfred Zeller | Das sowjetische Fieber. Fußballfans im poststalinistischen Vielvölkerreich | Mit einem Vorwort von
Nikolaus Katzer | ISBN 978-3-8382-0757-5
137 Kristin Schreiter | Stellung und Entwicklungspotential zivilgesellschaftlicher Gruppen in Russ-
land. Menschenrechtsorganisationen im Vergleich | ISBN 978-3-8382-0673-8
138 David R. Marples, Frederick V. Mills (Eds.) | Ukraines Euromaidan. Analyses of a Civil Revolution |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0660-8
139 Bernd Kappenberg | Setting Signs for Europe. Why Diacritics Matter for European Integration | With a foreword
by Peter Schlobinski | ISBN 978-3-8382-0663-9
140 René Lenz | Internationalisierung, Kooperation und Transfer. Externe bildungspolitische Akteure in der Rus-
sischen Föderation | Mit einem Vorwort von Frank Ettrich | ISBN 978-3-8382-0751-3
141 Juri Plusnin, Yana Zausaeva, Natalia Zhidkevich, Artemy Pozanenko | Wandering Workers. Mo-
res, Behavior, Way of Life, and Political Status of Domestic Russian Labor Migrants | Translated by Julia Kazantseva |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0653-0
142 David J. Smith (Eds.) | Latvia  A Work in Progress? 100 Years of State- and Nation-Building |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0648-6
143 ( .) | - -
. A |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0822-0
144 Johann Zajaczkowski | Russland  eine pragmatische Großmacht? Eine rollentheoretische Untersuchung
russischer Außenpolitik am Beispiel der Zusammenarbeit mit den USA nach 9/11 und des Georgienkrieges von 2008 | Mit einem
Vorwort von Siegfried Schieder | ISBN 978-3-8382-0837-4
145 Boris Popivanov | Changing Images of the Left in Bulgaria. The Challenge of Post-Communism in the Early
21st Century | ISBN 978-3-8382-0667-7
146 Lenka Krátká | A History of the Czechoslovak Ocean Shipping Company 1948-1989. How a Small,
Landlocked Country Ran Maritime Business During the Cold War | ISBN 978-3-8382-0666-0
147 Alexander Sergunin | Explaining Russian Foreign Policy Behavior. Theory and Practice |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0752-0
148 Darya Malyutina | Migrant Friendships in a Super-Diverse City. Russian-Speakers and their Social Relation-
ships in London in the 21st Century | With a foreword by Claire Dwyer | ISBN 978-3-8382-0652-3
149 Alexander Sergunin, Valery Konyshev | Russia in the Arctic. Hard or Soft Power? | ISBN 978-3-8382-0753-7
150 John J. Maresca | Helsinki Revisited. A Key U.S. Negotiators Memoirs on the Development of the CSCE into the
OSCE | With a foreword by Hafiz Pashayev | ISBN 978-3-8382-0852-7
151 Jardar Østbø | The New Third Rome. Readings of a Russian Nationalist Myth | With a foreword by Pål Kolstø |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0870-1
152 Simon Kordonsky | Socio-Economic Foundations of the Russian Post-Soviet Regime. The Re-
source-Based Economy and Estate-Based Social Structure of Contemporary Russia | With a foreword by Svetlana Barsukova |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0775-9
153 Duncan Leitch | Assisting Reform in Post-Communist Ukraine 20002012. The Illusions of Donors and
the Disillusion of Beneficiaries | With a foreword by Kataryna Wolczuk | ISBN 978-3-8382-0844-2
154 Abel Polese | Limits of a Post-Soviet State. How Informality Replaces, Renegotiates, and Reshapes Governance
in Contemporary Ukraine | With a foreword by Colin Williams | ISBN 978-3-8382-0845-9
155 Mikhail Suslov (Ed.) | Digital Orthodoxy in the Post-Soviet World. The Russian Orthodox Church and Web
2.0 | With a foreword by Father Cyril Hovorun | ISBN 978-3-8382-0871-8
156 Leonid Luks | Zwei Sonderwege? Russisch-deutsche Parallelen und Kontraste (1917-2014).
Vergleichende Essays | ISBN 978-3-8382-0823-7
157 Vladimir V. Karacharovskiy, Ovsey I. Shkaratan, Gordey A. Yastrebov | Towards a New Russian
Work Culture. Can Western Companies and Expatriates Change Russian Society? | With a foreword by Elena N. Danilova |
Translated by Julia Kazantseva | ISBN 978-3-8382-0902-9
158 Edmund Griffiths | Aleksandr Prokhanov and Post-Soviet Esotericism | ISBN 978-3-8382-0903-6
159 Timm Beichelt, Susann Worschech (Eds.) | Transnational Ukraine? Networks and Ties that Influence(d)
Contemporary Ukraine | ISBN 978-3-8382-0944-9
160 Mieste Hotopp-Riecke | Die Tataren der Krim zwischen Assimilation und Selbstbehauptung. Der
Aufbau des krimtatarischen Bildungswesens nach Deportation und Heimkehr (1990-2005) | Mit einem Vorwort von Swetlana
Czerwonnaja | ISBN 978-3-89821-940-2
161 Olga Bertelsen (Ed.) | Revolution and War in Contemporary Ukraine. The Challenge of Change |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1016-2
162 Natalya Ryabinska | Ukraine's Post-Communist Mass Media. Between Capture and Commercialization |
With a foreword by Marta Dyczok | ISBN 978-3-8382-1011-7
163 Alexandra Cotofana, James M. Nyce (Eds.) | Religion and Magic in Socialist and Post-Socialist
Contexts. Historic and Ethnographic Case Studies of Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy, and Alternative Spirituality | With a foreword by
Patrick L. Michelson | ISBN 978-3-8382-0989-0
164 Nozima Akhrarkhodjaeva | The Instrumentalisation of Mass Media in Electoral Authoritarian Re-
gimes. Evidence from Russias Presidential Election Campaigns of 2000 and 2008 | ISBN 978-3-8382-1013-1
165 Yulia Krasheninnikova | Informal Healthcare in Contemporary Russia. Sociographic Essays on the Post-
Soviet Infrastructure for Alternative Healing Practices | ISBN 978-3-8382-0970-8
166 Peter Kaiser | Das Schachbrett der Macht. Die Handlungsspielräume eines sowjetischen Funktionärs unter Stalin
am Beispiel des Generalsekretärs des Komsomol Aleksandr Kosarev (1929-1938) | Mit einem Vorwort von Dietmar Neutatz |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1052-0
167 Oksana Kim | The Effects and Implications of Kazakhstans Adoption of International Financial
Reporting Standards. A Resource Dependence Perspective | With a foreword by Svetlana Vlady |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0987-6
168 Anna Sanina | Patriotic Education in Contemporary Russia. Sociological Studies in the Making of the Post-
Soviet Citizen | With a foreword by Anna Oldfield | ISBN 978-3-8382-0993-7
169 Rudolf Wolters | Spezialist in Sibirien Faksimile der 1933 erschienenen ersten Ausgabe | Mit einem
Vorwort von Dmitrij Chmelnizki | ISBN 978-3-8382-0515-1
170 Michal Vít, Magdalena M. Baran (Eds.) | Transregional versus National Perspectives on Contem-
porary Central European History. Studies on the Building of Nation-States and Their Cooperation in the 20th and 21st
Century | With a foreword by Petr Vágner | ISBN 978-3-8382-1015-5
171 Philip Gamaghelyan | Conflict Resolution Beyond the International Relations Paradigm. Evolving
Designs as a Transformative Practice in Nagorno-Karabakh and Syria | With a foreword by Susan Allen |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1057-5
172 Maria Shagina | Joining a Prestigious Club. Cooperation with Europarties and Its Impact on Party Development in
Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine 20042015 | With a foreword by Kataryna Wolczuk | ISBN 978-3-8382-1084-1
173 Alexandra Cotofana, James M. Nyce (Eds.) | Religion and Magic in Socialist and Post-Socialist
Contexts II. Baltic, Eastern European, and Post-USSR Case Studies | With a foreword by Anita Stasulane |
ISBN 978-3-8382-0990-6
174 Barbara Kunz | Kind Words, Cruise Missiles, and Everything in Between. The Use of Power Resources
in U.S. Policies towards Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus 19892008 | With a foreword by William Hill | ISBN 978-3-8382-1065-0
175 Eduard Klein | Bildungskorruption in Russland und der Ukraine. Eine komparative Analyse der Performanz
staatlicher Antikorruptionsmaßnahmen im Hochschulsektor am Beispiel universitärer Aufnahmeprüfungen | Mit einem Vorwort
von Heiko Pleines | ISBN 978-3-8382-0995-1
176 Markus Soldner | Politischer Kapitalismus im postsowjetischen Russland. Die politische, wirtschaftliche
und mediale Transformation in den 1990er Jahren | Mit einem Vorwort von Wolfgang Ismayr | ISBN 978-3-8382-1222-7
177 Anton Oleinik | Building Ukraine from Within. A Sociological, Institutional, and Economic Analysis of a Nation-
State in the Making | ISBN 978-3-8382-1150-3
178 Peter Rollberg, Marlene Laruelle (Eds.) | Mass Media in the Post-Soviet World. Market Forces, State
Actors, and Political Manipulation in the Informational Environment after Communism | ISBN 978-3-8382-1116-9
179 Mikhail Minakov | Development and Dystopia. Studies in Post-Soviet Ukr aine and Easte rn Europe | With a fore-
word by Alexander Etkind | ISBN 978-3-8382-1112-1
180 Aijan Sharshenova | The European Unions Democracy Promotion in Central Asia. A Study of Politi-
cal Interests, Influence, and Development in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in 20072013 | With a foreword by Gordon Crawford |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1151-0
181 Andrey Makarychev, Alexandra Yatsyk (Eds.) | Boris Nemtsov and Russian Politics. Power and Re-
sistance | With a foreword by Zhanna Nemtsova | ISBN 978-3-8382-1122-0
182 Sophie Falsini | The Euromaidans Effect on Civil Society. Why and How Ukrainian Social Capital Increased
after the Revolution of Dignity | With a foreword by Susann Worschech | ISBN 978-3-8382-1131-2
183 Valentyna Romanova, Andreas Umland (Eds.) | Ukraines Decentralization. Challenges and Implica-
tions of the Local Governance Reform after the Euromaidan Revolution | ISBN 978-3-8382-1162-6
184 Leonid Luks | A Fateful Triangle. Essays on Contemporary Russian, German and Polish History |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1143-5
185 John B. Dunlop | The February 2015 Assassination of Boris Nemtsov and the Flawed Trial of his
Alleged Killers. An Exploration of Russias Crime of the 21st Century | ISBN 978-3-8382-1188-6
186 Vasile Rotaru | Russia, the EU, and the Eastern Partnership. Building Bridges or Digging Trenches? |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1134-3
187 Marina Lebedeva | Russian Studies of International Relations. From the Soviet Past to the Post-Cold-War
Present | With a foreword by Andrei P. Tsygankov | ISBN 978-3-8382-0851-0
188 Tomasz St pniewski, George Soroka (Eds.) | Ukraine after Maidan. Revisiting Do mestic and Regional
Security | ISBN 978-3-8382-1075-9
189 Petar Cholakov | Ethnic Entrepreneurs Unmasked. Political Institutions and Ethnic Conflicts in Contemporary
Bulgaria | ISBN 978-3-8382-1189-3
190 A. Salem, G. Hazeldine, D. Morgan (Eds.) | Higher Education in Post-Communist States. Compara-
tive and Sociological Perspectives | ISBN 978-3-8382-1183-1
191 Igor Torbakov | After Empire. Nationalist Imagination and Symbolic Politics in Russia and Eurasia in the Twentieth and
Twenty-First Century | With a foreword by Serhii Plokhy | ISBN 978-3-8382-1217-3
192 Aleksandr Burakovskiy | Jewish-Ukrainian Relations in Late and Post-Soviet Ukraine. Articles, Lec-
tures and Essays from 1986 to 2016 | ISBN 978-3-8382-1210-4
193 Natalia Shapovalova, Olga Burlyuk (Eds.) | Civil Society in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine. From Revolu-
tion to Consolidation | With a foreword by Richard Youngs | ISBN 978-3-8382-1216-6
194 Franz Preissler | Positionsverteidigung, Imperialismus oder Irredentismus? Russland und die Russisch-
sprachigen, 19912015 | ISBN 978-3-8382-1262-3
195 Marian Madea | Der Reformprozess in der Ukraine 2014-2017. Eine Fallstudie zur Reform der öffentlichen
Verwaltung | Mit einem Vorwort von Martin Malek | ISBN 978-3-8382-1266-1
196 Anke Giesen | Wie kann denn der Sieger ein Verbrecher sein? Eine diskursanalytische Untersuchung der
russlandweiten Debatte über Konzept und Verstaatlichungsprozess der Lagergedenkstätte Perm-36 im Ural |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1284-5
197 Alla Leukavets | The Integration Policies of Belarus and Ukraine vis-à-vis the EU and Russia. A
Comparative Case Study Through the Prism of a Two-Level Game Approach | ISBN 978-3-8382-1247-0
198 Oksana Kim | The Development and Challenges of Russian Corporate Governance I. The Roles
and Functions of Boards of Directors | With a foreword by Sheila M. Puffer | ISBN 978-3-8382-1287-6
199 Thomas D. Grant | International Law and the Post-Soviet Space I. Essays on Chechnya and the Baltic
States | With a foreword by Stephen M. Schwebel | ISBN 978-3-8382-1279-1
200 Thomas D. Grant | International Law and the Post-Soviet Space II. Essays on Ukraine, Intervention, and
Non-Proliferation | ISBN 978-3-8382-1280-7
201 Slavomír Michálek, Michal tefansky | The Age of Fear. The Cold War and Its Influence on Czechoslovakia
19451968 | ISBN 978-3-8382-1285-2
202 Iulia-Sabina Joja | Romanias Strategic Culture 19902014. Continuity and Change in a Post-Communist
Countrys Evolution of National Interests and Security Policies | With a foreword by Heiko Biehl | ISBN 978-3-8382-1286-9
203 Andrei Rogatchevski, Yngvar B. Steinholt, Arve Hansen, David-Emil Wickström | War of Songs.
Popular Music and Recent Russia-Ukraine Relations | With a foreword by Artemy Troitsky | ISBN 978-3-8382-1173-2
204 Maria Lipman (Ed.) | Russian Voices on Post-Crimea Russia. An Almanac of Counterpoint Essays from
20152018 | ISBN 978-3-8382-1251-7
205 Ksenia Maksimovtsova | Language Conflicts in Contemporary Estonia, Latvia, and Ukraine. A
Comparative Exploration of Discourses in Post-Soviet Russian-Language Digital Media | With a foreword by Ammon Cheskin |
ISBN 978-3-8382-1282-1
206 Michal Vít | The EUs Impact on Identity Formation in East-Central Europe between 2004 and
2013. Perceptions of the Nation and Europe in Political Parties of the Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia | With a foreword
by Andrea Petö | ISBN 978-3-8382-1275-3
207 Per A. Rudling | Tarnished Heroes. The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in the Memory Politics of Post-Soviet
Ukraine | ISBN 978-3-8382-0999-9
208 Kaja Gadowska, Peter Solomon (Eds.) | Legal Change in Post-Communist States. Progress, Rever-
sions, Explanations | ISBN 978-3-8382-1312-5
209 Pawel Kowal, Georges Mink, Iwona Reichardt (Eds.) | Three Revolutions: Mobilization and
Change in Contemporary Ukraine I. Theoretical Aspects and Analyses on Religion, Memory, and Identity | ISBN 978-
210 Pawel Kowal, Georges Mink, Adam Reichardt, Iwona Reichardt (Eds.) | Three Revolutions: Mo-
bilization and Change in Contemporary Ukraine II. An Oral History of the Revolution on Granite, Orange Revolu-
tion, and Revolution of Dignity | ISBN 978-3-8382-1323-1
211 Li Bennich-Björkman, Sergiy Kurbatov (Eds.) | When the Future Came. The Coll apse of the USS R and
the Eme rgence of Nation al Memory in P ost-Soviet Hist ory Textbooks | ISBN 978-3-8382-1335-4
212 Olga R. Gulina | Migration as a (Geo-)Political Challenge in the Post-Soviet Space. Border Regimes,
Policy Choices, Visa Agendas | With a foreword by Nils Muinieks | ISBN 978-3-8382-1338-5
213 Sanna Turoma, Kaarina Aitamurto, Slobodanka Vladiv-Glover (Eds.) | Religion, Expression, and
Patriotism in Russia. Essays o n Post-Soviet S ociety and the State. ISBN 978-3-8382-1346-0
214 Vasif Huseynov | Geopolitical Rivalries in the Common Neighborhood. Russia's Conflict with the West,
Soft Power, and Neoclassical Realism | With a foreword by Nicholas Ross Smith | ISBN 978-3-8382-1277-7
215 Mikhail Suslov | Geopolitical Imagination. Ideology and Utopia in Post-Soviet Russia | With a foreword by Mark
Bassin | ISBN 978-3-8382-1361-3
216 Alexander Etkind, Mikhail Minakov (Eds.) | Ideology after Union. Political Doct rines, Discour ses, and
Debates in Post-Soviet Societies | I SBN 978-3-8382 -1388-0
217 Jakob Mischke, Oleksandr Zabirko (Hgg.) | Protestbewegungen im langen Schatten des Kreml.
Aufbruch und Resignation in Russland und der Ukraine | ISBN 978-3-8382-0926-5
218 Oksana Huss | How Corruption and Anti-Corruption Policies Sustain Hybrid Regimes. Strategies of
Political Domination under Ukraines Presidents in 1994-2014 | With a fo reword by Tobia s Debiel and An drea Gawrich | ISBN
219 Dmitry Travin, Vladimir Gel'man, Otar Marganiya | The Russian Path. Id eas, Interests, Institutions,
Illusion s | With a fore word by Vladim ir Ryzhkov | IS BN 978-3-8382 -1421-4
220 Gergana Dimova | Political Uncertainty. A Co mparative Explo ration | With a foreword by To dor Yalamov an d
Rumena F ilipova | ISBN 978-3-8382-13 85-9
221 Torben Waschke | Russland in Transition. Geop olitik zwischen Raum, Identit ät und Machtinte ressen |
Mit eine m Vorwort von A ndreas Dittman n | ISBN 978-3 -8382-1480-1
222 Steven Jobbitt, Zsolt Bottlik, Marton Berki (Eds.) | Power and Identity in the Post-Soviet
Realm. G eographies of E thnicity and Nationality aft er 1991 | ISBN 978-3-8382-1399 -6
223 Daria Buteiko | Erinnerungsort. Ort des Gedenkens, der Erholung oder der Einkehr? Kommunismus-Erinnerung am
Beispiel der Gedenkstätte Berliner Mauer sowie des Soloveckij-Klosters und -Museumsparks | ISBN 978-3-8382-1367-5
224 Olga Bertelsen (Ed.) | Russian Active Measures. Yesterda y, Today, Tomor row | With a f oreword by Jan
Goldman | ISBN 978-3-83 82-1529-7
225 David Mandel | Optimizing Higher Education in Russia. Universi ty Teachers an d their Union Universi-
tetskaya solidarnost  | ISBN 978-3-8 382-1519-8
226 Mikhail Minakov, Gwendolyn Sasse, Daria Isachenko (Eds.) | Post-Soviet Secessionism.
Nation-B uilding and St ate-Failure aft er Communism | IS BN 978-3-8382-1 538-9
227 Jakob Hauter (Ed.) | Civil War? Interstate War? Hybrid War? Dimens ions and Interp retations of t he
Donbas Conflict in 2014 2020 | With a fo reword by Andr ew Wilson | ISB N 978-3-8382-13 83-5
228 Tima T. Moldogaziev, Gene A. Brewer, J. Edward Kellough (Eds.) | Public Policy and Politics
in Georgia. Les sons from Post- Soviet Transit ion | With a forew ord by Dan Durn ing | ISBN 978- 3-8382-1535-8
229 Oxana Schmies (Ed.) | NATOs Enlargement and Russia. A Stra tegic Challenge in the Past a nd Future |
With a f oreword by Vlad imir Kara-Murza | ISBN 978-3-8 382-1478-8
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... Hlavným prameňom medzinárodného zmluvného práva je Viedenský dohovor o zmluvnom práve (Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties) (ďalej aj "VDZP") podpísaný v roku 1969 vo Viedni. 5 6 Tento dohovor upravuje sukcesiu štátov, t. j. nahradenie jedného štátu iným štátom v zodpovednosti za medzinárodné územné vzťahy, a to vo vzťahu k medzinárodným zmluvám, ktoré sú uzatvorené v písomnej forme medzi štátmi [čl. 2 ods. 1 písm. a) a b)], vrátane medzinárodných zmlúv, ktoré sú zakladajúcim dokumentom medzinárodnej organizácie alebo prijatým v jej rámci (čl. ...
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This paper address issues related to one of the most important, if not the most important, source of public international law, which is international treaties. The aim of this article is to characterize this source of international law by identifying its defining features and describing its essential attributes (modes of origination and extinction), as well as to abstract from current international law and the analysis of the identified characteristics of international treaties the basic principles that apply to this legal institute. To the best of our knowledge, these principles have not yet been treated in this way in the professional and scientific literature, which is where we see the main contribution of this article. The article is accompanied by an analysis that aims to examine the legal nature, origination and possible extinction of one of the most debated international documents today – the so-called Budapest Memorandum signed in 1994 by Ukraine, Russia, the United States of America and the United Kingdom.
... Just how damaging the Russian aggression against Ukraine will be for the international nonproliferation regime is still being debated. Some have argued that the regime withstood many crises in the past and likely will withstand this one too (Einhorn 2015(Einhorn , 2022Budjeryn and Umland 2021;Bollfrass and Herzog 2022;O'Hanlon and Riedel 2022). After all, well before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the international nonproliferation regime was aptly described as "a system in distress" (Miller 2012). ...
While prosecuting its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has relied heavily on nuclear threats, turning the war in Ukraine into a dangerous nuclear crisis with profound implications for the global nuclear order and its two constitutive systems of nuclear deterrence and nuclear restraint. These two interconnected systems, each aiming to manage nuclear possession and reduce the risk of nuclear use, are at once complimentary and contradictory. While tensions between these systems are not new, the war in Ukraine exacerbates them in unprecedented ways. The system of nuclear deterrence seems to be proving its worth by inducing restraint on Russia and NATO, while the system of restraint is undermined by demonstrating what happens to a country not protected by nuclear deterrence. The latter lesson is particularly vivid given Ukraine’s decision to forgo a nuclear option in 1994 in exchange for security assurances from nuclear powers. Russia’s use of nuclear threats as an enabler for escalation and the specter of Russian tactical nuclear use against Ukraine goes well beyond its declared nuclear doctrine. The outcome of the war in Ukraine thus has critical importance for deciding the value of nuclear weapons in global security architecture and for resolving the conundrum between the systems of deterrence and restraint.
... Worse, the young Ukrainian state once had, for a couple of years, the world's third largest (formerly Soviet) nuclear warheads collection (Budjeryn 2014;Budjeryn and Umland 2021;Umland 2016). Under joint pressure from Moscow and Washington, Ukraine agreed, in 1994, to transfer this huge arsenal fully to Russia, and to join the NPT as a nonnuclear weapons state ("Budapest Memorandum" 1994;Pifer 2017). ...
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This article was submitted in late 2021, and became dated after Russia's demonstrative preparation as well as start of an open, large-scale invasion of Ukraine early 2022. We nevertheless publish this commentary here in order to document the debate about the events leading to the escalation. No adaptations to the original 2021 article were made after the outbreak of high-intensity war on 24 February 2022. Avoiding a larger military escalation in the Russian–Ukrainian conflict is an important aim. Yet, historical experience suggests that concessions by Ukraine or its Western partners toward Russian revanchist aspirations in the Donbas may not help achieve it. On the contrary, Western softness, and Ukrainian weakness vis-à-vis the Kremlin will lead to further confrontation.
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Zusammenfassung Eine im Sommer 2021 entstandene Thinktank-Debatte in den USA illustriert Herausforderungen der westlichen Ostpolitik im Allgemeinen und der US-amerikanischen Ukrainepolitik im Besonderen. Von russischer Propaganda verbreitete Stereotypen einer von Ultranationalismus und Autoritarismus geprägten postsowjetischen Ukraine finden nicht nur in linken, sondern auch anderen politischen Kreisen Anklang. Der vorliegende Essay setzt sich kritisch mit einem aktuellen Beitrag Ted Galen Carpenters auseinander, in dem er die Beendigung der US-Unterstützung für die Ukraine fordert.
This innovative book offers a fresh perspective on the national work culture of Russia and the substantial role foreign institutional and cultural impact has had in shaping it. Russia's contemporary work culture is understood as a national system supplemented by new values and attitudes that have been adopted through the mediation of foreign individuals and corporations or in response to the challenges of Western competition. The book argues that the foreign factor triggers change in the landscape of Russia's work culture, the scope of which depends on the type of influence. However, there is a certain core of the work culture that remains resistant to any external impact.
Natalya Ryabinska calls into question the commonly held opinion that the problems with media reform and press freedom in former Soviet states merely stem from the cultural heritage of their communist (and pre-communist) past. Focusing on Ukraine, she argues that, in the period after the fall of communism, peculiar new obstacles to media independence have arisen. They include the telltale structure of media ownership, with news reporting being concentrated in the hands of politically engaged business tycoons, fuzzy and contradictory legislation governing the media, and informal institutions of political interference in mass media. The book analyzes interrelationships between politics, the economy, and media in Ukraine, especially their shadowy sides guided by private interests and informal institutions. Drawing on comparative politics and post-communist media studies, it helps understand the nature and workings of the Ukrainian media system situated in between democracy and authoritarianism. It offers insights into the inner logic of Ukraine's political system and institutional arrangements in the post-Soviet period. It also highlights many of the barriers to democratic reforms that have persisted in Ukraine since the Revolution of Dignity of 2013–2014.
We analyze Kazakhstan’s strategic decision to become an early adopter of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) and the consequences of this reform. Despite having a significantly underdeveloped supporting infrastructure, Kazakhstan was the first nation in the former Soviet Union (nowadays, CIS) to require IFRS in 2004. We depart from prior studies that almost exclusively relied on economic and legal explanations and adopt a novel framework to analyze the timing and strategy of this reform – the resource dependence theory of Pfeffer and Solancik (1978). Based on this framework, we argue that initially, in 1990s, Kazakhstan’s capital market reforms mirrored those of Russia due to two countries’ cooperating mode driven by a high level of resource interdependence and economic uncertainty, following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, by 2003, the dependence on external donors (IMF and World Bank) took precedence over the internal interdependence with Russia, and Kazakhstan unilaterally proceeded with adoption of IFRS, while Russia backed up from this initiative. Next, we find that reported information is value relevant to investors and that Kazakhstan’s inflow of Foreign Direct Investments was the greatest among the CIS nations post adoption of IFRS. Importantly, Kazakhstan was the first CIS nation to repay the external debt ahead of schedule. Consequently, this risky strategy of pioneering Western-style capital market reforms in an emerging market with not so distant communist past had a significantly positive outcome.
Aspects of the Orange Revolution III. The Context and Dynamics of the
Ingmar Bredies, Andreas Umland and Valentin Yakushik (Eds.) | Aspects of the Orange Revolution III. The Context and Dynamics of the 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Elections | ISBN 978-3-89821-803-0
Aspects of the Orange Revolution VI. Post-Communist Democratic Revolutions in Comparative Perspective | ISBN
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Eine Fallstudie zur Anwaltspolitik Moskaus gegenüber den russophonen Minderheiten im Nahen Ausland von 1991 bis 2002 | Mit einem Vorwort von Helmut Wagner
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David Rupp | Die Rußländische Föderation und die russischsprachige Minderheit in Lettland. Eine Fallstudie zur Anwaltspolitik Moskaus gegenüber den russophonen Minderheiten im Nahen Ausland von 1991 bis 2002 | Mit einem Vorwort von Helmut Wagner | ISBN 978-3-89821-778-1
Der politische Einfluss von Wirtschaftseliten in russischen Regionen. Eine Analyse am Beispiel der Erdöl-und Erdgasindustrie, 1992-2005 | Mit einem Vorwort von Wolfgang Eichwede
  • Julia Kusznir
Julia Kusznir | Der politische Einfluss von Wirtschaftseliten in russischen Regionen. Eine Analyse am Beispiel der Erdöl-und Erdgasindustrie, 1992-2005 | Mit einem Vorwort von Wolfgang Eichwede | ISBN 978-3-89821-821-4
Galina Kozhevnikova in collaboration with Alexander Verkhovsky and Eugene Veklerov | Ultra-Nationalism and Hate Crimes in Contemporary Russia
Galina Kozhevnikova in collaboration with Alexander Verkhovsky and Eugene Veklerov | Ultra-Nationalism and Hate Crimes in Contemporary Russia. The 2004-2006 Annual Reports of Moscows SOVA Center | With a foreword by Stephen D. Shenfield | ISBN 978-3-89821-868-9
The Role of the European Union in Moldovas Transnistria Conflict | With a fore
  • Florian Küchler
Florian Küchler | The Role of the European Union in Moldovas Transnistria Conflict | With a foreword by Christopher Hill | ISBN 978-3-89821-850-4