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Yanomami hunting patterns [microform] : trekking and garden relocation as an adaptation to game availability in Amazonia, Venezuela /
Abstract
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1989. Microfiche.
... A mobilidade dos Yanomami em seu território está relacionada ao sistema produtivo e renovação/manutenção dos estoques de caça (GOOD, 1989;RAMOS, 1995). Ramos (1995) sugere que, além da mobilidade com finalidades ambientais, outras podem estar relacionadas à pressão de agentes externos, como por exemplo, as provocadas por epidemias. ...
... As terras baixas possuem uma razoável suficiência de recursos, devido à presença de rios maiores e mais piscosos, e devido às características da floresta, naturalmente mais rica e biodiversa (GOOD, 1989;ALBERT, 1999). Ali, a população encontra-se concentrada em menos comunidades, algumas mais populosas. ...
... Tais observações são condizentes com a leitura ambiental da abundância de ictiofauna nos grandes rios sustentar concentrações maiores de população (BECKERMAN, 1983; e com os estudos de Good (1989) sobre os constantes deslocamentos yanomami como resposta adaptativa à caça se tornar escassa próximo a habitações em região serrana. Foram relatados, em episódios climáticos extremos, uma diminuição temporária de recursos alimentares de natureza variada (MNTB, 2007). ...
A mortalidade resultante de invasões da Terra Indígena Yanomami (TIY) por garimpeiros, cujo evento mais conhecido foi o massacre de Haximu em 1993, deixou uma marca clara na estrutura demográfica da população indígena. A dinâmica populacional Yanomami dos últimos vinte anos, no tempo e no espaço, está também correlacionada com o estabelecimento de missões religiosas e de postos de saúde. A demografia das comunidades e grupos populacionais Yanomami foi avaliada em quatro épocas com intervalos de sete anos entre eles (para os biênios 1987-1988, 1994-1995, 2001-2002 e 2008-2009) e os dados foram espacializados em um sistema de informações geográficas (SIG), obtendo uma regionalização da TIY baseados em dados altitudinais (serra e terras baixas), bacia hidrográfica, e em dados linguísticos e interculturais. O estudo demonstrou o crescimento da população yanomami em todas as regiões da TIY, dobrando em vinte anos. O crescimento foi menor no primeiro intervalo e estabilizou nos outros dois. O primeiro intervalo se correlaciona com a influência garimpeira sobre a Terra Indígena Yanomami. O estudo demonstrou uma distribuição da população em duas configurações distintas: um pequeno número de comunidades sedentárias populosas (mais de 10% da população em apenas quatro entre 265 comunidades) e uma maioria de comunidades menores, com mobilidade. Foi regionalizada essa configuração em quatro setores: 1) Serra Parima, uma região com população concentrada, com mobilidade; 2) Colinas de Roraima, uma região sob pressão das frentes pioneiras, fazendas, assentamentos e garimpos, 3) Terras baixas do Demini, uma região que foi afetada no passado pela construção da Rodovia Perimetral Norte, e 4) Terras baixas do estado do Amazonas, uma região de contato mais antigo e que possui as comunidades mais sedentárias. A assistência à saúde, por meio do estabelecimento de postos, garantiu o crescimento da população Yanomami, mas esta manteve sua mobilidade residencial, especialmente na serra. O estabelecimento de missões religiosas contribuiu para a formação de algumas grandes comunidades sedentárias em áreas de terras baixas, mas não impediu a mobilidade sem mudança de residência. A mortalidade devido à invasão da área por garimpeiros entre 1986 e 1999 explica distribuições etárias anômalas nos locais mais afetados.
... 14 Reduction in hunting productivity (kg/hunt) can be 28% within the first two years of occupation (Good, 1989). 15 The productivity of work in the Yanomami society is high: the relationship between energy gain and loss for the system as a whole is 6:5:1 and the calorific-protein composition of the diet The Yanomami traditionally plant around 100 cultivars of approximately 40 species of vegetables in their gardens, the greatest space being allotted to bananas and root crops. ...
... numerous articles cited by Colchester 1985 on nutritional and health studies among the Yanomami; regarding the Serra Parima see Holmes 1983and Smole 1976. 21 See Good (1989) and Hames (1983b). 22 The average work time per day for all activities is between five and seven hours (see Lizot, 1978 andColchester, 1982). ...
... Lizot (1980) mentions a maximum limit of 5-7 years, andGood (1989) cites a minimum of two. ...
The primary objective of this survey is to provide an overall assessment of the natural resources and environment of the Homoxi region, an analysis of the effects of gold mining upon these resources, an evaluation of their impact on the livelihoods of the Yanomami communities living in the region, and a survey of the opinions, desires and recommendations of those communities in the context of environmental recuperation. This provides the background information necessary for the development of a proposal for a management strategy and environmental recuperation programme in the Homoxi region, which will also serve as a model for further initiatives in other parts of the Yanomami territory.
... They are characterized by wide mobility over the territory they occupy, fusing and splitting their communities and changing their occupation sites periodically. Yanomami territorial practices have been intensively studied using ecological approaches (Chagnon and Hames 1979; Colchester 1982; Good 1989; Hames 1995; Harris 1984; Lizot 1978; Smole 1976), and from a socio-political and ethnographic standpoint (Albert 1985; Chagnon 1992; Ferguson 1995; Lizot 1977). The Yanomami began living with more intense contact with the surrounding society after the mid-1980s when their territory was invaded by gold miners (garimpeiros) who inflicted impacts on health and demographics. ...
... Debates persist about the role of ecological models for human populations in the Amazon region, especially for those living in a delicate interdependent relationship with natural ecosystems and in relative isolation from trade. Yanomami territorial movement is, in part, related to the characteristics of the forest and the dispersion of game animals because game availability decreases in proportion to the time of residence in a given location (Good 1989). In a study in mountainous regions of Venezuela, Good (1989) reported a 28% decrease in game between the first and second year of residence in a given location. ...
... The Serra Parima is the location of almost half of the Yanomami population but represents only 15% of the TIY. It is a place where natural conditions impose restrictions similar to those described by Good (1989) There are more groups which were sedentary during the first and second intervals but restarted to move recently, so we can interpret this as a real resumption of the mobility strategy. It was particularly felt in the Marauiá River Basin, where, since 1990, there was a trend to remain closer to navigable rivers while today there are communities deep in the forest. ...
The Yanomami are a hunter-gatherer and gardener people with high mobility, which influences the regeneration of forest in
agricultural clearings. Increasing contact with the wider Brazilian and Venezuelan societies may lead to sedentarization.
Population groups and clearings were mapped in the Yanomami Land in Brazil using four mosaics of Landsat images from within
a two-year period. The mosaics were separated by intervals of 7years. Few groups were sedentary, and most of these maintained
alternative residences. The Yanomami cleared 16,856ha (0.17% of the Yanomami territory in Brazil) over the 21years covered
by this study. Individuals in mobile groups deforested more than those in sedentary groups, but secondary-forest regeneration
occurs mainly in clearings made by mobile groups. Permanent settlements had impeded regeneration of 48% (2,025ha) of the
area cleared prior to 1988. Access to health care has led to population growth but has not increased sedentarization.
KeywordsAmazon rainforest–Forest regeneration–Human ecology–Landscape–Yanomami–Brazil–Tropical forest–Indigenous peoples–Migration–Swidden–Shifting cultivation–Hunting
... This arrow tip has 4 or 5 notches that make the tip break off inside the animal's body so it cannot be removed (Cocco 1987). The mamokori, also a curare-coated point, is often used for hunting primates (Good 1989). In addition, Good (1989) recorded the use of the barbed-bone u namo point to hunt monkeys and other arboreal animals and birds. ...
... The mamokori, also a curare-coated point, is often used for hunting primates (Good 1989). In addition, Good (1989) recorded the use of the barbed-bone u namo point to hunt monkeys and other arboreal animals and birds. Herzog-Schröder (1999a) reported the use of the huso mamo spear with a narrow, notched palm tip coated in curare, causing the monkey to become immobilized and to fall quickly. ...
Primates constitute one of the main sources of animal protein for the Yanomami people of Brazil and Venezuela. Monkeys are also important in Yanomami mythology, technology, and body adornment. Ten primate species are found in the Yanomami territory: Ateles belzebuth, Alouatta macconnelli, Cheracebus lugens, Saimiri cassiquiarensis, Aotus trivirgatus, Chiropotes israelita, Cacajao ayresi, Cebus olivaceus, Cacajao hosomi, and Cebus albifrons. In this chapter, we summarize the literature concerning primates in the lives of the Yanomami and present original data collected by J.P. Boubli at Maturacá village in Brazil and by H. Caballero-Arias on the Upper Orinoco in Venezuela. The literature and our more recent fieldwork show that A. belzebuth remains the preferred game species of the Yanomami due to its reported good taste. A. macconnelli is also a prized game species despite a less desirable taste and some cases of cultural avoidance. The remaining eight primate species of smaller body sizes are rarely targeted on hunting expeditions. Traditionally, Yanomami used bows and arrows to hunt, which meant a lower success rate per hunting effort. Today, firearm use is widespread, resulting in increasingly severe and apparently unsustainable impacts on primate populations. We hope that this publication will help stimulate a collaborative effort among anthropologists, biologists, and the Yanomami themselves to find solutions for the sustainable hunting of primates and other culturally important animal species in their territory.
... 19 A reduçao da produtividade da caça ja é de 28 % (kg/caçada) no segundo ano de ocupaçao de um sftio de residência (Good 1989:95-96). 20 Sponse1 1981:319-21, 1986 fundamental ao equilfbrio nutricional do grupo. ...
... No casa das bananeiras, s6 a quarta colheita é inferior à primeira (maturaçao de um ano)32. 31 Lizot 1986:38-39 e Good 1989:89, 1995 32 Sobre tudo isso, ver as notas 18 e 19, Good 1989:cap. 4 e Hames 1983b Nesta perspectiva, para assegurar a sua subsistência, uma comunidade Yanomami deve dispor de um espaço econâmico que, além de ser suficientemente vasto, seja adjacente a areas do mesmo tipo. ...
... Persistem os debates a respeito do papel dos modelos ecológicos para as populações humanas na Amazônia, especialmente para aquelas que vivem em delicada sintonia e interdependência com os ecossistemas naturais e relativo isolamento do comércio. A existência das movimentações territoriais dos Yanomami está relacionada em parte às características da floresta, de dispersão da caça (proteína disponível), tornando incerta sua obtenção (Good 1989), considerando sua diminuição proporcional ao tempo de moradia. Good (1989), em seu estudo nas regiões serranas da Venezuela, relatou haver uma diminuição de 28% da caça entre o primeiro e o segundo ano de morada num local. ...
... nia e interdependência com os ecossistemas naturais e relativo isolamento do comércio. A existência das movimentações territoriais dos Yanomami está relacionada em parte às características da floresta, de dispersão da caça (proteína disponível), tornando incerta sua obtenção (Good 1989), considerando sua diminuição proporcional ao tempo de moradia. Good (1989), em seu estudo nas regiões serranas da Venezuela, relatou haver uma diminuição de 28% da caça entre o primeiro e o segundo ano de morada num local. A mobilidade é vista como resposta adaptativa, assim como as fontes de alternativas protéicas que os Yanomami consomem: cogumelos (Prance 1976), sementes e castanhas comestíveis (algumas dep ...
... Human-animal interactions are at the core of contemporary hunter-gatherers' cultural identity ( Denevan 1980 ;Kelly 1995 ;Schweitzer et al. 2000 ). Across the Amazonian Basin , representations of animals are deeply rooted in the culture and history of many hunter-gatherer groups, with numerous legends, rituals and beliefs emphasizing the critical role of animals in the sustenance of their livelihoods ( Cormier 2006 ;Good 1989 ). Given that nature-culture interactions are inherently co-evolutionary ( Berkes et al. 2000 ;Posey 1985 ), researchers have addressed both how cultural practices referring to animals (e.g., norms or taboos ) shape the way in which hunter-gatherers manage animal populations and adapt to game scarcity ( Ross et al. 1978 ;Virtanen 2009 ;Virtanen et al. 2012 ), and how local wildlife changes are represented in the cultural expressions of hunter-gatherers, such as for example in their myths, customs and traditions ( Fausto 2008 ;Luz 2013 ;Shepard Jr 2002 ). ...
Defaunation is one of the most critical challenges faced by contemporary hunter-gatherers worldwide. In the present chapter we explore how this global anthropogenic phenomenon is being explained by a hunter-gatherer society: the Tsimane’ of Bolivian Amazonia. First, we briefly review the historical context of contemporary Tsimane’, with a special focus on defaunation trends in their territory. We then draw on ethnographic accounts to understand how this society explains the drivers of defaunation and integrates them in their understanding of the world, and specifically in their mythology. The Tsimane’ perceive widespread defaunation in their territory, which they tend to largely interpret as a result of both natural and supernatural forces, with intertwined arguments. The Tsimane’ think that supernatural deities control animals and, consequently, they largely associate wildlife scarcity with punishments by the spirits in response to disrespectful conducts. As such, defaunation is interpreted as a consequence of (a) direct harm to wildlife populations by the inappropriate hunting and fishing behaviour; and (b) the discontentment of the animal deities for not respecting certain established cultural norms. In the Tsimane’ view, the latter is also aggravated by their recent relative inability to communicate with the spirits, due to the disappearance of shamans. Considering that the way people interpret environmental change can determine their behaviour towards proposed conservation actions, understanding the symbolic dimensions of defaunation is of direct relevance to any initiative aiming for sustainable wildlife management in areas inhabited by hunter-gatherers.
... Whenever a mission was established anywhere in Yanomami lands, some local group moved fast to make a garden alongside it, and thereafter stayed put, both to get western goods for themselves and to prevent others from breaking their trade monopoly. This sharply contrasts with more traditional groups, who spend much time on trek and visiting old gardens (see Good, 1989). As a result, areas near Western outposts were largely hunted out. ...
Why do people make war? Is it in human nature? Publication of Napoleon Chagnon's Noble Savages resurrects old arguments, largely displaced in recent times by study of larger scale political violence, and sidelined by more contemporary theoretical currents. This shift ceded the human nature issue to a variety of biologistic approaches, for which Chagnon's image of the Orinoco-Mavaca Yanomamo is foundational. Chagnon proposes that war is driven by reproductive competition, with men fighting over women, revenge, and status, among a Stone Age' people living as they had for countless generations, in a tribal world untouched by larger history or the world system. This paper challenges each of those claims, and offers alternatives that provide a very different view of Yanomami warfare, and why men fight wars.
... Estudos sobre a utilização da fauna por povos indígenas na América do Sul tradicionalmente avaliam o sucesso da caça em reservas ou em áreas delimitadas, estimam a proporção da dieta humana que provém dessa atividade e documentam padrões-em declínio ou não-no sucesso da caça ao longo do tempo, antes ou após distúrbios (Good 1989, Hames 1980, Mazurek 1997, Vickers 1980. Mais recentemente, pesquisadores têm procurado avaliar o status das populações de animais com o objetivo de estimar o impacto da caça e determinar se as comunidades analisadas podem sustentar os níveis registrados de exploração da fauna (Leeuwenberg e Robinson no prelo, Hill et al. 1997, Townsend 1995, Robinson e Redford 1991. ...
... It has often been argued that cooperation, or specifically reciprocal altruism, requires small numbers of interactants because levels of free riding can increase in larger groups (Boyd 1988), while the additional gains of risk reduction from pooling food with another member may be small (Winterhalder 1986). Indeed, ethnographic reports of large groups fissioning into smaller groups due to complaints of inadequate meat consumption, as among the Yanomamo (Good 1989), are consistent with this view. Nonetheless, there has been little direct study of group size effects on cooperation in real settings. ...
This article presents detailed quantitative descriptions of food distributions among a group of forager-horticulturalists, the Ache of Paraguay. Food transfer patterns for Ache during periods of nomadic foraging are compared with those of Ache living a horticulture-based existence at a permanent settlement. We further explore how characteristics of resources and the methods of production, group size, and the spatial landscape can influence the kinds of social arrangements found among the Ache. The results of these analyses are used to generate general predictions regarding food sharing and cooperation among other foraging and transitional horticultural populations.
... They also maintain a relatively nonviolent and peaceful society through various behaviors including, among many others, play, mating, parenting, aunting, bonding, touching, grooming, sharing, cooperation, and coalition. There is also a wide range of vocalizations, facial expressions, gestures, and body postures and movements that are nonviolent and peaceful (Goodall 1986, de Waal 1989, Silverberg and Gray 1992). ...
... Gardens attract and support wildlife and can help to keep animal densities high (Jorgenson, 2000), thus hunting in gardens is common, not only as a planned activity but also opportunistically, with the added advantage that it also serves as pest control and can occur alongside other activities such as tending crops (Naughton-Treves et al., 2003;; Smith, 2005;; Parry et al., 2009). Abandoned garden sites continue to be visited by semi-nomadic indigenous peoples for hunting as well as for gathering of perennial crops that persist after cessation of active cultivation;; these form (Good, 1989). ...
Hunting remains an important subsistence activity for many indigenous peoples of the Neotropics. This paper describes indigenous hunting patterns using a mixed-methods approach in southern Guyana from a space and place perspective that takes into account both biophysical and cultural/spiritual factors. Findings confirm those of others, that distance from community, mediated by characteristics of the biophysical environment, impacts where hunters go. Mapping of the spiritual landscape, however, demonstrates that sense of place is also important. This paper argues that researchers and managers should be careful to incorporate both the local environmental and cultural/spiritual contexts in studies that inform biodiversity and sustainable resource-use management.
Resumen:
La cacería persiste como una actividad importante de subsistencia para muchos pueblos indígenas de los neotrópicos. Aquí describimos los patrones de cacería en el sur de Guyana usando un método mixto, desde una perspectiva del espacio y lugar que toma en cuenta factores biofísicos y culturales. Nuestros resultados coinciden con los de otros investigadores, en que la distancia del pueblo, mediada por la característica del ambiente físico, afecta las zonas donde actúan los cazadores. Nuestro mapeo del paisaje cultural, demuestra que el 'sentido de lugar' también es importante. Argumentamos que los investigadores y los que manejan estos territorios deben incluir, no solamente el ambiente físico, sino el contexto cultural que forma parte de la biodiversidad y el manejo y uso de los recursos sustentables.
Société amérindienne de chasseurs-cueilleurs et horticulteurs pratiquant la culture itinérante sur brûlis, les Yanomami occupent un territoire d’environ 192 000 km2 situé entre le Brésil et le Venezuela, de part et d’autre de la chaîne de la Serra Parima. Des années 1910 aux années 1960 les Yanomami du Brésil n’ont connu que des contacts sporadiques avec le monde « blanc ». Ils connaîtront pour la première fois, entre 1973 et 1976, une forme de contact plus intense, durant la construction d’un tronçon de la route Perimetral Norte dans le sud-est de leur territoire. Après une décennie de répit relatif, le projet Calha Norte (1985-1986) et, surtout, la ruée vers l’or du Roraima (1987-1989), intensifieront brutalement l’avancée de la société régionale sur le territoire de ces Indiens, déclenchant de très vives réactions de protestation tant au Brésil que dans le monde et aboutissant, en 1992, à l’homologation de leurs terres sous forme d’une aire protégée de 96 650 km2, la Terra Indígena Yanomami. Dans les années suivantes, une structure d’assistance sanitaire, d’abord précaire puis de plus en plus efficace, a rendu possible une reprise de l’essor démographique de cette ethnie. Malgré ces succès, dans les régions où l’impact des activités minières clandestines a été le plus intense, les groupes locaux yanomami ont connu, depuis la fin des années 1980, des changements sociaux et économiques importants. Durement affectés sur le plan démographique et environnemental, ils ont opéré une série de réaménagements de leur mode traditionnel d’occupation de l’espace forestier en fonction de la présence des chercheurs d’or puis de la structure d’assistance installée durant le processus de leur expulsion. Cet article propose l’analyse d’un exemple de cette géométrie variable des stratégies spatiales yanomami face au contact, ceci à partir d’une étude détaillée de la région du haut rio Mucajaí dite « Homoxi ». À cette fin, nous décrivons dans un premier temps le contexte économique et géopolitique régional, en particulier la ruée vers l’or dans l’état de Roraima à la fin des années 1980, peu documentée dans la littérature scientifique. Changeant d’échelle, nous étudions ensuite l’histoire de trois communautés de la région de Homoxi (Tirei, Xere u et Yaritha, totalisant, à l’époque de l’enquête de terrain, quelque 360 personnes) et le processus de transformation de leur modèle spatial et productif, d’abord face l’invasion des orpailleurs, puis, après l’éviction de ces derniers, face à la structure d’assistance locale mise en place (FNS, FUNAI). Nous mettons ainsi en évidence la flexibilité du système social yanomami et sa capacité à générer des adaptations rapides aux situations les plus adverses.
Study of the spatial patterns of land use and forest resource exploitation by a Yanomami community in northern Amazonia (Brazil) combining high-resolution satellite imagery and global positioning system survey data with ethnogeographic fieldwork shows that its natural-resource use is configured in terms of "reticular space" rather than a set of discrete concentric exploitation "zones." This model of reticular space has
general relevance for the Yanomami and other Amazonian indigenous groups. The research reported demonstrates the value of a multidisciplinary methodology for gathering data on ethnogeographic practices and knowledge that are essential for the appropriate demarcation of indigenous protected areas and the long-term sustainable management of their environment in the Amazon and other tropical-forest environments.
Although researchers have documented the role of anthropogenic huntingpressure on the abundance of game, few have measured the direct effects ofincome or economic development on game abundance. Economic theory tends topredict an ambiguous causal relation between income and the abundance of game.Here we test whether income (a standard proxy of economic development) erodesthe abundance of game in two Tawahka Amerindian villages in the rain forest ofHonduras. The two villages have similar ecologies and weather and lie 17km apart but differ in income, population size, wealth, thepresence of outside institutions, and hunting pressure. A census of animals doneover 2 continuous years suggests that the richer village had less game andrelatively fewer large-bodied animals. At the level of animal groups (e.g.,mammals) or individual species, or when we include controls for the simultaneouseffect of vegetation type, distance from the start of the hunting trail, andtime of the year through a random-effect probit model, the two villages displayno statistically significant differences in game abundance. A random-effect,multivariate tobit model, in fact, suggests that being in the more remotevillage correlated with 43.5% fewer animals seen in any one encounter; resultswere significant at the 99% confidence level. The conclusions contain adiscussion of why income might produce ambiguous effects on game abundance andthe tradeoffs of using bivariate and multivariate techniques to analyze thecovariates of game abundance in the tropical rain forests of the New World.
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