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Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies

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... A promising tool for understanding cross-cultural variation in morality is modernization theory, an umbrella term for a long tradition in the social sciences, especially sociology, to view development as a linear process that entails economic, social, and cultural aspects. Of particular relevance for questions on personal-sexual issues are Inglehart's revised modernization theory (Inglehart, 1990(Inglehart, , 1997Inglehart & Baker, 2000) and its further theoretical development in Welzel's human development/empowerment theory (Welzel, 2013;Welzel et al., 2002). The central proposition in this approach is that socioeconomic development and existential security enable higher tolerance of diversity, preference for individual freedoms, and equality of opportunities. ...
... Although we provide arguments about the plausible effect of development, institutions and identity on morality, it is conceivable that the direction of causality is also in the opposite direction or even more so that it is reciprocal. As Inglehart (1997) argued, economic development, universalist/individualist values and democratic institutions constitute a coherent syndrome of societal modernization, whereby these elements reinforce each other. Henrich (2020), for example, argued that the culture, rooted in impartiality, universalism and individualism (so-called WEIRD psychology), supported the economic growth of Western societies through their positive impact on innovation and the creation of impartial institutions. ...
... Modernization theory has been the dominant paradigm in explaining cultural differences related to individual freedom and tolerance of diversity, including precisely the issues we investigated in this study (see, for example, Inglehart, 1990Inglehart, , 1997Inglehart & Baker, 2000). We point to a significant inconsistency in this theoretical approach. ...
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Post-Cold War Europe has become a scene of a grueling contestation over questions of morality, with key players being the EU and Russia. The legacy of the Cold War on the moral beliefs of European nations and their transformation over the last three decades requires an examination. We advance theory toward the potential role of development, institutions, and identity, associated with the Cold War division and continued differentiation at present. We use the Morally Debatable Behaviors Scale fielded in the World Value Survey and the European Values Study (1981-2021) to analyze the variation in the long-term dynamics of two moral dimensions: (a) dishonest-illegal issues (DII) and (b) personal-sexual issues (PSI). An age-period-cohort analysis reveals that old EU-members, post-communist EU-members, and post-communist non-EU countries have experienced distinct evolutions in both moral domains. The identity approach was supported: old EU members have increased their leniency on PSI and decreased it on DII; new EU members followed the same trends but slower on PSI and faster on DII; non-EU nations experienced no change on either issue. These trends are only partly attributable to the changes in the quality of institutions. Economic development has the expected positive effect only in old EU members, while its impact on PSI dwindles and even reverses as one moves away from Brussels' sphere of influence. Furthermore, contrary to previous evidence, we find that economic development predicts changes in DII, potentially due to the expansion of moral concern to unknown others. The contestations between two fundamentally different models of societal organization-the Soviet and the Western-dominated the second half of the 20th century. The victory of the liberal democratic model established its moral superiority over the defeated communist countries who were left without other alternatives but to follow the alluring path toward becoming free and
... These factors highlight a broad range of understandings of democracy among respondents, from perspectives that stress active citizen involvement and potential conflict to views that focus on institutional, historical, or community aspects of democracy. These democratic perceptions align with Inglehart's (1997) postmaterialist thesis, where confrontational and participatory forms of democracy reflect expressive, postmaterial values, while institutional or traditional views express materialist or stability-oriented priorities. The observed dichotomies also reflect Diamantouros's (2000) "cultural dualism," highlighting the enduring tension between modernization and traditionalism in Greek political thought. ...
... These were largely characterized by their alignment with either the ideology of social struggle versus modern democracy or the national tradition versus modern democracy. The dichotomies observed in democratic values resonate with Inglehart's (1997) Postmaterialism framework, which explores the tension between materialist priorities like economic stability and postmaterialist values such as self-expression and participatory democracy. The findings suggest that while some clusters embrace progressive democratic ideals, others remain rooted in traditional, materialist orientations, reflecting the dualities inherent in Greece's political landscape. ...
... • The second model, focusing on sources of political information, moral values, and political mobilization, identifies three distinct cultural-behavioral profiles positioned along the axes of individualism versus collectivism (Triandis, 1995), moral conservatism versus progressivism (Haidt, 2012), and passive versus active media engagement. Here, clusters reflecting naturalistic and altruistic values stand in contrast to those emphasizing success, entertainment, and hierarchical loyalty, mirroring Inglehart's (1997) postmaterialism thesis-especially in the value conflict between self-expression and survival concerns. These contrasts intersect with differing mobilization styles and media-use patterns, linking behavioral orientation to broader sociocultural currents of modernization and digital transformation (Giddens, 1991;Norris, 1999). ...
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This comparative analysis focuses on the interaction between the construction of the “political self” and the “moral self” and political behavior. The data derive from an online survey with a sample of 534 Greek citizens, employing symbolic representation and advanced multivariate methods, using hierarchical cluster analysis (HCA) and factorial correspondence analysis (FCA) in two steps. The analysis detects distinct profiles of respondents, based on their “democratic” and “moral” characteristics enabling us to uncover distinct discourses of political culture and behaviors. The first model reveals four groups of culture-behavior, characterized by the antagonisms between [mobilization–trust institutions–democracy as a struggle or parliamentary] and [apathy–reject institutions–democracy as ancient Greece, corruption, protest or direct]. The second model highlights the critical role of information sources, moral values, and political mobilization, revealing a typology on the poles: non-mobilization–naturalistic values, personal success, and enjoyment–tradition–passive information from television or social circle. The moral framework of values further outlined contrasts: progress versus preservation and aggression/power versus altruism/calmness. The two models offer a multidimensional interpretive framework for Greek political culture, structured around three principal axes: (1) institutional trust versus systemic suspicion; (2) collectivist solidarity versus individual self-interest; and (3) tradition-bound authority versus progress-based pluralism. Visualizing these discourses, internal antagonisms—differences and similarities in a two-dimensional semantic map—offer explicit insights into the Greek political landscape but also contribute to the broader field using HCA and FCA as a robust tool for comparative analysis.
... Lipset predicted that economic development would shift politics toward class-based interests, eroding ascriptive ties (Lipset 1960). Inglehart went further, suggesting that post-materialist values would supplant identity with issue-driven concerns in advanced societies (Inglehart 1997). Yet, identity endures, adapting to modern contexts rather than fading. ...
... Some scholars counter that modernization continues to erode identity politics, arguing that globalization and education foster cosmopolitan values that prioritize universal issues-such as climate change or economic equity-over tribal affiliations (Appiah 2006; Norris and Inglehart 2019). They suggest that interconnected societies gradually shift toward post-materialist concerns, diluting ascriptive ties as predicted by Inglehart (1997). However, this view underestimates the 13 triad's adaptability: money funds identity-based campaigns, information amplifies them through targeted digital channels, and identity itself evolves to incorporate modern cleavages-racial, caste, or nationalist-rather than fading. ...
... This model critiques modernist and rationalist paradigms. Modernization theory's linear progression-toward issue-based politics-underestimates the triad's durability (Lipset 1960;Inglehart 1997). Rational choice's focus on policy-driven voting overlooks money's distortion, identity's pull, and information's amplification (Downs 1957;Enelow and Hinich 1984). ...
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This article examines the interplay of money, identity, and information as a pivotal triad reshaping electoral politics and legitimacy in modern democracies, with insights from the United States, India, Germany, China, and Russia. Financial resources, through campaign finance and state funds, enable strategies exploiting identity cleavages like race, caste, and nationalism, amplified by digital networks such as social media and targeted messaging. In democracies, this dynamic fosters polarization and erodes trust, while in non democracies, it bolsters regime narratives. Drawing on political economy, social identity theory, and media studies, the study reveals a feedback loop: money shapes identity appeals, information disseminates them, and power consolidates, challenging issue based governance assumptions. Comparative analysis highlights the triad universal yet context specific impact, underscoring the need for reforms to address its effects on democratic theory and practice, as it entrenches elite influence and tribal divisions across diverse political systems.
... For this reason, the current article aims to empirically analyse the relationship between cultural values and the UDHR. To this end, we rely on Modernization theory to conceptualize cultural values (Inglehart, 2020;Inglehart & Baker, 2000;Inglehart & Welzel, 2010). ...
... The fundamental tenet of Modernization theory is that economic progress and cultural changes are correlated and proceed in tandem (Bell, 2020;Inglehart, 2020;Inglehart & Baker, 2000;Lerner, 1958). As societies modernize, their economies transition from agricultural to industrial and tertiary. ...
... Critics argue that Modernization theory is Eurocentric, overly deterministic, and fails to account for different societies' unique historical and cultural contexts (Delanty, 2006;Roxborough, 1988;Sunar & Bulut, 2016). However, data from the World Values Survey (WVS), which covers more than 85 countries with diverse cultural, religious, and historical backgrounds, supports modernization theory (Inglehart, 2020). The socio-cultural transitions identified in the theory are not strictly Western but are observed in various regions, including Asia, Africa, and Latin America, undergoing economic and social development. ...
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This article examines the relationship between cultural values and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) through the lens of modernization theory. Utilizing both quantitative text analysis and qualitative thematic analysis, the study finds a significant alignment of the UDHR with rational/secular and self-expression values while showing conflicts with traditional/religious and survival values. It is found that the UDHR reflects the cultural values of developed economies, characterized by individualism, rationality, secularity, and egalitarianism. In contrast, traditional and religious societies prioritize community ties, social norms, and religious adherence, often conflicting with the UDHR's emphasis on individual rights and freedoms. The findings offer a balanced perspective on the cultural relativism versus universalism debate. While cultural relativism is supported in practice due to the conflicts between traditional/religious values and the UDHR, universalism holds theoretical validity as economically developed societies tend to "universally" adopt values that align with the UDHR.
... Tego rodzaju "miękkie" więzi stanowią ważny zasób kulturowy społeczeństwa i mają realną pragmatyczną wartość. Widzi się w nich siłę napędową procesów rozwojowych w gospodarce (obniżają ekonomiczne koszty transakcji, zwiększają wydajność), fundament idei reprezentacji politycznej (decydują o zaufaniu do wybranych przedstawicieli ludu) i społeczeństwa obywatelskiego (wpływają na gotowość do dobrowolnego zrzeszania się i współpracy) (Inglehart 1997;Fukuyama 1997;Putnam 1995;Sztompka 1999;Paxton 1999). Są także podstawą oczekiwań społecznych związanych z pełnieniem ról społecznych (zaufanie do urzędników, lekarzy itp.). ...
... Potwierdzają to wyniki wieloletnich badań nad wartościami prowadzonych w 70 krajach świata (World Value Survey; zob. Inglehart 1997). Wskaźnik wzajemnego zaufania w społeczeństwie polskim (odpowiedź na pytanie: "Czy zdaniem Pana większości ludzi można ufać?"), który u progu transformacji (w 1991 r.) wynosił 35% i był na poziomie progu dla rozwiniętych społeczeństw zachodnich, spadł w 1996 r. do 16%. ...
... Kultura stosunków interpersonalnych i działań zbiorowych wytwarza się w długotrwałym procesie społecznym. Jak zauważa Ronald Inglehart (1997), poziom zaufania społecznego jest względnie trwałą cechą każdego społeczeństwa i stanowi odbicie jego historycznych doświadczeń. Wysoki poziom zaufania społecznego jest cechą społeczeństw stabilnych, w których istnieje pewność i przewidywalność sytuacji, reguły prawne, moralne i zwyczajowe są stabilne, znane i przestrzegane, a społeczne wspólnoty nie zostały rozbite. ...
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It is argued that social vacuum and atomisation typical of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) have recurred as vacuum and atomisation of the new democratic society. The observed symptoms include lack of social trust in Poland, use of social capital to pursue particularistic goals at the cost of common interest, erosion of extended horizontal bonds, decline of working environment (and the lack of working environment in case of the unemployed), pathology of power among local self-government authorities, within party and corporate systems, corruption, political and economic clientelism. The authors have outlined a number of sources of social atomisation such as Poland’s historical legacy, persistent social instability, pessimistic attitudes, individualistic egoism, trauma of transition, “cultural vacuum”, axiological and normative chaos.
... Despite a dominance of questions focused on the macro level, survey research also plays an increasingly important role in recent times. Particularly well-known are the studies by Inglehart (1997) in the context of the World Value Survey, in which a mixture of aggregated individual data and macro data is often analyzed. Nevertheless, there is a certain skepticism in the mainstream of political science regarding the informative value of individual data, although an increasingly prevalent view considers this subjective side of politics (Easton 1965) as relevant . ...
... Especially with the development of a political culture and value research, this research field established itself. Classics here are the studies "The Civic Culture" by Almond and Verba (1963), the "Political Action Study" by Barnes and Kaase (1979) and the value change studies by Inglehart (1977Inglehart ( , 1997. Jahn (2005) highlights the continued significance of contrasting studies (idiographic approach) in comparative political science (Lichbach and Zuckermans 1997), combined with a historical view of macro units. ...
Chapter
Different scientific disciplines have dealt with the question of the possibilities and limitations of cultural comparisons. This chapter traces some important stages of this development in order to lay a foundation on which the current debates become understandable. Primarily, the scientific disciplines particularly active in cultural comparison—ethnology, sociology, political science, and psychology are examined more closely.
... Several other relevant models address human values, notably those of Maslow [30], Rokeach [31], and Inglehart [32][33][34]. Maslow's theory organizes human needs into a sequential hierarchy; Rokeach distinguishes between terminal and instrumental values; and Inglehart categorizes values into Materialistic and Post-Materialistic types. Schwartz's theory was selected for its consistent empirical validation, comprehensive structure, and a unique capability to map conflicts and compatibilities among values. ...
... Rather, factors such as European integration [1], intensified migratory movements (notably the threefold increase in immigration between 2008 and 2019 [6]), and the dissemination of globalized sociopolitical ideals appear to have significantly shaped the Portuguese value landscape. These trends highlight the non-deterministic character of cultural transformation, indicating that shared historical anchors do not necessarily entail parallel developmental trajectories [43], reinforcing the need to consider the selective processes emphasized in modernization theories [23,34]. ...
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Understanding the evolution of societal values is crucial amidst globalization and migration. This study aimed to (1) map Portugal’s basic human values (BHVs) profile in 2020 through comparison with six European countries (Bulgaria, France, United Kingdom, Hungary, Italy, and Norway) and (2) analyze Portugal’s BHVs trajectory from 2002 to 2020. Drawing on Schwartz’s theory and European Social Survey (ESS) data, we applied descriptive statistics, similarity indices, post-stratification weighting, and trend analysis after extensive data cleaning. Results indicate that in 2020, Portugal displayed high self-transcendence and relatively high openness to change, aligning most closely with the United Kingdom and Hungary. Longitudinal analysis revealed a shift after 2012, marked by rising hedonism, stimulation, and self-direction, and declining conformity. These value dynamics offer insights into future societal demands and potential tensions. Moreover, Portugal’s emerging value configuration—balancing self-transcendence with growing openness—may foster economic opportunities by enhancing attractiveness for innovation ecosystems (linked to self-direction and stimulation), experience-driven tourism (hedonism), and investments aligned with sustainable and social goals (universalism and benevolence). Monitoring value changes remains essential to anticipate societal transformations and inform policy design.
... How does the perception of the hedonic value of gold differ between preliberalization and postliberalization generations of female consumers? Inglehart (1997) explores the cultural changes brought out by modernization and post-modernization and explains how the shifts affect values and behaviors. Liberalization and Globalization have triggered drastic transformations in the social realms of India, with economic policies driving changes in elements of society such as employment, income, etc. (Naidu, 2006). ...
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Purpose: The study explores the perceptual differences between pre- and post-liberalization generations in India regarding the hedonic value of physical gold. The objective was to map and compare the perceptions of women from two generations regarding the hedonic value of gold. Methodology: A survey was administered to consumers from two generations within the same household to ensure homogeneity, specifically targeting married daughters and their mothers. Participants rated various attributes of gold on a ten-point scale based on their perceived similarity to gold. The study employed the Multi-Dimensional Scaling technique for the analysis. Results: The analysis highlights generational differences in the perception of gold. The pre-liberalization generation viewed gold as fashionable but not durable or precious, valuing its glitter but not its elegance or beauty. In contrast, the post-liberalization generation saw gold as durable and precious but not fashionable,associating it positively with glitter and elegance. Both generations agreed that gold does not enhance beauty but appreciated its glitter. The perception of the younger generation is shaped by globalization and the availability of alternatives like imitation jewelry. Conclusion: The findings of the study highlight how cultural shifts and market changes influence generational attitudes toward a cultural good like gold in India, with implications for marketers and retailers in the jewelry and similar industries.
... 6. World Value Survey (WVS) [16] was launched as an international counterpart to EVS with a scope on non-European countries, but it currently operates as a separate data collection with a partly different methodology. The WVS is closely related to the work of Ronald Inglehart, who developed his comprehensive theory on value change in countries around the world based on WVS data (Inglehart 1997). Within the WVS framework, data collection has taken place in seven waves so far, with the changing participation of countries. ...
... Accordingly, voters' preferences are shaped primarily by economic interests and benefits. Inglehart's (1977;1997) studies also draw attention to the relationship between voter preference and socio-economic development level. Inglehart argues that increasing socio-economic development leads voters to place greater emphasis on post-materialist values such as freedom, democracy, and the environment, rather than material concerns. ...
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Purpose: This study is primarily focused on analyzing voter preference in Türkiye. Specifically, the study aims to analyze the impact of voters' socio-economic development levels on their preference for the incumbent or opposition blocs, with specific reference to the 28 May 2023 presidential election. Design/Methodology: The primary question is whether a voter's socio-economic status directs their vote towards the incumbent or the opposition. To address this question, district-level data from the Ministry of Industry and Technology's "District Socio-Economic Development Ranking Study (SEGE-2022)" report were analyzed alongside the Supreme Election Council's (YSK) official results from the May 28, 2023, presidential election. Correlation analysis was utilized to determine the nature of the relationship between the Socio-Economic Development Index (SEDI) and candidate vote shares. Findings: The findings suggest a statistically significant relationship between socio-economic development and voter preference for the incumbent or opposition Limitations: The study's conclusions are limited by several factors. Its focus on the 2023 election restricts generalizability, and the analysis did not control for potentially confounding variables (e.g., voter demographics, political attitudes, campaign strategies). Therefore, the observed relationship between socio-economic development and voter preference may not be solely causal. Originality/Value: The 2023 Turkish Presidential Election marked a critical juncture in Türkiye's political history, characterized by heightened polarization and competitiveness. This context necessitates a detailed examination of voter preferences and the underlying factors influencing those preferences. The significance of this study stems from its analysis of the role of socio-economic development as a factor influencing voter preference, using current data and a unique sample.
... impacted all segments of society; however, their effect on women has been especially profound (Ramadan, 2019;Inglehart, 2020;Nwaoduh, 2017;Klasen et al., 2015). Despite the efforts of international human rights and humanitarian organisations to address women-specific issues, United Nations reports continue to highlight that women remain among the most vulnerable to poverty (Moquette, 2029;Seliga, 2023;Boris, 2019). ...
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The current study aimed to examine the phenomenon of feminization of poverty in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Emirati women. Employing a descriptive research design, data were collected through a questionnaire administered to a random sample of 60 women representing various nationalities, socio-economic backgrounds, and employment statuses within the United Arab Emirates. The findings highlighted that feminized poverty is a widespread issue across the Arab region, largely influenced by factors such as the shift from extended to nuclear family structures, increasing rates of family disintegration, and rising divorce rates. Moreover, the results indicated that no statistically significant differences were found in the prevalence of feminization of poverty across nationalities, including Emirati, Moroccan, Palestinian, Jordanian, and Egyptian participants. Among the most impactful proposed solutions were the eradication of gender-based discrimination in Arab societies and the advancement of gender equality in both rights and responsibilities—measures deemed essential for addressing the underlying drivers of poverty among women in the region.
... In consolidated democracies, this distrust is explained by the cultural changes caused by the emergence of post-materialist values (Inglehart, 1999;Inglehart & Catterberg, 2002;Inglehart & Welzel, 2005), which question political structures and encourage greater citizen participation and autonomy. The literature on protests does not measure much in terms of quantity, but it does show that there have been changes in activism and participation in protests in the region in recent decades (Murillo, 2021;von Bülow, 2018). ...
Chapter
The chapter analyzes the prospects and challenges of democracy in Latin America, which is going through intense political turbulence, and examines the opinion of its citizens regarding democracy and other issues related to their political attitudes. Trust in institutions and certain political behaviors are associated with adherence to democracy and converge towards greater stability of the regime. The data was extracted from the Latinobarometer survey, in the historical series 2000–2020 in 18 countries. During this period, there was deep political unrest, the growth of anti-democratic radical right-wing groups and a decline in popular belief in institutions, which describes a situation of instability and political uncertainty in the region.
... In addition, cultural values form our behaviour norms and provide a tool to determine whether a behaviour is acceptable. Common experiences of a certain group of people, related to their education, age, gender, or occupation, and their unique individual experiences can influence their value priorities (Inglehart 1997;Schwartz 2003). Comparisons of the value priorities of groups and individuals can help to understand the impact of major social changes (in economics or politics) and some distinctions of individual experience (Schwartz 2003). ...
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The article examines the value profiles among Lithuanian women and men. Data from the European Social Survey (Round 10) was used to perform latent profile analysis to determine the number of profiles among Lithuanian women and men. The latent profile analysis was performed to search for the best fitting profile number. The data confirmed that six-profiles solution is the best for both women and men. Only one significant difference was observed between the profiles. The findings of the research showed that men and women represent similar profiles based on the patterns of how value is important. These similarities among men and women suggest the existing of Lithuanian cultural profiles and that they are probably not gender-sensitive. However, considering the lack of a priori theory to exploit the findings, recommendations for future research are provided.
... Diversos enfoques culturalistas han resaltado la importancia de los valores democráticos y la estabilidad de las instituciones sociales y políticas para fomentar actitudes favorables hacia la igualdad de género y la diversidad sexual (Almond y Verba, 1963;Wildavsky, 1987). En esta línea, estos valores políticos ligados al igualitarismo forman parte de lo que Inglehart (1987Inglehart ( , 1997 denominó como « postmaterialistas», uno de los principales marcos teóricos utilizados en las últimas décadas para explicar el cambio social en las actitudes políticas y sociales en las sociedades postindustriales. ...
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En este estudio de carácter descriptivo, mostramos la evolución de las actitudes hacia la diversidad sexual en España desde la Transición hasta la actualidad. A partir de datos de la Encuesta Europea de Valores y una encuesta propia, ofrecemos un estudio longitudinal que abarca más de 40 años (1980-2022) y describe los cambios en la percepción de la homosexualidad entre diferentes perfiles de la población española. Si bien se observa una tendencia positiva sostenida desde los años 80, identificamos un estancamiento en 2018, acompañado de retrocesos en ciertos grupos sociodemográficos, como hombres, personas de mediana edad, individuos con niveles educativos bajos y quienes se sitúan ideológicamente en el centro-izquierda. Además, nuestros hallazgos revelan diferencias significativas en la actualidad, especialmente entre hombres y mujeres en la derecha y entre personas con distintos niveles educativos dentro del centro-izquierda. En línea con el marco teórico expuesto, los resultados sugieren que la consolidación de valores liberales ha favorecido la aceptación de la diversidad sexual. Sin embargo, el nuevo contexto sociopolítico en España —marcado por la creciente politización de los derechos LGTBIQ+ y la legitimación de un partido de derecha radical como VOX— podría haber generado resistencias en ciertos grupos, e incluso reversiones en las tendencias previamente observadas en encuestas anteriores. Si bien es pronto para poder confirmar la existencia de un retroceso de actitudes de corte estructural, nuestros resultados sí avanzan que dicho estancamiento, junto con los retrocesos descritos en algunos sectores sociales, plantea interrogantes sobre la existencia de posible amenaza a la aceptación social de las personas LGTBIQ+ en España. This descriptive study analyses the evolution of attitudes toward sexual diversity in Spain from the democratic transition to the present. Drawing on data from the European Values Study and an original survey, we offer a longitudinal analysis spanning over 40 years (1980–2022), tracing changes in perceptions of homosexuality across various segments of the Spanish population. While a steady positive trend is observed since the 1980s, we identify a stagnation beginning in 2018, along with regressions in certain sociodemographic groups, such as men, middle-aged individuals, those with lower educational attainment, and those who identify ideologically with the center-left. Moreover, our findings reveal significant current disparities—particularly between men and women on the political right, and across educational levels within the center-left. In line with the theoretical framework presented, the results suggest that the consolidation of liberal values has contributed to the growing acceptance of sexual diversity. However, the new sociopolitical context in Spain—characterized by the increasing politicization of LGTBIQ+ rights and the legitimization of the radical right-wing party VOX—may have triggered resistance among certain groups, and even reversals of previously observed trends. Although it is still too early to confirm a structural backlash, our findings indicate that the recent stagnation, together with the regressions seen in specific social sectors, raises important questions about a potential threat to the social acceptance of LGTBIQ+ people in Spain. Financiación Este artículo ha sido posible gracias al proyecto “Identidades sexuales y comportamiento político. El efecto de la orientación sexual en ideología, partidismo y activismos” (POL-LGTBI), financiado con la convocatoria a investigadores tempranos UNED-Santander 2023; al Proyecto PID2022-139755NB-I00 financiado por la AEI (10.13039/501100011033) y la Unión Europea (NextGenerationEU); y al Proyecto SI3/PJI/2021-00384, financiado por la Comunidad de Madrid y la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.
... In the third stage of our research, a comprehensive analysis was conducted on the key concepts identified in the literature related to the dimensions and factors that shape the SX. Additionally, we examined the primary cultural dimensions widely utilized in sociological research [17,33,34] to ensure a thorough understanding of how these factors influence student perceptions and interactions within higher education environments. This analysis provided a foundational framework for integrating cultural considerations into the SX model, further enhancing the methodology's applicability across diverse student populations. ...
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Cultural factors shape students’ expectations and perceptions within diverse educational settings. The perceived quality of a Higher Education Institution (HEI) is crucial to its success, with student satisfaction determined mainly by their overall experiences. The concept of Student eXperience (SX) can be analyzed through the lens of Customer eXperience (CX) from a Human–Computer Interaction (HCI) perspective, positioning students as the “customers” of the institution. SX encompasses academic and physical interactions and students’ emotional, social, and psychological responses toward an institution’s systems, products, and services. By accounting for factors such as emotions, socioeconomic status, disabilities, and, importantly, cultural background, SX provides a comprehensive measure of student experiences. Building upon our previous SX model and Hofstede’s national culture model, we have developed a Student eXperience evaluation methodology that serves as a diagnostic tool to assess both student satisfaction and how effectively HEIs serve a diverse student population. This methodology ensures that all students, regardless of their background, are considered in the evaluation process, facilitating the early identification of institutional strengths and weaknesses. Incorporating cultural aspects into the assessment delivers more precise results. Furthermore, our approach supports HEIs in promoting equity, diversity, and inclusion by addressing the needs of minority students and students with disabilities, as well as reducing gender disparities. These objectives align with UNESCO’s Sustainable Development Goals, contributing to fostering an equitable learning environment. By adopting such inclusive evaluation practices, HEIs can enhance the perceived quality of education and their responsiveness to the needs of an increasingly multicultural student body.
... Currently, there is a consensus in the literature regarding the determinants of women's LFP. 9 In line with the post-materialist theory, modern societies are experiencing a shift towards more liberal values as a result of economic development (Inglehart 1997). Inglehart proposes a linkage between one's belief system with political and socioeconomic variables. ...
Article
As much as data on the women labour force participation (LFP) rate reveals, several issues remain puzzling. While the dominance of women in the manufacturing and service sector is evident, the proportion of Malaysian women in the workforce is still low when compared to neighbouring countries. This paper utilises data from the World Values Survey to explore how one’s attributes and gender-role attitudes affect women LFP in Malaysia, given that empirical literature finds that women’s LFP contributes to human capital empowerment and spurs economic growth. Our results suggest that individuals who hold traditional gender attitudes, in terms of ‘being a housewife is fulfilling,’ will probably choose to refrain from the workforce. Other gender-role attitude indicators are diluted by the Malaysian government’s policies to encourage more women in the workforce. Our findings suggest a need to increase the return to skills to curtail the influence of traditional gender-role beliefs. This study provides useful insights to policymakers and employers in devising appropriate measures to increase women’s economic empowerment.
... Inoguchi y Le toman los datos de World Values Survey de Inglehart (1997), que trata de los valores y normas de los ciudadanos globales, y del Multilateral Treaties Survey de Lien T. Q. Le y Takashi Inoguchi sobre los tratados multilaterales de la ONU. Con ello, exhiben las relaciones entre las preferencias de los ciudadanos globales por la orientación de valores y la participación de los estados soberanos en los tratados multilaterales. ...
Article
Este ensayo tiene como objetivo honrar y comentar los principales trabajos del Prof. Takashi Inoguchi centrados en la calidad de vida y las relaciones internacionales de las sociedades asiáticas. Busca comentar y valorar los aportes teóricos, metodológicos y empíricos de su obra científica para acercarse y comprender el mundo asiático. En los siete libros analizados en este ensayo se utiliza el AsiaBarometro, un instrumento metodológico que recopila una enorme cantidad de datos organizados en distintas dimensiones de análisis sobre 32 sociedades asiáticas, en distintos lenguajes. Asimismo, explora nuevos enfoques de las relaciones internacionales basados en la enorme evidencia empírica de la firma de tratados multilaterales y el resultado de lo que el autor llama una política cuasi-legislativa global.
... Attitudinal and demographic changes emerged in the Nordic countries in the 1960s and became observable across Europe with some variation (Sobotka and Toulemon, 2008). Immigrant populations in Europe originate from diverse global regions and may mirror demographic behaviors and family systems from their home countries (Inglehart, 1997). At the same time, immigration contributed to increasing religious diversity in Europe, with the Muslim faith appearing as a marker of social boundaries and differences in demographic behavior compared to Christians or non-religious majority groups (Foner and Alba, 2008). ...
... The significance of this research extends beyond the immediate question of cattle sheds, touching on broader themes of sustainable development and resource optimization. It explores how rural communities can balance the demands of modernization with their environmental and cultural responsibilities (Inglehart, 2020). Moreover, it aligns with global goals, such as the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly those focused on sustainable cities and communities (SDG 11), responsible consumption and production (SDG 12), and climate action (SDG 13) (United Nations, 2015). ...
... Występują przeciw idei zatomizowanego społeczeństwa (por. Offe 1995;Inglehart 1997), akcentując wagę wartości postmaterialnych (wspólnota, poczucie więzi, przynależności, tożsamości, potrzeba autoekspresji, jakości życia). Do tych samych postulatów co nowe ruchy społeczne sięgają organizacje charytatywne i pozarządowe. ...
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Conceptualizing creative work as a job resource in the Job Demands-Resources (JD-R) model, this study examines how creative work is associated with self-esteem. In addition, it assesses how divine struggles not only shape self-esteem, but also the association between creative work and self-esteem. Using data from a nationwide study of Singaporean workers in 2021 ( n = 467), our analyses show that creative work is positively associated with self-esteem whereas divine struggles are negatively associated with self-esteem. Moreover, divine struggles modify the association between creative work and self-esteem. Specifically, the positive association between creative work and self-esteem is stronger for those who have higher levels of divine struggles. These observations dovetail with the resource substitution thesis, suggesting that creative work is a critical compensator for self-esteem among those who have troubled relationships with God. Broadly, this study contributes to theoretical knowledge about the ways that religion interacts with work conditions to shape self-concept.
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This essay explores the post-pandemic religious revival among Asian youth, particularly focusing on Japan and Thailand, where traditional religious practices have experienced renewed interest. Following the social isolation and existential questioning triggered by COVID-19, young Asians aged 18-35 have shown increased engagement with Shinto shrines in Japan and Buddhist meditation retreats in Thailand. This phenomenon is more than a mere reaction to crisis; it is a deeper spiritual quest for significance, community, and identity in societies which have undergone such rapid modernization that they may feel alienated from their culture. The revitalization takes place within both the physical structures of traditional places of worship, and the digital realm of information on spirituality. This paper considers the motivations of the quest and the desire for significance in an uncertain and hostile environment to hyper-materialism. It also explores the social implications of the revitalization, from tighter-knit community bonding towards incipient disintegrations caused by modernization. The spiritual revival among Asian youth merits further research, particularly regarding its sustainability, digitalization, and impact on broader societal values in post-pandemic Asia.
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Competition permeates various facets of our lives, from the job market to sports arenas, influencing resource allocation, recognition opportunities, and societal dynamics. However, entrenched notions in social sciences, particularly the assumption of a linear correlation between competition and inequality within free-market systems, can limit perspectives. This book challenges such assumptions, delving deeper into the multifaceted nature of competition dynamics. Drawing from extensive literature and empirical data across diverse systems, cultures, and eras, it offers readers a nuanced understanding of competition's complexities. Contrary to prevailing beliefs, competition's roots are not solely tied to Western individualism and capitalism. By examining competition through cultural, economic, and political lenses, this book enables readers to recognize that such an assumption represents only a selective portion of competition dynamics. By embracing an interdisciplinary approach, this book encourages readers to reevaluate their perspectives on competition, recognizing its varied sources and consequences beyond conventional paradigms.
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This chapter seeks to explore, from the study of the Brazilian case, the theme of the growing political action of evangelicals through the prism of their positions and their strategy based on the tension of moral agendas and the defense of the reversal of social conquests and the curtailment of political minorities. The analysis is based on the discursive logic of the conflict between good and evil. To this end, we contend that the debate follows a logic of battles, according to which political disputes are articulated as a clash of morally distinct worldviews in which evangelicals represent the rescue and defense of historical values against an alleged agenda of destruction of traditional sociability. The analysis undertaken here employs descriptive statistics from national opinion polls to illustrate the socioeconomic profile, ideology, and voting intentions of evangelicals. Additionally, it examines a collection of legislation that demonstrates the activism of evangelicals in institutional spaces, particularly in relation to moral categories.
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Chapter 8 deals with basic methods of analyzing data obtained in cross-cultural studies. It aims to provide an overview of standard procedures. For a more in-depth examination of analysis methods, reference must be made to specialized textbooks.
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Introduction/Main Objectives: The batik industry is part of the creative economy sector that not only contributes to cultural preservation but also creates local economic opportunities. This study aims to analyze the empowerment strategies for batik artisans and examine the application of Rostow's modernization theory in the development of Batik Gunawan Setiawan Industry. Research Methods: This research employs a qualitative descriptive approach with data collected through observation, interviews, and documentation. Finding/Results: The findings reveal that empowerment efforts include skills training, human resource development, performance-based incentives, and the use of digital platforms for marketing and promotion. Furthermore, the industry's growth aligns with the stages of Rostow's modernization theory, progressing from traditional practices to a modern, globally competitive enterprise. Conclusion: This study highlights that the integration of cultural preservation with modernization is essential for the sustainability of the batik industry in the global era.
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This study explores the link between culture and support for violence against children in six South Asian (Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan) and European (Germany, Netherlands, and Sweden) countries. Utilizing data from the World Values Survey, it tests three hypotheses based on modernization theory. Results reveal that various measures of secularism are negatively associated with support for violence against children. For instance, individuals not affiliated with any religious organizations are more inclined to reject such violence. Similarly, belief that God is not important in life and respect for authority is a bad thing are linked to reduced support for violence against children. Moreover, post-materialist values show a negative correlation with violence. However, there is also evidence of rejection of violence against children among adherents of traditional values. The study does not discern a consistent cross-cultural pattern of association, suggesting that the spillover effects of secular value orientations are more complex than initially expected.
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The chapter critically examines generational research in Italy, shedding light on challenges and criticisms. It underscores how the notion of generational differences has gained popularity in HRM practice, yet empirical evidence supporting these claims in Italy remains scarce. Moreover, it emphasizes that relying on generational categories may not only be misleading but also perpetuate ageism. Consequently, the validity of such categories in HRM research warrants scrutiny due to the associated risk of perpetuating stereotypes and related methodological challenges. In conclusion, the chapter advocates for a nuanced understanding of age-related dynamics in HRM, proposing exploration of alternative constructs such as psychosocial age. It calls for the adoption of inclusive HRM practices tailored to individual needs, rather than depending on broad generational categorizations. This approach would foster a more equitable and effective management of human resources in Italy’s diverse workplace landscape.
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We report a series of meta-meta-analyses examining cultural variability in the Theory of Planned Behavior involving data from 956 studies across 54 countries ( N = 151,177 to 245,694). Using multi-level analyses, we identified substantive variability within-country for all effects (variability at level 2 in 5 out of 6 analyses >70%). Cross-cultural variability was sizable, ranging from 5.5% for the attitude-intention association to 57.8% for the norm-behavior association. On average, cross-cultural variability was larger for behavior (28.6%) than for intentions (8.1% of the variability). We were able to predict systematic patterns for individually focused cognitions (attitudes, perceived behavioral control) on behavioral intentions, but no consistent effects emerged predicting variability in behavioral outcomes or for norms. These patterns suggest cultural theories are better at predicting variability in individualistic cognitions, but do less well for explaining variability in behavior or norm effects, even though these effects show greater variability cross-culturally.
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Research suggests that the degree of democracy in countries is correlated with certain characteristics of its citizens. A question is whether different types of government (e.g., autocratic vs. democratic) are associated with specific personality dispositions and the well-being of citizens. We addressed this question with a sample of over 200,000 persons from 75 countries. Using structural equation modeling and a strong measurement invariance approach we tested the association between national government type (autocratic, hybrid, flawed democracy, full democracy) and citizens report of socially aversive (malevolent) versus affiliative (benevolent) traits. As governments varied from autocratic to full democracy there were lower malevolent traits and higher benevolent traits. Further, established quantitative democracy indices predicted higher benevolent and lower malevolent traits in the total sample, while only benevolent traits were strongly associated with well-being. The findings highlight associations between governments and personality traits and how democratic practices might influence the well-being of its citizens.
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Objective Applying family systems theory, this study examines the relationship between adult children's job sector (public vs. private) and parental subjective well‐being in post‐reform China. Gender disparity and mechanisms have also been examined. Background Individual development is shaped by multilevel interactions within the systematic family units, embedded in larger social structure contexts. The market transition in China, which contributed to a fragmented labor market and divided welfare regimes, may have reshaped the micro parent–child interconnections. Adult children's life circumstances, differentiated by social structures, may lead to inequalities in well‐being among the older generation. Method Drawing on data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), this study uses the Inverse Probability of Treatment Weighting (IPTW) to investigate the association between children's job sector and parental well‐being while controlling for the observable confounding bias. KHB (Karlson‐Holm‐Breen) analysis is used to examine the mediators with the weighted sample. Results Adult children's state‐sector employment is associated with improved parental subjective well‐being, but only daughters' state‐sector jobs significantly favor parental subjective well‐being. The relationships are partly mediated by daughters' well‐being and emotional support toward parents. Conclusion Adopting a systemic approach to understanding social changes, family dynamics, and personal functioning, this study illustrates how a segmented labor market and divided welfare regimes significantly influence individual well‐being through the family process.
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Objective This study investigated whether individualization has affected extended family bonds. Background Individualization theory stipulates that extended family bonds have become more unstable over time due to a shift in the main function of the family from instrumental to emotional, and an increase in individual choice at the cost of tradition. However, little empirical research exists to support this claim. Methods Interviews containing youth narratives on extended family bonds collected in a primary study were analyzed. In total, the analysis included the narratives of three generations from 14 families ( N = 42). Results The results supported assumptions regarding the waning instrumental function of extended family and the increased importance of individual choice. However, the continuing importance of traditional family contact, the absence of an increase in instability across generations, and an additional finding regarding intergenerational transmission of family values made a case against intergenerational change associated with individualization. The analysis also indicated the importance of personal, family, social and historical context. Conclusion The results of this study only partially support theoretical assumptions on changes in extended family bonds due to individualization. Implications The results underline the importance of a multileveled contextual perspective on extended family bonds in family research, policy, and practice.
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This study examines the changes in Schwartz’s higher-order-value dimensions in Lithuanians over time. We analyze cross-sectional repeated survey data, with a sample of 11,199 respondents from six waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) during the years 2010–2020. Time-lag and cross-sectional analyses revealed age and period effects on self-enhancement and self-transcendence, and age, period, and cohort effects on openness to change and conservation. A comparison of political generations shows that the youngest cohort (independent EU generation) is more conservative, more self-transcending, less open to change, and less self-enhancing over time, in contrast to other generations. The Soviet legacy generations follow a different trajectory of openness to change and conservation than the Stalin and Independent EU generations, suggesting that historical context and current period effects are strong, and that the youngest political generation is particularly sensitive to societal-level disruptions. It is plausible that forces related to rapid societal change, for example, a decline in the working-age population after the collapse of the Soviet Union and, more recently, during the period of the study due to mass emigration, have left a generation trapped between scarcity and modernity.
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A longstanding argument in the field of institutional trust reads that trust is the outcome of a process of socialization. This approach suggests that institutional trust may be understood as a set disposition that is shaped during one’s impressionable years (i.e., adolescence and pre-adulthood) and no longer systematically updated during an iterative process afterwards. Consequently, this disposition forms a baseline around which trust judgments tend to vary. Yet, this process of socialization to (dis)trust has not been studied directly. To fill this gap, this paper tests two rivalling models derived from cultural sociology. The active updating model implies that attitude baselines continue to be updated durably throughout a lifetime, whereas the settled dispositions model suggests that these attitudes remain relatively stable over a lifetime: longitudinal variation can be understood as random noise to the model. To test these models, this paper employs two panel data sets in the Netherlands (2018–2022) that measure trust in politics and other institutions annually: the LISS panel (covering the adult population) and the Dutch Adolescent Panel on Democratic Values (covering students in secondary education from age 12). We find evidence supporting the impressionable years hypothesis: while political trust is still subject to repeated updating among adolescents, it has settled into a disposition among adults. As such, our study highlights the relevance of socialization processes for the formation of institutional trust (during adolescence), as well as the relevance of a dispositional root of public attitudes (during adulthood). These findings have important implications for our understanding of both the determinants and consequences of institutional trust.
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Protestantism, as opposed to Catholicism, is widely seen as having contributed to the rise of Western individualism. However, little is known about potential value differences between these two branches of Christianity in contemporary Europe. In the current work, we examined patterns of value endorsement among current and former Protestants and Catholics within and between 20 European countries using data from the European Social Survey (N = 163,586). Results reveal that within a given country, Protestants are more likely to endorse self-transcendence values than Catholics are, and these findings held when controlling for religiosity, differences in socioeconomic status, and differences in religious de-identification. Surprisingly, differences between Protestants and Catholics in value endorsement were sometimes larger among less (vs. more) religious respondents and were detectable even among former Protestants and Catholics, with former Protestants resembling religious respondents more than former Catholics did. Results also reveal that some Protestant–Catholic differences are consistent across cultures, whereas others—principally on the dimension of openness to change versus conservation—are moderated by which group is the majority heritage. We discuss the possible contribution of Protestantism to Western individualism’s universalistic orientation, considering the association between Protestantism and self-transcendence values.
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Objectives We examine how parenthood shapes pro‐environmental attitudes. In particular, we discuss the dual pressure of legacy motivations and childcare burdens, gender disparities in caregiving responsibilities, and financial constraints on parents’ capacity to engage with environmental concerns. Methods We utilize the Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) from 2016, 2018, and 2020. The dependent variable is the pro‐environmental attitude score, and the key independent variables include parenthood, the number of children, gender, and income. The ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions are fitted to examine the main effects as well as the interactive effects. Results Our analysis shows that the effect of the number of children on pro‐environmental attitudes is conditional upon gender and income. Fathers and high‐income parents initially show greater support for pro‐environmental policies when they have fewer children as compared to when they have no children. However, as family size grows, their support for pro‐environmental policies declines. On the other hand, mothers and low‐income parents experience monotonically decreasing support for pro‐environmental policies as they have more children. Conclusions Our analysis suggests that legacy motivations prevail at first, helping parents to have higher pro‐environmental support. But, as childcare burdens intensify, they dominate legacy motivations and lower pro‐environmental support.
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Understanding how demographic and cultural change interact is essential for understanding the trajectory of historical and contemporary societies. While the diffusion of low fertility values is thought to be a key process in the demographic transition, we lack a mechanistic understanding that can provide links between population-level transmission rates and individual characteristics. Here we examine whether compositional changes in personal support networks can shape the spread of low fertility norms and ultimately fertility outcomes. Using detailed demographic and relational data from 22 mid-transition communities in rural Poland, we show how social support partners affect key reproductive attitudes and values through shifts from kin- to non-kin-oriented friendships, and from instrumental to emotional support. This shift in friendship styles appears to be driven by educated women, who exchange more emotional support with friends, and who nominate fewer kin. This altered friendship composition and emotional support type is associated with low-fertility attitudes and outcomes among both post-reproductive and younger women. We identify emotional support as a key moderator of ideational change in the domain of fertility norms, with implications for cultural change more broadly.
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This article examines the role of law in the processes of social transformation in two post-colonial countries, Algeria and Kenya. The study explores the similarities and differences between these two countries in their use of legal systems to address social challenges, economic inequalities, and the strengthening of democratic institutions and human rights. Both Algeria and Kenya, after gaining independence from colonial legal systems primarily designed to benefit colonial powers, sought to establish indigenous and independent legal frameworks. Along this path, new laws were enacted in various areas such as land reform, women's and minority rights, and anti-corruption measures. The comparative study reveals that despite historical and social similarities, cultural and legal differences have led to different outcomes in the social transformation processes of these two nations. Utilizing comparative methods and theoretical analyses, this article delves into the impacts of law on social transformations in Algeria and Kenya and offers recommendations for policymakers and researchers in this field.
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Objective This study examines the evolving relationship between modernization, shifting value orientations, and political attitudes in China, with a focus on generational differences. Methods The study employed data from the Asia Barometer Survey (2011–2019) and used Prof. Hu Fu's pro‐democratic value framework to analyze democratic values. Results The findings reveal that although younger generations demonstrate increased support for certain liberal democratic values, their overall orientation remains more consistent with the modern authoritarian values endorsed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The study further shows that the CCP's control over public discourse and selective promotion of specific values significantly shapes political attitudes across generations. Conclusion Despite notable economic development and generational shifts, the CCP continues to dominate the narrative on value change in China. This persistent control has not only stabilized the current political system but also limited the country's potential transition toward a liberal democratic regime.
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