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The concept of function creep

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Abstract

Function creep – the expansion of a system or technology beyond its original purposes – is a well-known phenomenon. Correction: it is a well-referenced phenomenon. Yearly, hundreds of publications use the term to criticise developments in technology regulation and data governance, but surprisingly, no-one has ever written a paper about the concept itself. This paper fills that gap in the literature, by analysing and defining ‘function creep’. This creates conceptual clarity that can help structure future debates and address function creep concerns. After analysing the term ‘function creep’ itself, I discuss concepts that share family resemblances, including other ‘creep’ concepts and many theoretical notions from STS, economics, sociology, public policy, law, and discourse theory. Function creep can be situated in the nexus of reverse adaptation and self-augmentation of technology, incrementalism and disruption in policy and innovation, policy spillovers, ratchet effects, transformative use, and slippery slope argumentation. Based on this, I define function creep as an imperceptibly transformative and therewith contestable change in a data-processing system’s proper activity. Argumentation theory illuminates how the pejorative ‘function creep’ functions in debates: it makes visible that what looks like linear change is actually non-linear, and simultaneously calls for a much-needed debate about this qualitative change.
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The concept of function creep
Bert-Jaap Koops
To cite this article: Bert-Jaap Koops (2021): The concept of function creep, Law, Innovation and
Technology, DOI: 10.1080/17579961.2021.1898299
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17579961.2021.1898299
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The concept of function creep
Bert-Jaap Koops
TILT, Tilburg University, The Netherlands
ABSTRACT
Function creep the expansion of a system or technology beyond its original
purposes is a well-known phenomenon. Correction: it is a well-referenced
phenomenon. Yearly, hundreds of publications use the term to criticise
developments in technology regulation and data governance, but surprisingly,
no-one has ever written a paper about the concept itself. This paper lls that
gap in the literature, by analysing and dening function creep.Thiscreates
conceptual clarity that can help structure future debates and address function
creep concerns. After analysing the term function creepitself, I discuss
concepts that share family resemblances, including other creepconcepts and
many theoretical notions from STS, economics, sociology, public policy, law, and
discourse theory. Function creep can be situated in the nexus of reverse
adaptation and self-augmentation of technology, incrementalism and disruption
in policy and innovation, policy spillovers, ratchet eects, transformative use,
and slippery slope argumentation. Based on this, I dene function creep as an
imperceptibly transformative and therewith contestable change in a data-
processing systemsproperactivity. Argumentation theory illuminates how the
pejorative function creepfunctions in debates: it makes visible that what looks
like linear change is actually non-linear, and simultaneously calls for a much-
needed debate about this qualitative change.
ARTICLE HISTORY Received 8 October 2019; Accepted 29 January 2020
KEYWORDS Function creep; creep concepts; databases; social systems; argumentation theory;
conceptualisation
1. Introduction
Function creep is a phenomenon familiar to most scholars in the elds of
Science & Technology Studies, law and technology, and Surveillance
Studies, and to many other scholars interested in how technologies and
information systems are used and regulated in society. It is so familiar that
authors typically use the term without feeling a need to dene or explain
it. At most, they briey describe the phenomenon in a few words, assuming
© 2021 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDer-
ivatives License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distri-
bution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered,
transformed, or built upon in any way.
CONTACT Bert-Jaap Koops e.j.koops@uvt.nl
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY
https://doi.org/10.1080/17579961.2021.1898299
that readers will know what they are referring to. We all know it has some-
thing to do with a gradual expansion of the functionality of some system or
technology beyond what it was originally created for.
But why exactly is gradual function expansiona concern, and why do
authors label this phenomenon pejoratively –‘function creep? The wide-
spread use of the term indicates a prevalent concern with something going
wrong, or at least not quite right, when a system
1
acquires new uses. Appar-
ently, function creep is something to be addressed, and therefore, an impor-
tant phenomenon in our eort to understand and regulate technology.
Creephas many dierent connotations (e.g. slowness, invisibility, stealth,
uncanniness), and the literature is not at all clear or coherent on what
exactly is wrong with function creep and what should be done about it.
Wherein exactly lies the creepinessof function creep? If we do not under-
stand the core of function creep, it will be hard to nd suitable responses to
address the concern that many authors voice when calling something func-
tion creep.
Surprisingly, the concept of function creep has never been analysed, at
least not in any real depth. No literature is available on dening function
creepor explaining why it causes concern. Even Wikipedia (at the time of
writing) conspicuously lacks a page on function creep. As far as I have
been able to establish, the most elaborate analysis of function creep is a
1500-word conceptual analysis by Johanne Yttri Dahl and Ann Rudinow
Sætnan in their paper on governing DNA databases.
2
Their analysis is excel-
lent, but short and far from comprehensive. For a concept so frequently used
in social-science literature, function creep merits an analysis of its own not
focused on a particular system, but on the meaning and implications of the
concept generally.
In this paper, I analyse the concept of function creepin order to develop
adenition of the term. Having a precise denition is important, because
conceptual clarity will help structure future debates, about function creep
in general and specic instantiations of it. Moreover, analysing the
concept may yield insight into how and why function creep occurs, which
helps us understand how we can deal with it. Therewith, this paper provides
groundwork on which future scholarship can build to address the challenges
of function creep.
To this eect, in section 2, I analyse what function creeprefers to, based
on a semiotic analysis of its constituent parts (functionand creep) and of
the compound (function creep), including a discussion of its role in
1
The thing of which the function creeps can vary it can be a technology, technological application,
system, database, project, programme, or even a law (associated with some system or database).
For conveniencesake, in this paper, I use systemto refer to the thing that displays function creep.
2
JY Dahl and AR Saetnan, ‘“It All Happened So Slowly”–On Controlling Function Creep in Forensic DNA
Databases(2009) 37 International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 83, 847.
2B.-J. KOOPS
discourse (how and why it is used in academic and policy debates). In section
3, I discuss concepts from many dierent elds that share family resem-
blances with function creep. This helps to understand the linguistic niche
that the term function creepoccupies among conceptually related theoreti-
cal notions; it also provides important insights into possible mechanisms
underlying function creep. These insights are used in section 4 to develop
adenition of function creep. Section 5 oers a brief conclusion.
2. Denitions and meanings
The rst path to understanding the concept of function creep is to have a
close look at denitions given in authoritative dictionaries and in the litera-
ture, both of the two constitutive elements of the expression –‘functionand
creep’–and of the whole.
2.1. Function
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, function(noun) has six poss-
ible meanings. The primary meaning in the etymological sense is: The action
of performing; discharge or performance of (something).
3
Thus, the func-
tion creep of X has something to do with the performance of X or with
the way in which X functions. But the function of X is not merely restricted
to the actual act of performing. A more specic meaning of functionthat is
the most relevant in function creepis:
The special kind of activity proper to anything; the mode of action by which it
fulls its purpose ()c. of things in general.
4
Thus, the function of X indicates not merely the activity of X in practice,
but the regular or proper activity of Xin relation to its purpose. The func-
tion of a hammer is to hit a nail: it fulls its purpose when used for hitting a
nail. It is debatable whether the function is broader, say hitting the skull of
someone you want to kill; the hammer can certainly be used for such a
purpose, but many would not say that this is its purpose, in the sense of
hitting people being proper to hammer use. Somehow, the function of X
is considered something intrinsicto X,inthesenseofXbeing meant
to perform certain actions. This raises an important question for under-
standing function creep: who determines a systemsproperactivity or
intrinsicfunction? Is it the one who commissions the application, the
developer, or the user? From the eld of Science & Technology Studies,
3
JA Simpson and ESC Weiner (eds), The Oxford English Dictionary (Clarendon Press, 2nd edn 1989).
4
(n 3). The other meanings of functionare: an activity, action in general; the kind of action proper to a
person as belonging to a particular class, hence the oce itself, an employment, profession, calling,
trade; a ceremony; a type of mathematical expression.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 3
we know that there is no obvious answer to this question: it depends on the
circumstances whether thefunction of an application is determined more
by its design specications, by the functionalities the designer intention-
ally or unwittingly builds in, or by how users actually use the
application.
5
2.2. Creep
The creepin function creepis a noun that refers to the action of creeping
(lit. and g.).
6
The verb to creep,asdened in the Oxford English Diction-
ary, has several meanings. The creepin function creepis more equivocal
than function: it is not quite clear which of its many meanings may be
evoked in function creep. The rst three meanings are related and certainly
relevant:
1. To move with the body prone and close to the ground, as a short-legged
reptile, an insect, a quadruped moving stealthily, a human being on hands
and feet, or in a crouching posture ().
2. a. To move softly, cautiously, timorously, or slowly; to move quietly and
stealthily so as to elude observation ().
b. Of things: To move slowly.
c. To introduce gradually; slowly to increase (an amount of light, volume of
music, etc.).
3. g. (of persons and things). a. To advance or come on slowly, stealthily, or by
imperceptible degrees; to insinuate oneself into; to come in or up unobserved
().
b. To move timidly or didently; to proceed humbly, abjectly, or servilely, to
cringe; to move on a low level, without soaring or aspiring.
7
The common element in these meanings is a particular type of movement
that is (1) slow, gradual and/or (2) stealthy, eluding (or intended to elude)
observation. Both elements seem relevant for function creep.
The rst element can indicate that a function is changing slowly,
8
but it
can also be important that the process of function creep happens gradually,
step by step.
The second element seems to have gained importance over the past
decades in the meaning of creep. The current Oxford English Dictionary,
5
Cf N Oudshoorn and T Pinch, How Users Matter: The Co-construction of Users and Technologies (MIT Press,
2003); B Latour, Where are the Missing Masses? The Sociology of a Few Mundane Artefactsin WE
Bijker and J Law (eds), Shaping Technology-Building Society. Studies in Sociotechnical Change (MIT
Press, 1992) 225.
6
(n 3), under creep(substantive).
7
(n 3), under creep(verb).
8
Cf the title of Dahl and Saetnans article (n 2).
4B.-J. KOOPS
as compared to its predecessor (the 1973 Shorter OED), added the words so
as to elude observationin the second meaning, and in the third meaning
changed advance () by degreesinto advance ()byimperceptible
degrees. This element is certainly important for the concept of function
creep, indicating that the change in Xs function happens imperceptibly.
This could be intentional (so as to elude observation) but it could also
happen factually (to advance by imperceptible degrees). It can have a
neutral connotation (to come in unobserved) but it will often have a some-
what negative association (to insinuate oneself;stealthily, which derives
from stealing, indicating a furtive action, secretly, clandestinely
9
).
A negative association of function creepcould also be related to the fact
that creepis a typical movement of reptiles or insects and that the move-
ment thus has come to be associated with creepythings. The sixth
meaning of creep(verb) is therefore also relevant:
6. Of the skin or esh, less usually of the person himself. To have a sensation as
of things creeping over the skin; to be aected with a nervous shrinking or
shiver (as a result of fear, horror, or repugnance).
10
A creeping movement might therefore also be creepy: tending to produce
the sensations of a creeping of the esh, or chill shuddering feeling,
caused by horror or repugnance.
11
Possibly, people could perceive a
change in the function of X as repugnant or horrible, as it gives them the
creeps, i.e. a sensation as of creeping things on ones body.
12
However,
this creepyfeeling is not necessarily evoked by function creep. The nega-
tive association might also consist in the sneakiness of the process, triggering
associations of an imperceptible snake-like movement, rather than associ-
ations of the creepiness of an insect-like movement on the skin.
Possibly, for some people, the creepin function creep might also raise
connotations of personied creepiness, as in the colloquial meaning of a
creepas a creeping fellow; a sneak, or the slang meaning of a despicable,
worthless, stupid, or tiresome person.
13
Using the term function creepto
warn against a certain risk might in that sense also (largely implicitly and
subconsciously) capitalise on peoples ingrained fear of encountering a
creepin places where they feel vulnerable.
9
(n 3) under stealth.
9
(n 3) under stealth.
10
(n 3). The other meanings listed in the dictionary do not add much to our understanding of function
creep: 4. movement of plants along the ground or surfaces; 5. creep along or over; to rob (stealthily);
7. to drag in deep water with a creeper; 8. movement of metal rails etc. under pressure; 9. to suer a
creepin coal mining; 10. to move imperceptibly en masse of soil. 11. of a rubber tyre; 12. to slip or
slide backwards of a belt or rope.
11
(n 3) under creepy.
12
(n 3) under creep(substantive).
13
Ibid.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 5
In sum, the element creepin function creepis a complex term, which
primarily triggers associations of slowness and/or imperceptibility of move-
ment, but which at the same time is strongly associated with negative conno-
tations of stealth or furtivity, and possibly also of feelings of fear or
repugnance.
2.3. Function creep
2.3.1. Origins and prevalence of the term
The term function creepis nowadays frequently used in academic literature
and, to a lesser extent, in popular discourse. A search on the term function
creepin English-language newspapers yields over 600 results.
14
The term
seems to have gained currency in the second half of the 1980s in Australia.
Newspapers rst mention the term in October 1988 in relation to a tax le
number plan,
15
and Australian newspapers soon pick up the term in relation
to other developments qualied as surveillance measures.
16
The term then
hops over to North America, particularly to Canada in discussions of
health cards.
17
Use of the term is largely restricted to Australia and
Canada until the late 1990s, when the United States and British newspapers
start using it too.
18
More recently, the term is occasionally used in other
countriesnews.
19
The term, however, remains used considerably more fre-
quently in Australian newspapers, followed by Canadian newspapers, than in
other countriesnews.
That the concept of function creep originated in 1980s Australia is
conrmed by a search in academic sources. Google Scholar yields over
1600 results,
20
the earliest of which is Roger Clarkes discussion of the
14
Based on a search in Lexis Nexis Academic in all English-language newspapers, September 13, 2018.
The search yielded 668 hits, but these included four academic journals wrongly classied by Lexis Nexis
as news outlets, around 50 double entries, and a few articles on creepin a material-technical sense
(e.g., about patenting a creep-suppression function), so the number of relevant hits is little over 600.
An earlier search, on August 29, 2012, yielded 545 results, suggesting that there is no particularly
strong rise in usage recently. However, the new search has 145 entries since August 29, 2012, so
the two sets are not completely comparable.
15
Report May Kill Tax File Number PlanHerald (20 October 1988).
16
See, e.g., Big Brother and the Ultimate Smart CardAustralian Financial Review (15 May 1989); Big
Brother is Watching, and WaitingSydney Morning Herald (5 September 1990); The Nation Decides.
New ID Card By Stealth”’ Sunday Mail (South Australia) (28 February 1993).
17
See, e.g., Privacy Concerns are Raised Over Health Card PlanThe Atlanta Journal and Constitution (24
September 1993); Pharmanet is Scary MedicineThe Vancouver Sun (British Columbia) (31 March 1994);
‘“SmartCards Under Attack: Use Will Expand Beyond Original Intent: CriticsHamilton Spectator
(Ontario) (6 November 1995).
18
See, e.g., Plan Would Let Private Labs Do DNA TestsUSA TODAY (8 June 1998); Its Too Late, Big
Brother is Here and Hes All EyesThe Scotsman (14 December 1998); The Peoples Plug: What can
HMG.org oer us? Track?The Guardian (25 March 1999).
19
E.g., UID Bill Skips Vital Privacy IssuesIndian Express (26 September 2010); Biometric Smart ID Cards
Dumb IdeaAfrica News (9 July 2014).
20
https://scholar.google.com, search query ‘“function creep-physics -materials -fatigue -elastic -delta,
March 14, 2019. The exclusion of physics etc. ensures that most references to function creepin the
material, not social, sense are eliminated.
6B.-J. KOOPS
Australian tax le number system.
21
This system has exhibited the charac-
teristic popularly referred to as function creep, whereby additional uses
accumulate, and change the purpose of the scheme.
22
Apparently, by 1991
the term was already in popular use down under. The term continues to
be used by Clarke over the next years, and is picked up by other scholars
and privacy experts by 1994.
23
During the 1990s, the term is used fairly
seldom in academic publications, but its frequency rises steadily and fairly
steeply in the 2000s, reaching a peak around 2010 and stabilising there at
well over a 100 publications per year.
24
Thus, both in news reports and aca-
demic publications, the term got used increasingly throughout the 1990s and
early 2000s, but its usage over the past decade is relatively stable with a sig-
nicant but not extremely high prevalence.
2.3.2. Denitions of the term
The term function creepis not (yet) dened in most authoritative English-
language dictionaries or encyclopaedias. Apparently, the concept is too
young for this or has not been used frequently enough in the corpora used
by most dictionaries. It is dened, however, in Collins Dictionary as the
gradual widening of the use of a technology or system beyond the purpose
for which it was originally intended, esp when this leads to potential invasion
of privacy.
25
Surprisingly, the term still does not have an entry in Wikipedia at the time
of writing (August 2019). Wikipedia automatically redirects the search entry
function creepto scope creep(see section 3.1). Although related, it is more
limited in meaning, as function creep is used not only for projects, but also
for systems, technology applications, laws, and databases, usually involving
some form of (personal) data processing.
In academic literature, there is no commonly accepted denition of func-
tion creep. Most authors who use the term dene or describe it in their own
21
R Clarke, Tax File Number Scheme: A Case Study of Political Assurances and Function Creep(1991) 7(4)
Policy.
22
Clarke (n 21), under Conclusions.
23
T Wright (1994) Privacy and Electronic Identication in the Information Age (With function creep,
systems designed for one purpose are extended over time to other purposes not originally intended);
SG Davies, Touching Big Brother: How Biometric Technology will Fuse Flesh and Machine(1994) 7(4)
Information Technology & People 38 (The history of identication systems throughout the world pro-
vides evidence of function creep”–application to additional purposes not announced, or perhaps
even intended, at the commencement of the scheme).
24
The Google Scholar search (n 20), mentions up to ve items yearly in the second half of the 1990s,
rising to over a dozen in 2001 and 2002, further rising from 23 in 2003 through 57 in 2006 to 109
in 2009, and then stabilising at 129 in 2012, 122 in 2015, and 104 in 2018. Note that these
numbers may include a few hits on the physics notion of creep in materials.
25
Collins English Dictionary, http://www.collinsdictionary.com (accessed 15 March 2019).
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 7
words, usually without reference to earlier denitions. A representative
sample of denitions is the following:
the addition of new features beyond the scope of the original project;
26
changes in, and especially additions to, the use of a technology;
27
the use of technology for new purposes beyond its originally intended
purposes;
28
the expansion of a program, system or technology into areas for which it was
not originally intended;
29
a process in which agencies use systems for additional purposes that they did
not announce or intend at the beginning of the plan;
30
when a system developed for a particular purpose comes to be used for, or to
provide the underpinnings for other systems that are used for, dierent
purposes.
31
Whereas these denitions give a rather neutral description of the change in a
systems function, without referring to how the change comes about, some
authors describe function creep as something that inadvertently happens:
the act of implementing technologies for particular purposes, only to nd these
purposes are soon expanded into other unintended areas.
32
Perhaps most important is the issue of function creep.Once a system has
been developed with a rich set of capabilities, inventive people often can
nd other important, benecial but perhaps also pernicious ways to use it.
() Alexander Graham Bell and his early associates never anticipated caller
ID, call forwarding, or automated telemarketing.
33
Perhaps Clarke also saw function creep as something simply happening as
additional uses accumulate, and change the purpose of the scheme.
34
Other authors, however, see function creep as a more or less deliberate
eort by the systems originators:
26
D Lyon, Surveillance Studies: An Overview (Polity, 2007) 201.
27
Dahl and Saetnan (n 2) 83.
28
A Levin, Big and Little Brother: The Potential Erosion of Workplace Privacy in Canada(2007) 22(2)
Canadian Journal of Law and Society 197, 212.
29
M Thieme, Privacy Concerns and Biometric Technologies.http://www.bioprivacy.org/privacy_fears.htm.
30
DA Petti, An Argument for the Implementation of a Biometric Authentication System (BAS)(1998) 80
Journal of the Patent and Trademark Oce Society 703, 726.
31
MR Curry, DJ Phillips, and PM Regan, Emergency Response Systems and the Creeping Legibility of
People and Places(2004) 20 The Information Society 357, 362.
32
M Chiesa, R. Genz, F. Heubler, et al., RFID. A Week Long Survey on the Technology and its Potential (2002)
34. https://www.erasme.org/IMG/RFID_research.pdf (accessed 28 December 2020).
33
M Granger Morgan and E Newton, Protecting Public Anonymity(2004) 21(1) Issues in Science and
Technology 83, 86.
34
(n 21).
8B.-J. KOOPS
functionor control creep() describes how a governments programme of
technological intervention into social life is gradually, incrementally, but delib-
erately, increased over time;
35
databases created for one discrete purpose, despite the initial promises of their
creators, eventually take on new functions and purposes.
36
In a similarly critical vein, several authors, in describing function creep,
stress that the expansion challenges the systems acceptability:
a process of function creep, [i.e. a process] of the use of information acquired
within the system for other, less universally accepted, purposes;
37
when personal data, collected and used for one purpose and to full one func-
tion, migrate to other ones that intensify surveillance and privacy invasions
beyond what was originally understood, and considered socially, ethically
and legally acceptable.
38
Systems originally intended to perform narrowly specied functions are
expanded to react to new (political) circumstances, thereby sidestepping or
pushing the limits of legal frameworks meant to protect issues of privacy
and data protection.
39
2.4. Conclusion
The denitions of the terms functionand creepsuggest that function creep
of Xhappens when Xs function, i.e. what Xis meant to perform, expands or
shifts slowly, gradually, and/or imperceptibly. It may have a negative associ-
ation when the movement is creepy, in the sense of being repugnant
(making the esh creep) or of something sneaky happening, but the creeping
movement might also be experienced more neutrally as just slow, gradual, or
imperceptible.
The denitions of the compound function creepall share the character-
istic that somethings function is moving beyond its original purpose in a
way that was apparently unforeseen by its developers, users, or the public.
But besides this shared characteristic, the denitions are diverse and empha-
sise dierent elements. For example, the movement sometimes means that
the original purpose is left behind (indicating a shift), but it also often
35
R. Williams and P. Johnson, Genetic Policing: The Use of DNA in Criminal Investigations (Willan Publish-
ing, 2008) 8182.
36
T. Simoncelli and B. Steinhardt, Californias Proposition 69: A Dangerous Precedent for Criminal DNA
Databases(2006) 34 Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 199, 283 (emphasis added).
37
(n 31) 359.
38
D. Murakami Wood (ed.), A Report on the Surveillance Society. For the Information Commissioner by the
Surveillance Studies Network (2006).
39
D Broeders, The New Digital Borders of Europe: EU Databases and the Surveillance of Irregular Immi-
grants(2007) 22(1) International Sociology 22(1) 71, 81.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 9
means that new functions are acquired besides the original purpose (indicat-
ing expansion).
A variety of things can be the object of function creep: a system, technol-
ogy, database, project, or law, typically related to the processing of (personal)
data. The function of the object is often conceived as its purpose(s), although
several authors operationalise the function in terms of its use. The function
of X can thus be dened by its (apparently intended) purpose, but also by its
(factually occurring) usage.
Some stress that the function changed during later development and was
not foreseen by the originators; others stress that the originators (possibly)
knew or even intended the change, but that this was not foreseen by users
or the general public. Function creep thus can be something that befalls X,
but it could also be on someones hidden agenda for X.
What is striking in the function creepdenitions in the literature is a
general absence of characteristics associated with creep. Slowness is not
mentioned in any denition, except being implicitly suggested by Simoncel-
lis and Steinhardtseventually;
40
in contrast, Chiesa and others mention the
expansion happening soon.
41
Interestingly, Dahl & Saetnan used the title It
all happened so slowly(carrying the same implicit message as its common
opposite it all happened so quickly: there was nothing we could do about
it), but do not mention slowness when dening function creep.
42
Only
two denitions mention gradualor incrementalas a constituent character-
istic.
43
Imperceptibility or stealth are not explicitly mentioned by any
denition, although it can be read between the lines of some (only to nd
these purposes are soon expanded,
44
despite the initial promises of their
creators).
45
Creepiness seems at most implicitly included in the denitions
of those authors who critically approach function creep, particularly by
some suggestion of sneakiness in expanding X beyond its originally accepted,
or acceptable, function.
46
Thus, although creepmeans a slow, gradual, stealthy, or imperceptible
movement, most denitions of function creepdo not stress any of these
characteristics. Some neutral descriptions carry an implicit suggestion that
the movement was not perceived at the time it occurred but rather after it
happened, but overall, imperceptibility does not seem an essential character-
istic; nor would slowness or gradualness appear crucial for function creep.
Only some critical descriptions contain, albeit rather implicitly, an element
of stealth, with some connotation of sneakiness, arguing that the emergent
40
(n 36).
41
(n 32).
42
(n 2).
43
In Collins Dictionary and Williams and Johnson (n 35).
44
Chiesa et al. (n 32).
45
Simoncelli and Steinhardt (n 36).
46
See, e.g., Simoncelli and Steinhardt (n36) and Broeders (n 39).
10 B.-J. KOOPS
changed functions are less acceptable than the ostensible original one. For
these authors, function creep may well be creepy. The neutral descriptions,
however, might as well have used a term such as function changeor func-
tion expansionto indicate the process they are describing. The use of a
specic, more loaded term suggests, nevertheless, that the authors want to
emphasise some mechanism at work that calls for attention. But what that
mechanism is, remains unclear in the literatures accounts of function
creep. Perhaps a look at concepts closely related to function creep can
help to shed light on these mechanisms.
3. Related concepts
An important part of understanding the concept of function creep is to
analyse how function creeprelates to concepts with which it shares
family resemblances. Placing function creepwithin the family of related
concepts helps not only to dene its meaning but also to explain its prag-
matic status or linguistic niche in policy debates. It may also help to identify
potential mechanisms underlying the phenomenon of expanding functional-
ity. Various theoretical notions from relevant disciplines, after all, capture
similar notions of new uses of something beyond what was originally fore-
seen or intended.
3.1. Creep concepts
Function creep relates to various other creepsthat describe similar ten-
dencies of things to expand or shift beyond their origins. As mentioned,
Wikipedia as of August 2019 automatically refers people searching for
function creepto the page on scope creep:changes, continuous or uncon-
trolled growth in a projects scope, at any point after the project begins.
47
In
relation to expanding functionality of a product (rather than a project), the
term feature creepor featuritisis used.
48
Also, data processing can
expand: data creep is the tendency to continually expand the scope of col-
lection and use of personal information
49
or the gradual expansion of uses
of information over time
50
47
https://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scope_creep (accessed 31 August 2019).
48
Feature creep is the excessive ongoing expansion or addition of new features in a product, especially
in computer software, videogames and consumer and business electronics. These extra features go
beyond the basic function of the product and can result in software bloat and over-complication,
rather than simple design, according to https://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Feature_creep (accessed
31 August 2019).
49
JR Reidenberg, Resolving Conicting International Data Privacy Rules in Cyberspace(2000) 52 Stanford
Law Review 1315, 1323.
50
DJ Solove, Understanding Privacy (Harvard University Press, 2008) 131.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 11
At an organisational level, a related term is mission creep, i.e. the tendency
of organisations to expand their mission or remit.
51
Sometimes, this is even
considered a synonym of function creep: In political science terms, function
creepdescribes the tendencies of bureaucracies to gradually expand their
functions or missions.
52
This possibly challenges their legitimacy: ICANNs
nature currently tends to function creep, which emphasizes the need for demo-
cratic legitimacy.
53
Similarnotionsin relation to public organisations are com-
petence creep
54
and authority creep.
55
Agenciesremit can also expand
through regulation creep,anunderdened concept denoting the expansion
of regulatory codes,
56
in a way that is uncontrolled
57
or constitutes regulation
by stealth.
58
Somewhat more broadly in public policy, interest creep denotes
the uncritical expansion of underspecied interests like national security and
child protection to capture multiple, distinct sources of government
concern,
59
which resembles policy stretching (see section 3.4). Similarly, in
the public policy context, but more specically, the quiet, under-scrutinized,
amorphous expansion of the kinds of information deemed inappropriate for
public consumptionhas been termed condentiality creep.
60
In Science & Technology Studies, the term surveillance creepis fre-
quently used.
The surveillance appetite once aroused can be insatiable. A social process of
surveillance creep (and sometimes gallop) can often be seen. Here a tool intro-
duced for a specic purpose comes to be used for other purposes, as those with
the technology realize its potential and ask, Why not?
61
A related notion is control creep, which
captures the sense in which the apparatus of social control, that is the combi-
nation of technologies and instruments designed to respond to and regulate
deviant behaviour, are becoming increasingly dispersed and interspersed
throughout many dierent arenas of late-modern social life.
62
51
See. e.g., J Einhorn, The World Banks Mission Creep(2001) 80(5) Foreign Aairs.
52
(n 49), 1323.
53
AM Froomkin, Form and Substance in Cyberspace(2002) 6 Journal of Small & Emerging Business Law
93, 122.
54
S Weatherill, Competence Creep and Competence Control(2005) 23 Yearbook of European Law 1.
55
CE Ford and BA Oppenheim, Neotrusteeship or Mistrusteeship? The Authority CreepDilemma in
United Nations Transitional Administration(2008) 41 Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 55.
56
P Coombes and SC-Y Wong, Why Codes of Governance Work(2004) (2) The McKinsey Quarterly 48, 52.
57
G Smith, Citizen Oversight of Independent Police Services: Bifurcated Accountability, Regulation Creep,
and Lesson-Learning(2009) 3(4) Regulation and Governance 421.
58
DT Llewellyn, Trust and Condence in Financial Services: A Strategic Challenge(2005) 13(4) Journal of
Financial Regulation and Compliance 333.
59
D Fox, Interest Creep(2014) 82 George Washington Law Review 273.
60
DS Levine, Condentiality Creep and Opportunistic Privacy(2018) Tulane Journal of Technology and
Intellectual Property 20.
61
GT Marx, Seeing Hazily (But Not Darkly) through the Lens: Some Recent Empirical Studies of Surveil-
lance Technologies(2005) 30 Law and Social Inquiry 339, 385 (emphasis in original, reference omitted).
62
M Innes, Control Creep(2001) 6(3) Sociological Research Online §2.4.
12 B.-J. KOOPS
All of these describe similar processes as function creep, at varying levels of
abstraction, in relation to policy, organisations, projects, or systems.
However, the term creepitself seems to be attached to ever more concepts
in widely dierent contexts quite tting for a concept that describes
expanding usage. Christmas creep, for instance, is a well-established
term to indicate the tendency for Christmas products, decorations and
advertising to be displayed earlier each year.
63
The ination of job titles
whereby employers bestow lofty titles on their stawithout a corresponding
level of authority’–has been termed title creep.
64
Concept creepis the
tendency to expand the meaning of concepts and applying them to a
broader range of phenomena than before,
65
similar to the ination of
terms in terminological creep.
66
And recently, Greenleaf coined GDPR
creepto indicate that [c]ompanies outside Europe are adopting GDPR
complianceacross their whole business operations, even though there is
no legal obligation to do so.
67
I could extend this list further, but it seems
more appropriate instead to introduce the term creep creephere: the
inationary tendency, outside the context of technologies, projects,
systems, or organisations, to designate the expansion of X beyond its original
situation with the term Xcreep.
3.2. STS concepts
In Science & Technology Studies (STS), function creep relates to Langdon
Winners notion of reverse adaptation: the adjustment of human ends to
match the character of the available means.
68
This describes the push of tech-
nology systems for function expansion, where technology systems indicate
large sociotechnical aggregatesthat include all humans associated with
the system.
69
Technical systems become severed from the ends originally
set for them and, in eect, reprogram themselves and their environments
to suit the special conditions of their own operation.
70
Winners theory of
technological politics advanced the hypothesis that as large-scale systems
come to dominate various areas of modern social life, reverse adaptation
63
https://www.macmillandictionary.com/buzzword/entries/Christmas-creep.html (accessed 31 August
2019). See also https://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christmas_creep (accessed 31 August 2019).
64
MLa,Beware of Title Creep(2008) T+D(July) 20.
65
N Haslam, Concept Creep: Psychologys Expanding Concepts of Harm and Pathology(2016) 27 Psycho-
logical Inquiry 1.
66
D Beetham, The Right to Development and Its Corresponding Obligationsin BA Andreassen and SP
Marks (eds), Development as Human Right: Legal, Political, and Economic Dimensions (Harvard School of
Public Health, 2006) 79.
67
G Greenleaf, Global Convergence of Data Privacy Standards and Laws. Speaking Notes for the European
Commission Events on the Launch of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in Brussels & New
Delhi, 25 May 2018, 3. https://www.papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3184548.
68
L Winner, Autonomous Technology (MIT Press, 1977) 2279.
69
Ibid., at 242.
70
Ibid., at 227.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 13
will become an increasingly important way of determining what is done and
how.
71
The prevalent use of the term function creep in the past three decades
to criticise all kinds of public-policy systems and initiatives seems to corro-
borate Winners hypothesis. This could also be because technology may
induce the classical moral maxim ought implies can(a duty only exists if
an action is doable) to ip around: can sometimes implies ought, because
by creating new practical opportunities, technology tends to create new obli-
gations and rights.
72
Before Winner, Martin Heidegger had already articulated the force of
technology in inuencing how we perceive the world in terms of means
and ends. Technology is not merely an instrument under human control,
but a way of revealing (Entbergen) the world, i.e. making us see things in
certain ways. In particular,
[t]he revealing that rules throughout modern technology has the character of a
setting-upon, in the sense of a challenging-forth. That challenging happens in
that the energy concealed in nature is unlocked, what is unlocked is trans-
formed, what is transformed is stored up, what is stored up is, in turn, distrib-
uted, and what is distributed is switched about ever anew.
73
In a very abstract sense, this may help explain mechanisms of function creep,
as modern technology makes us see everything as further resources to be
used and manipulated. This enframing (Ge-stell) of modern technology
entails ordering everything in such a way that it can be used most eectively
and eciently, hiding alternative ways of seeing and using the world.
74
Thus,
the tools and systems that we build are not so much under our control but
expressions of this all-encompassing enframing.
75
Similarly but less determi-
nistically, Verbeeks articulation of technological intentionality shows how
[t]echnologies help to shape actions because their scripts evoke given beha-
viors and because they contribute to perceptions and interpretations of
reality that form the basis for decisions to act.
76
In that sense, technologies
invite humans to use them in certain ways to do things, in ways unforeseen
without these technologiesdirecting human action and experience.
77
Somewhat more concretely closer to function creep is Jacques Ellulsnotion
of self-augmentation (auto-accroissement), which he saw as a key characteristic
of technique(a broader concept than technology, referring to all methods or
means to achieve an end in any eld of human activity). Ellul conceives self-
71
Ibid., at 251.
72
T Swierstra, Nanotechnology and Technomoral Change(2013) 15(1) Etica and Politica 200, 210.
73
M Heidegger, The Question Concerning Technology, and Other Essays (Harper & Row, 1977) 16.
74
Ibid., at 1920.
75
Ibid., at 2021.
76
P-P Verbeek, Moralizing Technology: Understanding and Designing the Morality of Things (University of
Chicago Press, 2011) 56.
77
Ibid., at 57.
14 B.-J. KOOPS
augmentation as the fact that everything happens as if the technical system
grows through an internal force, intrinsically and without decisive human inter-
vention.
78
Each technical invention provokes other inventions in other
domains, in a never-ending process (although Ellul acknowledges that, while
the whole of techniques never stops developing, individual techniques may
face barriers impeding progress).
79
The main mechanism is that when a new
technical form appears, this permits and conditions various other forms; as
soon as someone discovers a technical process, people note how it can be
applied in many other domains than the one for which it was invented.
80
The vision of technology as an autonomous force, almost or completely out
of control by humans, has long been criticised in STS literature. Many studies
have shown the numerous ways in which humans actually considerably
inuence technology development (intentionally or non-intentionally).
Feature creep and scope creep are examples of mechanisms whereby designers
and project managers or stakeholders push for the addition of new function-
alities along the way. Also, users frequently nd ways to use applications in
ways completely unforeseen or unintended by their developers or marketers.
81
Nevertheless, the notions of enframing, self-augmentation, and reverse adap-
tation still tell us something about a possible mechanism at work in function
creep: when the need arises to solve a problem, people logically look at existing
solutions and how they could be adapted in light of new circumstances. In that
sense, existing technologies or systems begto be used in new contexts,
because it would be folly not to use the means.
82
3.3. Economics concepts
The phenomenon of gradual expansion of functionality, purpose, or use has
obvious benets. In fact, function creep can also be seen as a form of inno-
vation, that is, the application of new ideas to the products, processes, or
other aspects of the activities of a rm that lead to increased value”’.
83
Using a system for a purpose not originally foreseen is applying a new
idea to it, namely to use an existing system in a new way. Innovation is
not a one-oactivity, but an iterative process, which is driven by the percep-
tion of a new market and/or new service opportunity for a technology-based
inventioncombined with eorts aimed at market introduction.
84
In
78
J Ellul, Le Système technicien (Calmann-Lévy, 1977) 229 (my translation).
79
J Ellul, La technique ou lenjeu du siècle (Paris: Economica, 1990) 83.
80
Ellul (n 79) at 81.
81
Oudshoorn and Pinch (n 5).
82
Ellul (n 78).
83
C Greenhalgh and M Rogers, Innovation, Intellectual Property, and Economic Growth (Princeton Univer-
sity Press, 2010) 4.
84
R Garcia and R Calantone, A Critical Look at Technological Innovation Typology and Innovativeness
Terminology: A Literature Review(2002) 19 The Journal of Product Innovation Management 110, 112.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 15
organisational terms, innovation refers to the multi-stage process whereby
organizations transform ideas into new/improved products, service or pro-
cesses, in order to advance, compete and dierentiate themselves successfully
in their marketplace.
85
Similar to public policy (section 3.4), innovation can
be incremental or evolutionary, building up over time, but also discontinu-
ous or revolutionary, and it may be disruptive when steady improvements
by (initially fringe) rms build up to outperform and displace existing
market leaders.
86
The denitions of innovation suggest it is an obvious complement to, or
mirror of, the reverse adaptation of technology, which explains the expan-
sion of a technologys functionality not so much as a natural tendency of
technology to remain relevant in new circumstances, but as a natural ten-
dency of businesses to keep competing in changing markets. With
dierent emphasis as to the primary driver, both concepts capture some of
the logic underlying new uses of a system. Calling such new use innovative
is to emphasise its positive value, in economic or social terms. Calling such
new use function creepis to emphasise negative aspects that often come
along with positive benets, including negative externalities, that is, costs
borne by others that are not internalised in the cost/benet analysis of the
one deciding on a certain activity.
3.4. Policy concepts
In policy studies, function creep relates to the notion of incrementalism: the
development of public policy in small increments. The development of
public-policy alternatives and the enactment of law is often quite small,
gradual, and incremental.
87
Lindblom observed that for complex problems,
administrators rely principally on the method of successive limited compari-
sons, developing policy step by small step.
88
This can lead to policy stretch-
ing,ifoperating over periods of decades or more, elements of a [policy] mix
are simply extended to cover areas they were not intended to at the outset.
89
Policy stretching is particularly problematic if the elements ending up in the
mix incorporate contradictory goals or instruments, frustrating initial policy
goals; further tinkering to address this may even compound the problems.
90
85
A Baregheh, J Rowley, and S Sambrook, Towards a Multidisciplinary Denition of Innovation(2009) 47
(8) Management Decision 1323, 1334.
86
CM Christensen, The Innovators Dilemma: When New Technologies Cause Great Firms to Fail (Harvard
Business School Press, 1997).
87
JW Kingdon, Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies (Harper Collins, 1995) 83.
88
CE Lindblom, The Science of Muddling Through”’ (1959) 19(2) Public Administration Review 79, 88.
89
M Howlett and I Mukherjee, Policy Design and Non-Design: Towards a Spectrum of Policy Formulation
Types(2014) 2(2) Politics and Governance 57, referring to PH Feindt and AG Flynn, Policy Stretching
and Institutional Layering: British Food Policy between Security, Safety, Quality, Health and Climate
Change(2009) 4 British Politics 386.
90
Howlett and Mukherjee (n 89) 6364.
16 B.-J. KOOPS
Sometimes, however, policy can also change quickly, disrupting the status
quo until a new equilibrium is reached; this process of punctuated equili-
brium might resemble instances of function creep where several small
steps build into what is suddenly perceived as a large step that signicantly
altered the status quo.
91
A notion (initially from economics) close to incrementalism is the ratchet
eect,the well-known tendency of planners to use current performance as a
criterion in determining future goals.
92
This eect is also associated with an
incremental, possibly slow, development, as targets in the following year are
based on performance in the current or previous year; this has a perverse
incentive for performers not to outperform their current target since this
will have knock-on eects in future years. In the context of public institutions,
a ratchet eect has also been pointed out in the form of a gradual increase in
governmental authority over resource allocation, where authority is expanded
in periods of crisis but left in place after the crisis has abated (possibly limited
somewhat, but with a still greater scope than before the crisis).
93
Although he
based his analysis on pre-1987 cases, Higgs observes in his 2012 preface that
the logic of the ratchet eect remains applicable today as at any time in the
past century.
94
This so-called Higgsian ratchet is one instantiation of
mission creep, and can be explained by the observation that,
[o]nce undertaken, governmental programs are hard to terminate. Interests
become vested, bureaucracies entrenched, constituencies solidied. More fun-
damentally, each time the government expands its eective authority over
economic decision-making, it sets in motion a variety of economic, insti-
tutional, and ideological adjustments whose common denominator is a dimin-
ished resistance to Bigger Government.
95
Function creep is more than just incrementalism, however. It rather
resembles Kingdons notion of policy spillover: policy success in one area
contributes to success in adjacent areas.
96
This occurs
because politicians sense the payoin repeating a successful formula in a
similar area, because the winning coalition can be transferred, and because
advocates can argue from successful precedent. These spillovers are extremely
powerful agenda setters, seemingly bowling over even formidable opposition
that stands in the way.
97
91
FR Baumgartner and BD Jones, Agendas and Instability in American Politics (University of Chicago Press,
1993).
92
ML Weitzman, The RatchetPrinciple and Performance Incentives(1980) The Bell Journal of Economics
302, at 302.
93
R Higgs, Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government (The Independent
Institute, 1987, 2012).
94
(n 93), at xvi.
95
(n 93) at 261.
96
Kingdon (n 87), at 190194.
97
Ibid., at 203.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 17
Spillovers occur not only within policy domains or subsystems (when a
formula is repeated through precedent) but also across policy domains,
when a precedent spills over from one arena into an adjacent one.
98
While the force of policy spillovers helps explain the potential of function
creep to occur, two factors are relevant that could counter function creep
from happening. First, there is a short time-frame for using the power of pre-
cedent: the [policy] window in the rst area opens windows in adjacent
areas, but they close rapidly as well; problems will inevitably show when
the rst policy is being implemented, limiting the attractiveness of spil-
lovers.
99
Second, using the argument from precedent requires careful cat-
egory construction, since both policy areas need to be presented as similar
for the solution in the rst to work in the second.
100
This implies that,
from a public policy perspective, function expansion is more likely to
occur in connected, similar contexts (for instance, from national security
to law enforcement) than between completely dierent contexts (such as
from health to law enforcement).
3.5. Sociological concepts
The ratchet eect has a broader application beyond economics and policy. In
a broad sociological sense (drawing on insights from evolutionary anthropol-
ogy and cognitive psychology), the ratchet eect has also been articulated in
how human culture develops.
One generation does things in a certain way, and the next generation then does
them in that same way except that perhaps they add some modication or
improvement. The generation after that then learns the modied or improved
version, which then persists across generations until further changes are
made.
101
This ratchet eect characterises human cultural transmission, whereby
modications and improvements stay in the population fairly readily
(with relatively little loss or backward slippage) until further changes
ratchet things up again.
102
Culture develops cumulatively through inventiveness (causing modi-
cations) and transmission (causing the modication to spread and
sustain). Tennie et al. point out three mechanisms that are fundamental to
human transmission: teaching, social imitation, and normativity. Particu-
larly the latter is relevant from the perspective of function creep. In teaching
98
Ibid., at 190.
99
Ibid., at 192.
100
Ibid., at 193.
101
C Tennie, J Call, and M Tomasello, Ratcheting Up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture
(2009) 364 Phil Trans R. Soc B 2405.
102
Ibid.
18 B.-J. KOOPS
and social imitation, children not only learn how something is often done,
but also apparently understand that this is rather the way it should be
done. () [Y]oung children learn very quickly that a particular artefact is
fora particular function, and its other uses may be considered
wrong.
103
Cultural transmission, therefore, has an innate tendency of con-
servatism conformity with how things are traditionally done which
can be evolutionarily explained by its guaranteeing an unusual degree of
faithful transmission across generations () in a way that supports the
further ratcheting up in complexity of cultural artefacts and practices
across historical time.
104
Thus, the cultural-evolutionary ratchet eect not
only reects the notion of incrementalism (change must be slow and
gradual in order to be acceptable), but it also sheds some light on the creepi-
nessof function expansion. Novel usage of an artefact triggers resistance
because this is not what the artefact is for, and doing something dierent
than what people are used to feels wrongin a strongly rooted evolutionary
psychological sense.
3.6. Legal concepts
The notions of mission creep, competence creep, and authority creep res-
onate in the legal concept of abuse of power or détournement de pouvoir.
This designates exercise of authority in the public interest but not for the
precise purpose for which it was originally granted.
105
Although normally
well-intentioned, it is problematic becauseifapowergrantedforpurpose
Aisusedforadierent purpose B, this will usually create a legitimacy
decit.Thereisnoexplicitlegalbasisforhowthepowerisused,and
thelegislatorhasnotconsideredthespecic checks and balances that
might be needed for using the power for purpose B (or C, etc.) rather
than A.
The deviation from original purposes is also a well-known phenomenon
in the processing of personal data, and data protection law has developed a
compatibility test to keep secondary use of personal data in check. Per-
sonal data can be collected only for specied, explicit, and legitimate pur-
poses; they can be further processed, but only if this is not incompatible
with those purposes (art. 5 General Data Protection Regulation). Authors
frequently use the term function creepin this context, to refer to unac-
ceptably deviating forms of processing. For example, Kindt describes func-
tion creep as the risk that the data are used for secondary purposes which
are not compatible with the purposes for which the data were initially
103
Ibid., at 2412 (emphasis in original).
104
Ibid.
105
B Horvath, Rights of Man. Due Process of Law and Excès de Pouvoir(1955) 4 The American Journal of
Comparative Law 539, 567568.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 19
collected.
106
Wisman originally used function creepfor the use of data
for a dierent goal than it was collected for,
107
but (following a suggestion
by Arno Lodder) eventually termed this purpose creep. Similarly,
Jentzsch describes purpose creep as the tendency to use information for
more and more purposes also those that are unrelated to purposes for
which the information was originally collected.
108
Secondary use also resonates with a notion from a dierent legal context:
transformative use, which refers to copyrighted material being quoted in a
dierent manner or for a dierent purpose from the original,which is a rel-
evant factor for claiming the fair-use exception in copyright law.
109
3.7. Discourse concepts
The precedent element in the concept of policy spillover ties in with a notion
in argumentation theory: the slippery slope argument. This type of argu-
ment holds that if you take the seemingly desirable step A, through some
process you will end up taking the undesirable step B. Conceptual and
empirical studies suggest that slippery slope arguments are not always falla-
cious: they can be used in critical discussions, particularly in institutiona-
lised contexts such as law to shift a burden of proof
110
or to bring the
discussion to a higher level by looking at the cumulative eect of many mar-
ginal decisions.
111
A slippery slope argument can be valid, if it not only
explains why B is undesirable, but also plausibly argues why A will lead to
B. Possible mechanisms for A leading to B are that A lowers the costs for
B, that A changes attitudes, power structures, or political momentum to
favour B, and that peoples tolerance for small changes will disarm resistance
to (incremental steps towards) B.
112
Coincidentally, the metaphor of a slippery slope resounds in one of the
more technical meanings of creep, namely a slow, imperceptible movement
en masse of soil, talus, etc., usu. downhill under the inuence of gravity but
freq. with other processes (such as successive freezing and thawing)
106
E Kindt, Biometric Applications and the Data Protection Legislation. The Legal Review and the Pro-
portionality Test(2007) 31(3) Datenschutz und Datensicherheit 166, 167; similarly, MS de Vries, Hoe
Waarschijnlijk is Function Creep? Een beleidswetenschappelijke analyse(2011) 37(8) Justitiële verken-
ningen 22, 23.
107
THA Wisman, Purpose and Function Creep by Design: Transforming the Face of Surveillance Through
the Internet of Things(2013) 4(2) European Journal of Law and Technology s. 1.
108
N Jentzsch, Financial Privacy: An International Comparison of Credit Reporting Systems (Springer, 2007)
139.
109
PN Leval, Towards a Fair Use Standard(1990) 103 Harvard Law Review 1105.
110
W Van der Burg, Slippery Slope Argumentsin R. Chadwick (ed.), International Encyclopedia of Applied
Ethics (Academic Press, rev 2nd edn 2012) 129, 139; DN Walton, Slippery Slope Arguments (Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1992) 13.
111
MJ Rizzo and DG Whitman, The Camels Nose in the Tent: Rules, Theories, and Slippery Slopes(2003)
51 UCLA Law Review 539.
112
E Volokh, The Mechanisms of the Slippery Slope(2003) 116 Harvard Law Review 1026.
20 B.-J. KOOPS
contributing to the eect.
113
To be sure, the metaphor suggests that it is
humans who will slide down the slope by making a rst step downhill, not
the earth itself, but there is a serendipitous connection between the image
of an earth mass creeping downhill and humans sliding downhill in a
process of function creep.
In the literature, authors frequently point to a risk of function creep in a
manner that suggests a slippery slope argument, particularly when criticising
a proposal for a new law, policy, or database. For instance, Simoncelli and
Steinhardt argue that [c]ontinuing down a path of unaccountable function
creepmay bring us to a day when the entire U.S. population nds itself in a
government [DNA] database.
114
Such an argument usually makes clear why
the (future) use of the proposed system for dierent purposes is undesirable,
but authors do not always (explicitly) make a case for why the functionality
of the proposed system is likely to expand in the future. Sometimes, there is a
suggestion of a hidden agenda (namely that the proponents of the object
already have dierent future uses in mind), but authors also frequently
seem inclined to follow Elluls assumption of self-augmentation and
Winners hypothesis of reverse adaptation, considering the future expansion
too obviously likely to have to explain the pathway of future expansion. From
an argumentation-theoretical perspective, it is questionable whether this
results in a successful slippery slope argument and a fruitful debate. Propo-
nents could easily negate that there is a risk of function creep, by pointing out
that future dierent uses are not envisioned and that expansion of function-
ality can be discussed in future when some occasion for expansion would
arise.
A related type of argument is the argument from added authority,
115
i.e.
an argument holding that someone should not be given a certain authority or
responsibility because he will probably abuse it.
116
This argument proceeds
from the assumption that even the unlikely becomes more likely once jurisdic-
tion is granted than it would have been without that jurisdiction.
117
Thus, it
cautions against granting jurisdiction for fear that the jurisdiction, once
granted, will be available to decide some possible future case in some way
admittedly feared by the decisionmaker as well as by the maker of the argu-
ment.
118
Although similar, according to Van der Burg, it is not a slippery
slope argument, but rather an argument pointing out the risk of future
abuse of power possibly in the strict sense of détournement de pouvoir,if
the power were used for purposes for which it was not established, but also
113
OED (n 3).
114
Simoncelli and Steinhardt (n 36) at 290.
115
F Schauer, Slippery Slopes(1995) 99(2) Harvard Law Review 361, 3678.
116
W Van der Burg, Slippery Slope Argumentsin R Chadwick (ed.), Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics (Aca-
demic Press, 1998) 129.
117
Schauer (n 115) at 368.
118
Ibid., at 367.
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 21
possibly within the scope of the authority granted but applied in a context
where it might have undesirable consequences.
119
If a court were, for
example, to assume the authority to ban racist advocacy, based on the argu-
ment that racist ideas are wrong, courts would then acquire an accepted
added authority to decide which ideas are wrong, and might also apply it to,
say, anti-war or socialist ideas.
120
Function creep arguments sometimes take
this form, when pointing out the risks of investing the government with a
new power. Similarly, arguments of interest creep and surveillance creep
can also function to point out risks of investing an institution with added auth-
ority. Moreover, the argument has strong similarities with the way authors fre-
quently use the term function creepto warn against creating a new database
or system: once the database or system is there (even if innocuous in its pro-
posed form), there is an increased likelihood that the database or system will
be used for undesirable purposes, even if such use currently seems unlikely.
3.8. Conclusion
The wide, expanding usage of function creep, other creeps, and related
concepts suggests that the phenomenon of gradual expansion beyond what
was originally foreseen is a widespread, perhaps natural, phenomenon in
social systems. The analysis of related concepts helps to understand possible
mechanisms underlying this phenomenon.
Function creep can be understood by situating it in the nexus where many
related theoretical notions meet, most notably reverse adaptation and self-
augmentation of technology systems, incrementalism and disruption in
policy and innovation, policy spillovers, ratchet eects, transformative use,
and slippery slope argumentation. Technological systems have a tendency
to reprogramme themselves and their environments to adapt to the evolving
conditions of their own operation. Businesses have an incentive to innovate
by nding new uses of existing technology, and policy-makers have a ten-
dency to copy proven solutions and apply them in other contexts. Gradual
expansion or incrementalism is a widespread phenomenon in social
systems, where ratchet eects ensure that a novelty is taken up, integrated
in the status quo, and therewith normalised, with little or no likelihood of
slipping back to the previous situation. These incremental changes may
accumulate to eect transformative change, but the transformative eect
may be unnoticed or unacknowledged, leading opponents to use slippery-
slope arguments to contest the change. Thus, this complex of notions
bearing signicant family resemblances sheds light, from dierent angles
highlighting dierent mechanisms, on why and how function creep occurs.
119
(n 116) at 131.
120
Volokh (n 112) at 10651066.
22 B.-J. KOOPS
4. Dening function creep
In light of the above analysis, how can we dene function creep? Several
components of the denition are relatively straightforward. Function creep
mainly refers to something happening (as in the verb creep), typically an
expansion but sometimes rather a shift. What changes is the function of
something, that is, the regular or proper activity of something in relation
to its purpose and/or use. This change is often intentional (although
usually not intentionally creepy), but can also happen inadvertently, so
that the denition should not include intentionality.
The something undergoing function creep is typically a system, technol-
ogy, database, project, or law, almost always related to the processing of
(personal) data. Since databases are (part of) a system, and function-creep-
ing technologies, projects, laws typically involve some data processing
system, data-processing systemsuces for denition purposes. The litera-
ture mentions function creepparticularly when public-sector information
systems are used for new functions, frequently in other contexts, most
notably in surveillance, anti-terrorism, e-government, and e-health policies,
often in connection to identication schemes or databases. A sharp
denition might summarise this as public-sector data-processing systems,
but that may be too narrow since also private-sector systems or public-
private partnerships might be involved, depending on the national-insti-
tutional context.
Less straightforward is dening the creeping(or perhaps creepy)
element of function creep. Existing denitions of function creepvary con-
siderably as to the key characteristic of a creepingmovement: is it slow,
gradual, stealthy, or imperceptible? Slowness and gradual movement res-
onate with the incrementalism of public policy and innovation, and more
generally with the small steps visible in ratchet eects of many social
systemslearning and development cycles. But function creepis also used
for relatively quick or large changes (as in surveillance gallop). Gradualness
seems characteristic of many cases, suggesting several small steps, but func-
tion creep can also refer to single, sometimes one-o, changes. Stealth, or
even sneakiness, is sometimes invoked in critical narratives, but not in the
majority of the literature. Neither does imperceptibility seem an essential
characteristic in most authorsaccounts of function creep.
Yet there must be some creepelement that is relevant to invoke. The
negative connotation that creepclearly has, in function and other creep
concepts, has to be signicant. Otherwise, authors could simply speak of
function changeor innovation(because using something for a new
purpose is applying a new idea to it, which is what innovation basically
entails). Neutral denitions or descriptions, which are surprisingly prevalent
(see section 2.3.2), are therefore missing a point. But which point, exactly?
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 23
I suggest that the creepelement in function creepcan best be captured
by focusing on imperceptibility which might be caused by slowness, gra-
dualness, or stealth in a specic sense. Namely, the imperceptibility of
the tipping point between linear and non-linear change, which is dicult
to pinpoint. This imperceptibility is an issue, because the dierence
between linear and non-linear change is often at least in the context of
function creep connected to a dierence between acceptable/non-contro-
versial and unacceptable/contested change. This suggestion is based on the
insight that literature on innovation and public policy (among other
domains) generally distinguish between linear, gradual change and non-
linear, disruptive change (cf. sections 3.33.4). This is mirrored in the
notion of transformative use(section 3.6), which denotes some qualitative
dierence between old and new usage. Often, it is not evident whether some
change is gradual or disruptive. Sometimes, we only note in hindsight that
what seemed incremental change was actually disruptive (or vice versa).
More often, I think, gradual change at some point simply accumulates
into something qualitatively dierent, and then proves disruptive. As a mole-
hill at some point becomes a mountain if enough sand is added, so does a
forensic DNA database of oenders at some point turn into a nation-wide
database if enough people (suspects, family, dragnet volunteers) are added.
In this process, there must be a tipping point where quantitative change
becomes qualitative change; but it is very hard to pinpoint where or when
exactly this occurs.
This imperceptibility of the tipping point is what is subtly emphasised
when someone labels something function creep. If the label is applied ex
ante, this indicates that it is foreseeable that a proposed system will
expand in the future; since the expansion may escape notice because it con-
sists of small, gradual steps and the point at which such expansion becomes
unacceptable the tipping point is hard to dene or predict, we had better
discuss the possible expansion now and take measures to prevent the system
getting out of hand. If the label is applied ex post, this indicates that expan-
sion occurred over time but was not perceived at any point to create a quali-
tative dierence that makes it, in hindsight, contested; so that now we have a
problem (because ratchets are as hard to push back as genies in bottles). The
label can also be applied ex nunc, as an argument against a particular expan-
sion proposed at the moment. In this case, it is clear to opponents that the
tipping point is now and that the proposed change disrupts the status quo;
but the proponents do not see this, arguing that the change is linear
(tting the systems purpose) and therefore acceptable. In such cases, the
tipping point is imperceptible in that its existence is being unacknowledged
by the proposals proponents.
Now, imperceptibility as such is not necessarily negative. However,
imperceptibility of a tipping point between linear/acceptable and non-
24 B.-J. KOOPS
linear/unacceptable change is problematic. This, I argue, is what the creep
element in function creep(and in many other creep concepts) denotes. The
new function is, in some sense, unacceptable (to the one speaking of function
creep), but the acceptability of the change can (or could) not be discussed
properly because the change is (or will be or was) not generally perceived
to be controversial at the material time. Why a function expansion or shift
is unacceptable (for opponents), can vary widely, from making the system
ineective or unmanageable (e.g. because of featuritis, over-complexity, or
contradictory rules) to negative externalities, such as loss of human
control (e.g. through self-augmentation or reverse adaptation), a legitimacy
decit (e.g. through mission creep, abuse of power, or incompatible second-
ary use), or lack of appropriate checks and balances (e.g. because a system
expands to other domains with dierent norms). But whatever the reason,
that a function change is, in some sense, problematic because of unperceived
or unacknowledged transformative use, is what the term function creep
aims to highlight.
This brings me to propose a denition of function creep that reects the
above analysis. Function creep comes down to an expansion or shift in the
proper activity of a data-processing system in relation to its purpose or
use, which is considered contestable because people insuciently recognise
that it involves a qualitative change that raises public-policy concerns.
Although that might serve as a precise denition, it is rather long, and
since denitions are preferably succinct and limited to essential elements, I
propose the following, shorter, denition: function creep denotes an imper-
ceptibly transformative and therewith contestable change in a data-pro-
cessing systems proper activity.
Key elements in this denition are imperceptiblyand therewith. These
specify that the change is contestable because it is imperceptibly transforma-
tive, that is, because it is transformative in a way that is imperceptible. This is
what distinguishes function-creep changes from (merely) innovative
changes. Incremental innovation can also, at some point, transform into dis-
ruptive innovation, and the tipping point may be equally imperceptible;
while such transformation may easily raise public-policy concerns (as dis-
ruptive innovation often does) and thus be contestable, this is not because
the transformation was imperceptible or unperceived, but because of the
transformation itself and its consequences. Function creep, in contrast,
denotes some qualitative change that causes concern not only, and I
suggest not primarily, because of the transformation and its consequences
as such, but rather because the transformation is or was not perceived at
the time to be qualitative and in need of discussion. In other words, what
the function creeplabel crucially highlights is that there is or has been
insucient room for debate about the acceptability of the change. What is
contested is not (only) that a change is transformative, but (also) that it is
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 25
imperceptibly transformative. In debates, the function creeplabel therefore
illuminates that there is some qualitative change at issue that was hitherto
unrecognised, and simultaneously calls for the much-needed debate about
this qualitative change that should have taken place earlier, if only the
actor(s) responsible for the system had realised, or acknowledged, at the
proper time that the change was transformative.
Therefore, I suggest that function creepis pejorative not, or not primar-
ily, because some change in a system is unacceptable per se, but because the
change is not properly debated, and this lack of a proper debate as much as
the transformation itself has undesirable consequences (such as a legitimacy
decit, insucient checks and balances, or a poorly functioning system).
This is not to suggest that having a proper debate will usually suce;
often, of course, measures will be needed to resolve the public-policy
issues triggered by the transformative change, and perhaps the change
should be stopped or turned back altogether. But at least a proper debate
should help in identifying problems and possible solutions, and while the
outcome will not satisfy everyone, the debate should at least remove the cree-
piness from the systems expanding functions.
I am also not suggesting that people use function creeponly to highlight
the lack of a proper debate; often, they also want to highlight the negative
consequences of the function expansion as such. Indeed, most authors use
the term function creepin passing and spend most of their paper discussing
what is wrong with a contested system itself. However, the framing of a
problem matters, because it inuences the direction in which solutions are
sought.
121
It is therefore important, in debates about a systems function
expansion from A to B, to distinguish between criticising:
(1) B as such (implying the system should never be made to do B);
(2) the move from A to B (implying this move should only be done, if at all,
under certain, as yet unfullled, conditions); and
(3) how the move from A to B is taking place (implying the move should be
approached dierently).
Often, (2) and (3) will go together, because substance (2) is often inter-
twined with process (3). However, criticism (2) is, ultimately, really a func-
tion changeor a disruptionargument; only (3) can properly be called a
function creepargument. People who criticise any move from (original,
acceptable) A to (new, unacceptable) B as a form of function creepare over-
stretching the meaning of the term unless they are also explicitly arguing
121
DA Schön, Generative Metaphor: A Perspective on Problem-Setting in Social Policyin A Ortony (ed.),
Metaphor and Thought (Cambridge University Press, 2nd edn 1993) 137.
26 B.-J. KOOPS
that the move is wrong because it is imperceptible (through slowness, gra-
dualness, or stealth) and therefore receives insucient attention.
5. Conclusion
In this paper, I have analysed the concept of function creep in order to
develop a denition of this widely used but under-researched term. Based
on semiotic analysis of the term function creepand its constituent parts,
and of closely related concepts from dierent elds, I have argued that
what is distinctive of function creep (as opposed to simply function expan-
sion or innovation) is that it denotes some qualitative change in a systems
function that causes concern not only because of the change itself but also
because the change is insuciently acknowledged as being transformative
and in need of discussion. Therefore, I proposed the following denition:
function creep denotes an imperceptibly transformative and therewith con-
testable change in a data-processing systems proper activity.
122
Gradual expansion beyond what was originally foreseen is a widespread,
perhaps natural, phenomenon in social systems. In that light, function creep
can best be understood by situating it in the nexus of many related theoreti-
cal notions, most notably reverse adaptation and self-augmentation of tech-
nology systems, incrementalism and disruption in policy and innovation,
policy spillovers, ratchet eects, transformative use, and slippery slope argu-
mentation. These theoretical notions help us to understand that transforma-
tive function expansion is hard or impossible to prevent; it is ingrained in
many social systemsdevelopment cycles. Dealing with function expansion
in data-processing systems that qualitatively changes the status quo and
raises normative issues (e.g. legitimacy decits or inadequate checks and bal-
ances), is a daunting task for regulators. Likely, they need to resort to
dynamic, self-learning approaches such as responsive regulation
123
and
stimulate responsible innovation.
124
That, however, is not the same as dealing with function creep. As I have
argued, function creep is primarily a notion that captures how transformative
change occurs, namely under the radar. It is a concept used in debates to
highlight the imperceptible (because slow, gradual, or stealthy) way in
which a systems function changes. Therewith, it functions rst and foremost
122
Although not the primary purpose of this paper, dening function creep in this way also enables
giving a generic denition of creep concepts in general. Given the close family resemblances
between prevalent X creepterms, we can see the term creep conceptas the parent (or umbrella)
concept of this family. A creep conceptis a concept in the form of X creepthat denotes an imper-
ceptibly transformative and therewith contestable change in X.
123
I Ayres and J Braithwaite, Responsive Regulation: Transcending the Deregulation Debate (Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1992).
124
R Owen, J Bessant, and M Heintz, Responsible Innovation: Managing the Responsible Emergence of
Science and innovation in Society (Wiley, 2013).
LAW, INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY 27
as an argument in debates to make visible that something is going wrong, and
therewith to shift the burden of proof back to those responsible for a system
to do something about this. In that sense, function creep is easier to deal with
than transformative function change as such. It can be prevented by regularly
scrutinising whether a data-processing systems functioning is, over time or
otherwise imperceptibly, qualitatively changing, and as soon as that seems
the case, to be open about this and discuss it. And if the transformative
change has already happened and opponents use a function creep argument,
those responsible for the system can take up the challenge and argue why
they think the change is in line with what the system is supposed to do,
and where needed, take appropriate measures to make it more acceptable.
Acknowledgements
I thank Maša Galič, Martin Husovec, Esther Keymolen, Tamar Sharon, Jan Smits,
Leslie Paul Thiele and the participants of the April 2019 Governance of Emerging
Disruptive Technologiesworkshop in Rotterdam for valuable comments on
earlier drafts. I thank Lisette Gotink for research assistance.
Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Funding
The research for this paper was funded by the European Unions Horizon 2020
research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 653626.
Notes on contributor
Prof. Dr. Bert-Jaap Koops is Professor of Regulation & Technology at the Tilburg
Institute for Law, Technology, and Society (TILT), the Netherlands. His main
research elds are cybercrime, cyber-investigation, privacy, and data protection.
28 B.-J. KOOPS
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Short courses, books, and articles exhort administrators to make decisions more methodically, but there has been little analysis of the decision-making process now used by public administrators. The usual process is investigated here-and generally defended against proposals for more "scientific" methods. Decisions of individual administrators, of course, must be integrated with decisions of others to form the mosaic of public policy. This integration of individual decisions has become the major concern of organization theory, and the way individuals make decisions necessarily affects the way those decisions are best meshed with others'. In addition, decision-making method relates to allocation of decision-making responsibility-who should make what decision. More "scientific" decision-making also is discussed in this issue: "Tools for Decision-Making in Resources Planning."
Article
We've all made plenty of slippery slope arguments in our day, and we've all pooh-poohed plenty. Do these arguments make sense, and, if so, when? This article tries to go behind the metaphor of the slippery slope to the mechanisms by which one step today may make the next step more likely tomorrow. "Slippery slopes," I argue, can operate through several distinct mechanisms, which need to be discussed separately. And these mechanisms, it turns out, relate to rational ignorance, heuristics, path-dependence, the expressive effect of law, and multi-peaked preferences - important subjects that have received extensive attention recently, but that have not so far been linked to the slippery slope question. I suggest that slippery slopes may indeed sometimes happen (though they aren't logically inevitable). The flip response that "if we can draw a line today, we'll be able to draw the line tomorrow" is correct only if decisionmakers have firm and single-peaked preferences, and unbounded rationality. In the real world, where these conditions don't always hold, one decision can indeed help grease the slope to another, in various ways. And this can happen not just with judicial decisions - where slippery slopes relate in complex ways to the system of precedent - but also with legislative ones, where precedent is not supposed to play a formal role. Understanding the full range of slippery slope mechanisms can help us evaluate the risk of slippage, craft better arguments related to this risk, and perhaps minimize this risk.
Book
Analyzes how successful firms fail when confronted with technological and market changes, prescribing a list of rules for firms to follow as a solution. Precisely because of their adherence to good management principles, innovative, well-managed firms fail at the emergence of disruptive technologies - that is, innovations that disrupt the existing dominant technologies in the market. Unfortunately, it usually does not make sense to invest in disruptive technologies until after they have taken over the market. Thus, instead of exercising what are typically good managerial decisions, at the introduction of technical or market change it is very often the case that managers must make counterintuitive decisions not to listen to customers, to invest in lower-performance products that produce lower margins, and to pursue small markets. From analysis of the disk drive industry, a set of rules is devised - the principles of disruptive innovation - for managers to measure when traditional good management principles should be followed or rejected. According to the principles of disruptive innovation, a manager should plan to fail early, often, and inexpensively, developing disruptive technologies in small organizations operating within a niche market and with a relevant customer base. A case study in the electric-powered vehicles market illustrates how a manager can overcome the challenges of disruptive technologies using these principles of disruptive innovation. The mechanical excavator industry in the mid-twentieth century is also described, as an example in which most companies failed because they were unwilling to forego cable excavator technology for hydraulics machines. While there is no "right answer" or formula to use when reacting to unpredictable technological change, managers will be able to adapt as long as they realize that "good" managerial practices are only situationally appropriate. Though disruptive technologies are inherently high-risk, the more a firm invests in them, the more it learns about the emerging market and the changing needs of consumers, so that incremental advances may lead to industry-changing leaps. (CJC)
Privacy Concerns are Raised Over Health Card Plan
See, e.g., 'Privacy Concerns are Raised Over Health Card Plan' The Atlanta Journal and Constitution (24 September 1993); 'Pharmanet is Scary Medicine' The Vancouver Sun (British Columbia) (31 March 1994); '"Smart" Cards Under Attack: Use Will Expand Beyond Original Intent: Critics' Hamilton Spectator (Ontario) (6 November 1995).
Nanotechnology and Technomoral Change' (2013) 15(1) Etica and Politica
  • T Swierstra
T Swierstra, 'Nanotechnology and Technomoral Change' (2013) 15(1) Etica and Politica 200, 210.
Policy Design and Non-Design: Towards a Spectrum of Policy Formulation Types' (2014) 2(2) Politics and Governance 57, referring to PH Feindt and AG Flynn, 'Policy Stretching and Institutional Layering: British Food Policy between Security, Safety, Quality, Health and Climate Change
  • M Howlett
  • Mukherjee
M Howlett and I Mukherjee, 'Policy Design and Non-Design: Towards a Spectrum of Policy Formulation Types' (2014) 2(2) Politics and Governance 57, referring to PH Feindt and AG Flynn, 'Policy Stretching and Institutional Layering: British Food Policy between Security, Safety, Quality, Health and Climate Change' (2009) 4 British Politics 386.