Book

Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium I (1114-859 BC)

Authors:
Article
Full-text available
Among the most celebrated archaeological discoveries and the most debated expressions of Assyrian art is the bas-relief that stood behind the throne in Assurnasirpal II’s Northwest Palace in Nimrud. Most attempts to interpret the panel have focused on specific elements of its iconography, particularly the tree and the figure in the winged disk above it. Many scholars have sought to decipher the image by comparing it with series of panels from elsewhere in the palace. Some studies have also explored the relief’s relationship to its inscription. Despite the extensive literature on the artifact, its meaning has remained elusive. This study approaches the conundrum from a different angle. It considers the relief’s text-image iconicity through the lens of Assurnasirpal’s theology, since both express theological conceptions. It investigates the theological relationship between the image and the placement of the cuneiform signs carved on it, thereby shedding light on the meaning of the imagery.
Article
Yeni Asur Devleti (MÖ 934-612), Yukarı Mezopotamya’da kurulan ve ekonomisi büyük ölçüde tarıma dayanan güçlü medeniyetlerden biriydi. Tarımsal ekonomiye sahip toplumların karakteristik özelliklerini taşıyan bu devlette, bireylerin mülk sahibi olmaları, toplumun ekonomik ve sosyal yapısını şekillendiren önemli bir faaliyetti. Buna göre, özel şahısların tarım arazilerine sahip olmaları ve bu topraklardan elde ettikleri tahıl üzerinden kredi vermeleri hem devlet hem de şahıslar için önemli bir gelir kaynağı olmuştu. Bu nedenle, tarım arazilerinin devir belgeleri ve tahıl kredi metinleri, dönemin ekonomik, sosyal ve hukuki yapısının yanı sıra mülkiyet kavramının ve toprak kullanımının nasıl olduğunu anlamak için önemli birer anahtar niteliğindedir. Makale, Anadolu’da yer alan Maraş, Ma’allānāte, Girnevaz, Batman, Mardin ve Ziyaret Tepe’den çıkan tahıl kredisi ve arazi devir belgelerine dayanarak, özel şahısların toprak sahibi olma süreçlerini ve tarımsal faaliyetlerini incelemektedir. Bu belgeler, Anadolu’da özel şahıslar tarafından yürütülen tarımsal faaliyetlerin Asur ekonomisi için kritik bir rol oynadığını göstermektedir. Özellikle Tušhan, tarımsal açıdan verimli topraklara sahip bir bölge olarak önemli bir tahıl deposu işlevi görmüştür. Arazi satış belgeleri ve tapu işlemleri, devletin tarımsal üretim üzerindeki kontrolünü ve özel mülkiyetin hukuki çerçevede korunmasını sağlamıştır. Belgelerde alıcı-satıcı bilgileri, mülkün özellikleri ve sözleşme şartları detaylandırılmıştır. Ayrıca, bu belgeler arazi devri ve tahıl üretiminin sürekliliğini sağlama amacını taşımış ve mülk sahiplerinin yasal güvenliğini garanti altına almıştır.
Article
Assyrian-Egyptian relations constitute one of the most important military and political rivalries in history. The decisive point in this relationship was the dominance of the Levant, which had political and economic importance for both states. While Assyria started to shape its policies on the Levant, especially in the Neo-Assyrian Period, Egypt's policies on the region had a longer history. When the Assyrian kings, who gained power in the Neo-Assyrian Age, started to expand in the western direction and established direct contact with the eastern Mediterranean cities, which were important commercial kingdoms, this situation disturbed Egypt and Egypt took some measures against Assyria. At this point, the main method used by Egypt was to provoke the local kings against Assyria. Thus, rebellions against Assyrian rule occurred frequently in the region and Assyrian kings had to organise military expeditions to the region. In the face of this situation, the Assyrian kings, who had to constantly fight against the rebellions, tried to eliminate Egypt, one of the most important sources of rebellions, and military expeditions were organised to the Egyptian country during the Asarhaddon Period. In this study, the progress and consequences of Assyrian-Egyptian relations in the light of Assyrian royal annals and reliefs will be discussed.
Article
Mezopotamya’nın kuzeyinde stratejik bir konumda bulunan Harran, dini ve ticari merkez olarak bölgesel güçlerin ilgi odağı olmuştur. Harran, özellikle ay tanrısı Sin'e adanmış tapınağıyla ünlüdür ve bu dönemde bölgesel siyasette önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Yeni Asur Dönemi’nde, Harran Asur İmparatorluğu’nun kontrolünde stratejik bir şehir haline gelmiştir. Bu dönemde şehirde inşa edilen yapılar ve askeri yerleşimler, Asur etkisinin belirgin işaretlerindendir. Ayrıca, Asur kralları Harran'da düzenlenen dini törenlere katılarak Sin kültüne verdikleri önemi göstermişlerdir. Ancak, Asur İmparatorluğu'nun çöküşüyle birlikte Harran da bu dönemde büyük bir dönüşüm yaşamıştır.
Article
نصيبين مدينة قديمة، في ولاية ماردين، جنوب شرقي تركيا. من المعروف أنه كانت من المراكز المهمة للديانة المسيحية، وبرز فيها علماء باللغة السُّريانية. ولكن تاريخها الأقدم غير معروف بشكل مناسب. يعتمد البحث على المصادر الكتابية (المسمارية) القديمة لإضاءة ملامح من تاريخ المدينة خلال الألف الأول ق.م؛ فقد كانت في البداية مركز مملكة آرامية أسستها قبيلة تيمانا في القرن العاشر ق.م، ولكنها لم تدم طويلاً، لأن ملوك آشور رأوا أنها تشكل خطراً على الحدود الغربية لمملكتهم، وتمنعها من تحقيق أطماعها في السيطرة على شمالي سوريا، ولذلك قاموا بحملات عسكرية متكررة حتى أنهوا الحكم الآرامي فيها، في 896 ق.م، وجعلوها مركز مقاطعة تابعة لآشور. يعرض البحث تاريخ نصيبين تحت الحكم الآشوري خلال القرنين التاسع والثامن ق.م، من خلال أخبارها المذكورة في الحوليات الملكية الآشورية، التي تتضمن أخبار حملاتهم العسكرية وانتصاراتهم بشكل مفصل، وكذلك الأرشيف الرسمي للمملكة الآشورية. ويتضح فيها أن القصر الملكي الآشوري كان يعين حكام المدينة، ويتسلم منها الضرائب التي تُفرض على السكان. واللافت للانتباه أنه ليست هناك أخبار عن نصيبين في القرن السابع ق.م، ما عدا إشارة سريعة إليها في نص من سنة 612 ق.م، لدى وصف قضاء التحالف البابلي-الميدي على مملكة آشور، وهروب مجموعة من الأسرة الحاكمة إلى حرّان. ونظراً للطبيعة الرسمية للمصادر التاريخية؛ فإننا لا نجد فيها معلومات مفيدة عن الأوضاع الداخلية العامة في المدينة، ولعل اكتشاف موقعها القديم يوفر مصادر كتابية تفيد في توضيح ذلك.
Article
Full-text available
Studies since 2005 have raised doubts about the Assyrian King List's (AKL) intention and ability to measure absolute time. If telescoping of time occurred, it would be difficult to detect during periods when royal annals were scant. The best way to detect discontinuity in the AKL is by comparison with contemporary king lists, such as one constructed from 1-2 Kings regnal formulas. If the AKL conflates time, an assessment of the plausibility of historical scenarios resulting from different timeframes allows for discrimination between one timeline or another. Israel and Judah's interlocking chronological systems make a comparison with the Neo-Assyrian timeline possible but contain 44 more years than the timeline implied by the AKL and Assyrian Eponym Canon. By narrowing the window of time within which a deficit in the Neo-Assyrian canons may have occurred, possible reasons for missing years in the consensus chronology present themselves. This investigation concludes that Assyria sought to maintain the legitimacy of the institution of kingship during a protracted period of unacceptable or anomalous authority. Concerns surrounding the continuity of kingship would have dictated the final form of the Assyrian King List/Assyrian Eponym Canon. Using Divided Kingdom regnal data, a revision of the historical timeline is proposed that aligns archaeological, radiocarbon, biblical, and Assyrian data.
Article
Full-text available
Archaeology as a discipline began in the 19th century following the main moves of globalization, such as the worldwide spread of capitalism and the imperialist moves of the colonial powers. The discipline's core intellectual goals were also global, such as understanding the vast spread of material culture and the evolution of human ancestors later in the century. In the 20th century, this trend grew even greater; however, with the emergence of numerous social actors towards the end of the 20th century, this situation changed dramatically for many reasons. Archaeology has shifted from a potentially limited, Western narrative of the past to a chaotic but pluralistic study of past material culture from a variety of contradictory perspectives. This is actually a major epistemological shift from a normative, uniform, and integrative narrative to a diversity of different interpretations. The idea of glocalization has been put forward in order to clearly reveal the 'heterogenizing' aspects of globalization. In this vein, it is quite common to find proposed issues related to the "rehumanization" of archaeology and global archaeology. In this article, in the light of a number of examples, the ways in which localities were 'produced' in the ancient Near East, especially in the light of Assyrian examples in the Upper Tigris Basin, and some of their reflections on the global are examined. Our goal is to understand some of the ideas that underpin these recommendations.
Article
Full-text available
This study presents the results of a combined dendrological, macrobotanical, and dung spherulite analysis of flotation samples collected from Bronze Age, Late Assyrian, and post-Assyrian contexts at the site of Ziyaret Tepe, located on the southern bank of the Tigris River in southeastern Anatolia. The results of this study show shifting fuel resource exploitation between pre-urbanized phases of the site (ca. 3000–1600 BCE), the urbanized Late Assyrian occupation (882–611 BCE), and the ruralized post-Assyrian (ca. 611 BCE–1500 CE) re-occupations of the site. During the Late Assyrian period, Ziyaret Tepe is thought to have been the location of the city of Tušhan, an important provincial capital of the Neo-Assyrian empire. Evidence for local deforestation near the Tigris River and expanding reliance on dung fuel use during this period indicate overexploitation of fuel resources as larger populations and extractive imperial economic policies placed heavier pressure on local land use. Qualitative dendrological data provides evidence for the intensification of fuelwood harvesting during this period, while textual evidence documented an expansive program of timbering to the north of the site intended to fuel imperial construction projects in the Assyrian heartland. Following the abandonment of Tušhan and the collapse of the Neo-Assyrian empire, local fuel resource exploitation during subsequent occupations of the site shifted towards the direct management of wood fuel resources and increasing reliance on rural pastoralism.
Article
Kültepe tabletlerinden bilinen Ticaret Koloni Çağı, başka adıyla Eski Assur Dönemi ve çok iyi belgelenmiş Yeni Assur dönemi arasında Assurlular Anadolu’da Orta Assur döneminde de varlıklarını sürdürmekteydi. Bu dönem şu ana kadar en çok kral yazıtlarına göre anlatılmış olsa da, bunların dışında yüzey araştırmaları, kazılar, mektuplaşmalar ve paleoekolojik verilere dayanarak çok daha kapsayıcı bir resim ortaya çıkarılabilir. Makalede başka sorunlar yanı sıra Assurluların Orta Assur döneminde nerede, nasıl ve niçin yerleşmesini incelemektedir. Bu bağlamda fethettikleri topraklardaki izlerine dayanarak bu yayılmanın ekonomik arka planı da incelenmektedir.
Article
Full-text available
Dekapitasyon, başın vücuttan kasıtlı veya kazara ayrılmasını ifade eder. Vücuda eklendiğinde, kafa, toplumda muhtemelen birçok rol ve kimliğe sahip olan bir birey olarak kolayca tanınabilir. Başın kesilmesi, sembolik bir alana geçiş şeklinde pek çok açıdan karmaşık bir olgudur. Başın vücuttan ayrılması, bir anlamda insan formunun bu kısmı için yeni bir yaşam oluşturur. Bu nedenle baş kesme uygulamalarının tarih öncesinden başlayarak tarih boyunca var olduğunu ve buna dair yüklenilen anlamların toplumdan topluma değiştiğini görebilmekteyiz. Bağlı bulunan mekân ve coğrafyaya göre değişkenlik arz eden peri-mortem (ölüm öncesi) ve post-mortem (ölüm sonrası) uygulamaların nasıl yorumlanması gerektiği şeklindeki soruları yanıtlamak gerçekten de zordur. Özellikle bedenden ayrıştırılmış tarih öncesi kafataslarını tarihi devir örneklerine göre yorumlamak çok daha zordur. Sadece arkeolojik veriler ışığında, "kafatası kültü" olarak adlandırılan şey içinde, neyin cenaze ve neyin ganimet olduğunu ayırt etmek imkânsızdır. Bu nedenle arkeolojinin disiplinler arası metot ile antropoloji, biyo-arkeoloji ve etnografya gibi bilim dallarıyla iş birliği halinde olması gerekmektedir. Bu çalışma, arkeolojik kaynaklar ve tarihsel veriler ışığında hem tarih öncesi hem de tarihi devirlerden günümüze kadar bedensiz kafalar hakkında mevcut kanıtların bir araştırmasını, hem de bu kültürlerde kafa kesmenin ve böylece insan formunun bütünlüğünü bozmanın ne anlama geldiğine dair tartışmaları sunmaktadır.
Article
Full-text available
The Assyrian kings, who reached the peak of their power in the Near East between 934-612 BC, implemented various practices that would help them maintain their military and political dominance. Assyria's policy towards foreign royal captives, hostages, and refugees can also be considered within these practices. Assyria's policy was expected to preserve peace and keep some lands under control without war. The Assyrian kings carried the enemy kings and their family members whom they defeated as a result of military campaigns to Assyrian centres and captivated them, aiming to break the resistance of those regions and intimidate their enemies. In addition, Assyria aimed to gain some binding advantages to make the agreements permanent by taking hostages from the kings with whom it made agreements or made them swear allegiance. For this purpose, noble captives and hostages were subjected to Assyrian education and were tried to turn into allies who could be appointed as rulers of their countries in the future. Assyrian kings also wanted to establish their relations with these kingdoms on a binding and permanent basis by including the daughters of enemy or allied kings in their harems. Finally, they protected the noble people who took refuge in them in Assyrian cities and even helped them to become kings in their countries, depending on the changes in the political situation. Thus, the Assyrian kings thought that they could create rulers loyal to themselves. Based on cuneiform documents, this study investigates the Assyrian practice of taking captives and hostages, the position and status of foreign princesses sent to the Assyrian court, and the place of refugees in Assyrian policy. The study aims to reveal all aspects of Assyria's policy and to draw a portrait of the lives of foreign royals in the Assyrian court and cities. The primary sources used in this study are the royal inscriptions and the Assyrian state archive.
Chapter
Cette publication collective est consacrée aux jardins de l’Hevsel à Diyarbakır, admis le 4 juillet 2015 avec la muraille antique de la ville sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de l'Humanité. Les textes réunis ici sont ceux d’un workshop international, premier d’une série de travaux qui s’appuient sur un programme de recherches AMIDA - relevant lui-même des programmes MISTRALS/ENVI-Med/CNRS – auquel participent de nombreux partenaires, issus des universités, du monde de la recherche, des institutions ou associations de la société civile, et qui s’est tenu les 14 et 15 octobre 2014 à Montpellier dans le cadre d’un concours organisé par la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme. Ces rencontres ont été conçues comme un espace de dialogue visant à favoriser des synergies pluridisciplinaires, inter-institutionnelles et internationales entre les acteurs impliqués dans la recherche et/ou dans l’élaboration du dossier de candidature. Ces partenaires nous ont permis d'interagir avec les représentants de la société civile ou directement avec les populations concernées par la réhabilitation du patrimoine mésopotamien.
Article
The Ancient Mesopotamian societies showcased their culture through a structural amalgamation of politics, economy, and particularly religion. Within this framework, they fulfilled religious obligations under the worship of numerous gods and goddesses throughout various stages of life, seeking to sustain earthly existence and attain peace in the afterlife. In this context, the cult of the god Šamaš held significant importance among the Ancient Mesopotamian societies. It is recognized, however, that Utu, the Sumerian sun god, formed the foundation of the Šamaš cult. Utu held a revered status within Sumerian society, symbolizing the sun and justice, which governed people’s lives and was deemed essential for a fair societal order. Following the Sumerian era, Utu was referenced as the god Šamaš in Semitic societies. Consequently, Utu was mostly associated with justice, whereas Šamaš was renowned for upholding and enforcing laws to ensure justice. Revered by many societies, Šamaš was consistently viewed as integral to power and authority in Ancient Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamian rulers had to justify their power and endorse every action they took in the eyes of their people, portraying themselves as deputies and shepherds of the gods. In doing so, rulers relied on the support of specific gods to establish their authority on religious grounds. This study seeks to explore the influence of the god Šamaš on Ancient Mesopotamian societies across various facets. It aims to delve into what Šamaš signified in the daily lives of people and what expectations they held regarding their beliefs. Additionally, the research will investigate Šamaš’s roles in Ancient Mesopotamian politics, intra-state dynamics, and inter-state relations.
Article
Full-text available
Features of kingship in the Ancient Near East manifested in the use of titles which expressed the relationship between the King and the Divine. The titles in later usage were developed, formulated, promulgated and finally became the royal ideology. The features, therefore, revealed that the concept of Kingship in the Ancient Near East is of divine origin. This paper argues that those features were conceived and nurtured by the Kings, the royal court and palace traditions in order to subject and subdue the opposing voices among their followers especially the opposition group who might had contested for the throne during the succession. The features were used to benefit the rulers and their palace officials. The approaches used in this research to arrive at this argument include historical, descriptive and comparative. Historical approach had been used because the terms ‘features’ and ‘monarchy’ seems to be historical terms. Descriptive approach had been used because grammatical relationship of words were examined. Thirdly, comparative approach had been used to point out how the two kingdoms though years apart but had similarities in terms of their royal ideologies. This research concludes that the features as used by the kings were an oppressive means used by the rulers over their subjects through exaggerating the powers of gods to manipulate the minds of their followers even though the King’s ruthlessness can be seen in the open, especially in enacting decrees and harsh policies on taxations and corveer.
Article
Full-text available
The reigns of Adad-nārārī II (911–891) and his son Tukultī-Ninurta II (890–884) are vital to understanding the rise of Neo-Assyria; yet, reconstruction of these is hampered by the scarce and fragmentary sources available. This study surveys the reigns of these two kings, and examines five fragmentary early Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions from the city of Aššur published in 2009 by Frahm within Keilschrifttexte aus Assur literarischen Inhalts 3, providing solid ascriptions of three of these to Adad-nārārī II and two to Tukultī-Ninurta II on philological and historical grounds. These findings are then integrated into present knowledge of this period in order to present new portraits of these kings’ respective reigns. This results in a clearer historical articulation of Adad-nārārī II’s remarkably successful incumbency, particularly shedding light on his early victories. In turn, Tukultī-Ninurta II’s difficult reign spent consolidating his father’s territorial gains can also be better understood. Interestingly, various innovations can be ascribed to this latter king, not least the ‘calculated frightfulness’ for which his son would become so (in)famous within Assyriology. Finally, some repercussions of these findings for the study of 10th and 9th century royal inscriptions are explored .
Chapter
Human sacrifice is a form of ritual killing in which the slayer attempts to engender change at the suprahuman level inhabited by divine beings, non-human forces, and deceased humans though the act of slaughter.
Article
Full-text available
The present article is focused on an analysis of the distribution of the Sumerograms man and lugal in Urartian inscriptions: since they are found in very specific situations, with only one of the two directly referring to the Urartian king, it is likely that they should be intended not as synonyms, but rather as concealing two slightly different meanings. After a brief introduction focused on the use of the two Sumerograms in Assyrian royal titularies, especially in the ones used as models by the Urartians, the paper will focus on the use of the Sumerograms in Urartian inscriptions, concluding with an analysis of an Urartian text on clay tablet, whose translation is still debated.
Article
Kāḇôḏ in kəḇôḏ YHWH has been translated predominantly with abstract words such as “glory” or “presence” throughout the Hebrew Bible. Some scholars argue that kəḇôḏ YHWH simultaneously marks the divine presence and hides the divine essence. These understandings do not capture the specific function and signification of kəḇôḏ YHWH in the pentateuchal Priestly source (P and H). In P and H, kəḇôḏ YHWH conveys the imagery of radiant, fiery clothing, comparable to Mesopotamian melammu. The deity always appears before the public with kəḇôḏ YHWH, whereas the text never says that the deity meets anyone privately with it. kəḇôḏ YHWH expresses the royal aspect of the deity who requires honor and submission. This understanding of kəḇôḏ YHWH in P reveals that the Priestly God is not abstract, enigmatic, or transcendent.
Article
Full-text available
Anadolu’nun merkezinde, stratejik konumu ile geçiş noktası olma özelliği taşıyan Orta Anadolu Bölgesi, tarih boyunca pek çok kültüre ev sahipliği yapmış ve bu yüksek platolar sahası Geç Tunç Çağı’ndan itibaren Hitit Devleti’nin çekirdek bölgesini oluşturmuştur. M.Ö. 17. yüzyıldan itibaren Anadolu’nun büyük bir bölümünde siyasi birliği sağlamayı başaran Hitit Devleti’nin, M.Ö. 13. yüzyıl sonu ile 12. yüzyıl başında Doğu Akdeniz Havzası’nda gerçekleşen ve kriz yılları olarak adlandırılan süreçte güç kaybedip akabinde tarih sahnesinden çekilmesi ile söz konusu topraklarda yeni ancak istikrarsız bir dönem başlamıştır. Bu dönemin başlangıcını oluşturan ve yazılı kaynakların eksikliği nedeni ile Karanlık Dönem olarak da adlandırılan Erken Demir Çağı göçlerin yanı sıra materyal kültürün değişime uğradığı bir süreç ve dağınık şekilde yaşayan kırsal topluluklar ile temsil edilmektedir. Orta Anadolu Bölgesi’nde uzun bir aradan sonra güç unsurlarının görüldüğü ve politik aktörlerin çoğaldığı Orta ve Geç Demir Çağı ise önce Frig, Tabal, Asur ve Urartu, ardından Lidya, Med ve Persler gibi güçlerin mücadelelerine sahne olmuş ve bu hâkimiyet çabası bölgenin tarihsel sürecini belirlemiştir. Bu çalışmada Orta Anadolu’da Geç Tunç Çağı sonundan Demir Çağı’nın bitişine kadar yaşanan süreç yazılı kaynaklar ve arkeolojik kanıtlar ışığında incelenmiş ve bölgenin geçirdiği süreç üzerine genel bir değerlendirme yapılması amaçlanmıştır.
Article
Full-text available
MÖ 13. yüzyıl sonlarında gerçekleşmeye başlayan ve tarihte Ege Göçleri olarak bilinen göç hareketleri, dünya üzerindeki pek çok bölgeyi yakından etkilediği gibi Anadolu coğrafyasını da derinden etkilemiş ve bu kadim coğrafyanın tarihinde yeni bir sürecin kapılarını aralamıştır. Bu göçler kapsamında, Thrakia ve Boğazlar yolunu kullanarak Anadolu topraklarına giriş yaptıkları tahmin edilen Frigler, Hitit Devleti’nin (MÖ 1650-1190) yıkılışı sonrasında yeni bir güç olarak tarih sahnesine çıkmışlardır. Frigler’in en önemli kralı Midas’tır. Midas ile birlikte Frigler, MÖ 8. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Orta ve Güneydoğu Anadolu’da söz sahibi olan merkezi bir devlet şeklini almışlardır. Politeist bir inanç sistemi bulunan Frigler’in yaşamlarında Ana Tanrıça Kybele’nin konumu çok önemlidir. Bolluğun ve bereketin simgesi, doğanın ve ülkenin yegâne hâkimi Ana Tanrıça Kybele yalnızca Frigler ile sınırlı kalmamış, ilerleyen süreçte çeşitli toplumlar tarafından da tapınım gören saygın bir tanrıça hâline gelmiştir. Frigler’in tanrıçalarına olan bağlılıklarını yansıtan ve bugün hâlen gizemini koruyan etkileyici dini ritüeller, Frigler’in siyasi ve askeri faaliyetlerini şekillendiren önemli bir faktör olmuştur. Bu çalışmada, Midas ile birlikte Anadolu coğrafyasında güçlü bir devlet seviyesine ulaşan Frigler’in bu gücünün kökenleri hakkında değerlendirmeler yapılacak ve bu dönemde askeri galibiyetlerden söz etmek yerine etkin bir dış politika takip edilmesinde Kybele inancının nasıl bir rolünün olduğu arkeolojik, epigrafik ve edebî kaynakların ışığında tartışılacaktır.
Article
Full-text available
İnsanoğlu yaşamını sürdürmek için, birincil olarak hayatını tehdit eden tehlikelerden korunmanın yollarını aramıştır. Başlangıçta yabani hayvanların saldırıları bir kaygı iken, süreç daha acımasız bir düşmana hazırlanmaktaydı: İnsan. Birbirine komşu ya da tamamen yabancı toplumlar çeşitli sebeplerle karşı karşıya gelmiştir. Bu sebeplerin başında sınır ihlalleri, yağma ve talan amaçlı istilalar, daha iyi bir yerleşim yeri için göçler ve nihayetinde kendinde var olmayana sahip olma arzusu sayılabilir. Toplumlar devlete dönüşürken, devlet politikaları da, daha fazlasına hükmetme ve en güçlü olma ekseninde gelişmiştir. Siyasi ve ekonomik gücü elinde bulundurmanın en kolay yolu, iş gücü ve hammadde kaynağı sağlayan bölgeler üzerinde hâkimiyet kurmaktı. Tüm bunlara sahip olmak aynı zamanda, tam teçhizatlı bir orduyu hazırlamak anlamına geliyordu. Söz konusu gücü elde bulunduranlar, tam donanımlı ordularıyla kazanmak için yola çıkarken, pek çok toplum açık hedef haline gelmiştir. Şüphesiz her an gerçekleşebilecek bir saldırıyı, düşmanla göğüs göğüse çarpışmaya gerek kalmadan bertaraf etmek akıllıca olurdu. Saldırıyı uzak tutmak için en etkili yöntem çeşitli engeller ile yaşam alanını çevreleyerek, ilerleyişi sekteye uğratmaktı. Bu amaçla savunma sistemlerinin ilk adımı atılmış ve unsurları belirlenmiştir. Coğrafi koşullar ve bölgenin topoğrafik yapısıyla şekillenen sistem, kentlerin güvenliği için elzem hale gelmiştir. Mezopotamya toprakları tarihi boyunca birçok medeniyete ev sahipliği yaparken, en şiddetli mücadelelerde sahne olmuştur. Kent devletlerinin çatışmalarıyla başlayan, bölgede tek egemen olma gayretiyle imparatorluklara uzanan süreçte, saldırıların yarattığı korku ve kaygılar kent sakinlerini harekete geçirmiştir. Böylece pek çok alanda olduğu gibi savunma sistemlerinde de ilkler Mezopotamya’da karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Sistemin en önemli ve en eski unsurlarından olan hendekler, oldukça işlevsel ve basit bir savunma stratejisini sunmaktadır.
Article
Full-text available
We offer a reassessment of two letters from the state correspondence of Tiglath-pileser III of Assyria (r. 744–727 BC) with the earliest references to a town called Yauna and a people called the Yauneans, as encountered on the eastern Mediterranean coast by the newly established imperial administration. Past scholarship connected these Assyrian terms with the ethnonym ‘Ionians’ and/or the toponym ‘Ionia’. The study narrows down the location of Yauna, drawing also on a review of the coastal sites that have produced Greek ceramic imports: although identification remains elusive, Yauna was certainly situated in the territory of the kingdom of Hamath, and later the Assyrian province of Ṣimirra. Discussion of the historical and cultural background of Yauna’s foundation highlights its significance for the ‘transfer debate’ and the phenomenon of the ‘Greeks overseas’. We argue that the Assyrians first encountered the Yauneans in this locality and that, to them, they were originally simply the inhabitants of Yauna. Due to the similarities perceived between them and (other?) Greeks appearing in the eastern Mediterranean, the Assyrians came to apply the ethnonym universally to all these people, who eventually adopted it for themselves. Thus, we support the argument that the term ‘Ionian’ originated in external nomenclature.
Article
In this book, Claudia Glatz reconsiders the concept of empire and the processes of imperial making and undoing of the Hittite network in Late Bronze Age Anatolia. Using an array of archaeological, iconographic, and textual sources, she offers a fresh account of one of the earliest, well-attested imperialist polities of the ancient Near East. Glatz critically examines the complexity and ever – transforming nature of imperial relationships, and the practices through which Hittite elites and administrators aimed to bind disparate communities and achieve a measure of sovereignty in particular places and landscapes. She also tracks the ambiguities inherent in these practices -- what they did or did not achieve, how they were resisted, and how they were subtly negotiated in different regional and cultural contexts.
Article
In this study, Michael Hundley explores the diverse deities of ancient Near Eastern and biblical literature, from deified doors and diseases to the masters of the universe. Using data from Mesopotamia, Hittite Anatolia, Egypt, the Levant, and non-priestly Genesis and Exodus, Hundley explains their context-specific approach to deity, which produces complex and seemingly contradictory portraits. He suggests that ancient deities gained prominence primarily by co-opting the attributes of other deities, rather than by denying their existence or inventing new powers. He demonstrates that the primary difference between biblical and ancient Near Eastern presentations lies in their rhetorical goals, not their conceptions of gods. While others promote divine supremacy, Genesis and Exodus promote exclusive worship. Hundley argues that this monolatry redefined the biblical divine sphere and paved the way for the later development of monotheism and monotheistic explanations of evil.
Article
Since the reign of Aššur-dan III (935–912 BC) the Assyrian Empire was the most aggressive military state in the Near East. During these wars enormous tribute and sack was flowing into the centrum of the Empire. One factor in ensuring the stability of this asymmetric system was the well-established administration. Therefore, it would be justly expected, that the tributes and sacks were precisely listed and archived (as we see on relief representations), but unfortunately this is not the case. As far as we know, there are no such documentations available. On the other hand, the long tribute and sack lists of the Assyrian royal inscriptions (which are well known) do not fulfil the function of administration. They are embedded in ideological structured texts: thus, following deterministic rules and fulfilling ideological functions. Therefore, these lists inform us more about the worldview of the Assyrians, than about the quantities and qualities of the tributes and sacks. The quality is determined through the structure of the list, the quantity through the prestige of the conquered state
Article
Full-text available
This article presents the preliminary results of the joint Kurdish-Italian Faida Archaeological Project (KIFAP) conducted by the Duhok Directorate of Antiquities and the University of Udine at the Assyrian Faida canal and rock art complex in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Investigation of this extraordinary and seriously endangered archaeological site was launched in 2019 and has led to the exploration of an 8.6 km-long irrigation canal cut into the limestone bedrock of the Chiya Daka hill range in the outskirts of the village of Faida, south of Duhok. Ten monumental sculpted rock panels carved along the canal's eastern bank were brought to light, representing an Assyrian ruler depicted at both ends of each panel, framing the cult statues of seven deities standing on pedestals shaped like striding animals. This article discusses the canal's role in the wider context of the Northern Assyrian Irrigation System and the function of the Assyrian hydraulic networks as economic infrastructures with transformative effects on the landscape and staple food production of the empire's core. The Faida bas-reliefs are examined from an archaeological and art historical perspective, and hypotheses are proposed about their religious and ideological meaning, as well as their dating and the identity of the king or kings who commissioned them.
Chapter
At a time when archaeology has turned away from questions of the long-term and large scale, this collection of essays reflects on some of the big questions in archaeology and ancient history - how and why societies have grown in scale and complexity, how they have maintained and discarded aspects of their own cultural heritage, and how they have collapsed. In addressing these long-standing questions of broad interest and importance, the authors develop counter-narratives - new ways of understanding what used to be termed 'cultural evolution'. Encompassing the Middle East and Egypt, India, Southeast Asia, Australia, the American Southwest and Mesoamerica, the fourteen essays offer perspectives on long-term cultural trajectories; on cities, states and empires; on collapse; and on the relationship between archaeology and history. The book concludes with a commentary by one of the major voices in archaeological theory, Norman Yoffee.
Article
Mezopotamya coğrafyasında kurulan Asur Devlet’i Eski - Orta ve Yeni Asur olmak üzere üç döneme ayrılırken, Yeni Asur Devleti’nde dört kralı kapsayan döneme ( II. Sargon - Sanherib - Asarhaddon ve Asurbanipal) Sargonidler Devri ya da Asur İmparatorluk Devri denilmektedir. Eski Asur Dönemi’nden başlayarak devam eden Asur-Babil mücadelesi makalemize konu olan dönemde de devam etmiştir. Babil’in önemi Asur coğrafyasına göre daha uygun şartlara sahip olması ve bunun yanı sıra ticari yolların üzerinde bulunmasıdır. Sargonidler Devri’nden önce III. Tıglat-Pileser döneminde Babil hâkimiyet altına alınmış ve III. Tıglat-Pileser çifte kral olarak iki ülkeyi beraber yönetmiştir. Ancak onun ölümü sonrası yaşanan gelişmeler sırasında II. Marduk-apla-iddina (Merodah-Baladan), Babil yönetimini ele geçirmeye çalışmış o dönemde tahtta olan II. Sargon onunla yaptığı ilk mücadele de başarılı olamasa da 10 yıl sonra M.Ö. 710 yılında yaptığı savaşı kazanmış ve II. Marduk-apla-iddina (Merodah-Baladan) yenilerek kaçmak zorunda kalmıştır. Sonrasında Sanherib’in tahta geçişini fırsat bilerek tekrar harekete geçen Merodah-Baladan bir kez daha yenilmekten kurtulamamış Elam ‘a kaçmış ve orada ölmüştür. Bu olaylar sonrası Sanherib Elam üzerine sefere çıkmış ancak bu sırada Elamlılar Babil tahtına getirilen Sanherib’in oğlunu öldürmüşlerdir. Yaşanan bu karışıklık sırasında tahta geçmeye çalışan komutanlar ise yine Asur kralı Sanherib tarafından yenilgiye uğratılmıştır. Sanherib bu yaşananlardan dolayı Babil kentini cezalandırmış ve kenti yakıp yıkmıştır. Babil’in yıkımı ile sonuçlanan bu olaylar sonrası Sanherib en küçük oğlu olan Asarhaddon’u veliaht seçtiği için diğer iki oğlu tarafından öldürülmüş ancak bütün bu yaşananlara rağmen Asarhaddon Asur tahtına geçmiştir. Kral, Babil kentini yeniden inşa ettirmiş ayrıca iki devlet arasında ılıman siyaset kendini göstermiştir. Asarhaddon kendinden sonra da bunun devam etmesini istemiş ancak Asur’a veliaht olarak atadığı Asurbanipal ve Babil’e veliaht seçilen Şamaş-şumu-ukin’in tahta geçişleri sonrası yaşananlardan dolayı düşüncesi işe yaramamış kardeşinin isyanını bastıran Asur kralı Asurbanipal, Babil yönetimini de ele almış ve ölene kadar devam ettirmiştir. Onun ölümü ile zayıflayan Asur Devleti’ne ise bağımsız olarak güçlenen ve Med’ler ile ittifak kuran Babil Devlet’i son vermiştir.
Article
Full-text available
Prominent German orientalist C. F. Lehmann-Haupt explored the Tigris Tunnel during his travels in the Armenian Highland and Northern Mesopotamia from 1898 to 1899.1 Accord-ing to him, the kings of Assyria considered this place as the source of the Tigris (or at least one of its sources) and tried to reach it during their campaigns. This was probably condi-tioned by the circumstance that the waters of the Tigris River, which “flooded the walls” of the Assyrian capitals of Assur, Calah and Nineveh, flowed through the rocks there. Accord-ing to the inscriptions of the Tigris Tunnel, the sacrifices made by the Assyrian kings in honor of their gods were considered to be dedicated to the god of the river and the spring [9: A.0.102.6 ii 34-40; A.0.102.8: 20-23; A.0.102.14: 67-72; 14: 434]. Գերմանացի ականավոր արևելագետ, ուրարտագետ Կ.Ֆ. Լեման-Հաուպտը 1898–1899 թթ. Հայկական լեռնաշխարհում և Հյուսիսային Միջագետքում կատարած իր ճանապարհորդության ժամանակ հետազոտեց նաև Տիգրիսի թունելը: Ըստ հետազոտողի՝ Ասորեստանի արքաներն այդ վայրը համարել են որպես Տիգրիսի ակունքը, կամ՝ ակունքներից մեկը և իրենց արշավանքների ժամանակ ձգտել են հասնել այնտեղ: Դա հավանաբար պայմանավորված էր նաև այն հանգամանքով, որ Ասորեստանի մայրաքաղաքներ Աշշուրի, Կալախի և Նինվեի «պատերը ողողող» Տիգրիս գետի ջրերը, այստեղ հոսում էին ժայռերի միջից: Զոհաբերությունները որոնք, ասորեստանյան արքաներն, ըստ արձանագրությունների, կատարում էին իրենց աստվածների պատվին, համարվել են նաև նվիրված գետի և աղբյուրի աստծուն:
Article
Full-text available
A suggestion is made about a possible but hitherto unnoticed Jacob–Esau allusion in the Petrine vision of Acts 10. This not only fits well with the dense scriptural intertexture already observed for the passage but may further illuminate the tense issues involved, both in the impending Cornelius visit and in the related Acts 15 conference. Besides offering a close match to Acts 10:13 in the fateful meal invitation of Gen 27:19, the Jacob–Esau story was not only widely used in relation to the Jew–gentile divide but also displays a strong connection to food and the capture and slaughter of animals. Jewish traditions about the source of Esau’s power over “all the beasts of the field and birds of the air” may lie behind the otherwise curious image in the vision. The story’s brooding sense of conflict and deception and the vulnerability of the ailing Isaac, whose persona Peter is invited to assume, all contribute to the destabilisation the vision seeks to achieve.
Article
Full-text available
The publication of a hieroglyphic inscription found at Türkmenkarahöyük in the Konya region and the associated survey-work in the area have raised numerous questions about the location of the city of Tarhuntassa, the aftermath of the Hittite Empire and the dating of the Hieroglyphic inscriptions which mention a king called Hartapu. In this paper we review the evidence for the location of Tarhuntassa that we deem relevant for deciding whether it could have been situated at Türkmenkarahöyük, and further reconsider the dating of the Hartapu inscriptions, arriving at the conclusion, already warranted by the evidence before the discovery of the new inscription, that there must have been two kings called Hartapu, who lived in very different epochs.
Article
Several so-called Distanzangaben (lit. “designations of distance”), found in Assyrian inscriptions, record time spans between events (mainly building activities) of Assyrian rulers. Such chronological data have mostly been studied as entities (for purposes of absolute chronology), and only rarely with regard to their composition. While some of the Distanzangaben can be explained as mere summations of the regnal years recorded in the Assyrian King List , others remain enigmatic. The present article attempts to trace the composition of every Distanzangabe . For those compiled by Tiglath-pileser I and Esarhaddon, ideological purposes seem to be implied. The one compiled by Sennacherib sheds light on the chronology of Tiglath-pileser I's campaigns.
Article
The landscape in which the so-called Achaemenid capitals – specifically Pasargadae, Susa and Persepolis – are located, may be reflections of the political structure of the Achaemenid Empire. Following an ancient Near Eastern pattern known as “political nomadism”, the Achaemenid king was never settled in a single place and moved constantly throughout his empire. This practice, vital to reinforce the bond between the king and his subjects and maintain his land, prevented the permanent presence of the “royal court” in one location; hence the court must have been physically set up in a “tent”, so majestic and glorious that was in fact a “mobile palace”. A large number of courtiers and the scenery of numerous tents looked like a “mobile city”. The present paper attempts to archaeologically evaluate the capacity of monumental buildings in Pasargadae, Susa, Persepolis, Ecbatana and Babylon as the royal court’s residences. It seems these monuments were primarily manifestations of kingly power and glory and the king only temporarily resided in them to attend certain banquets and ceremonies. Continuity of this condition in later periods, for which more literary evidence is available, provides a better ground for understanding the Achaemenid royal court and its relation to monumental buildings of the aforementioned sites.
Chapter
This volume addresses current concerns about the climate and environmental sustainability by exploring one of the key drivers of contemporary environmental problems: the role of status competition in generating what we consume, and what we throw away, to the detriment of the planet. Across time and space, humans have pursued social status in many different ways - through ritual purity, singing or dancing, child-bearing, bodily deformation, even headhunting. In many of the world's most consumptive societies, however, consumption has become closely tied to how individuals build and communicate status. Given this tight link, people will be reluctant to reduce consumption levels – and environmental impact -- and forego their ability to communicate or improve their social standing. Drawing on cross-cultural and archaeological evidence, this book asks how a stronger understanding of the links between status and consumption across time, space, and culture might bend the curve towards a more sustainable future.
Article
Many early states were deeply invested in alcoholic beverages. In focusing on the political instrumentality of these beverages, however, archaeologists have often lost sight of what makes them such an effective tool of statecraft. People seek out alcoholic beverages because of their inebriating potential, their ability to transform people, places, atmospheres, and events. In this article, I consider the politics of affect and the enduring connection between alcohol and the state-making project. I argue that alcohol has long served as an affective technology, a means of intervening in the affective domain. As a case study, I explore the evidence for beer in early Mesopotamia. A fundamental element in the state-making arsenal, beer was recognized to produce distinctive effects on imbibers, but this affective dimension has often been sidestepped in the archaeological literature. I approach the topic from two angles: (1) Mesopotamian perspectives on the effects of beer consumption and (2) key parameters that need to be clarified if we are to assess the role of beer as affective technology. I hope that the roadmap laid out here will help to spark deeper archaeological engagement with the affective dimensions of alcohol consumption and the politics of affect in Mesopotamia and beyond.
Article
Full-text available
This paper explores the ambiguous Persian Achaemenid attitude towards the horse and the lion. It examines the way these animals appear in imperial official presentations, local artifacts throughout the empire and Greek textual representations. In the case of the stallion, it looks at the imagery of horse riding or the place of the horse in society and religion alongside the employment of steeds in chariots. Images of the lion are addressed in instances where it appears to be respected as having a significant protective power and as the prey of the chase. This paper attempts to show that this ambiguity corresponds roughly to the dual image of the Persians as both pre-imperial/nomad and imperial/sedentary (and hence allegedly luxurious), a schism that is manifest in both the self-presentation of the Achaemenids and in the Greek texts.
Article
Devletler arasındaki çatışmalar bir savunma mekanizmasının oluşmasını zorunlu kılmıştır. Eski çağlardan bu yana insanoğlu düşman saldırılarından korunmak ya da halkını güven içinde tutmak gibi sebeplerle kaleler ve hendekler benzeri askerî yapılar inşa etmişlerdir. Asur kralları da başkentlerin inşa faaliyetlerinde savunma yapılarına özen göstermişlerdir. Bu çalışmamızda Yeni Asur krallarının kendi yıllıklarında anlatmış oldukları faaliyetler ile arkeolojik verileri değerlendirerek, Asur başkentlerinin savunma yapılarını ortaya koymaya çalıştık. Nimrud, Korsabad ve Ninive şehirlerinin kent giriş kapıları, surlar ve hendekler ile askerî saraylarını inceleyerek, bu başkentlerin savunma yapılarını belirledik.
Article
This paper discusses how rebellions were described in the Assyrian royal inscriptions and the role of such descriptions, taking the inscriptions of Esarhaddon as an example. The inscription written in 676 BC (RINAP 4, No. 2) describes only the event concerning Bīt-Dakkuri as a rebellion. In contrast to this inscription, a later inscription written in 673 BC (RINAP 4, No. 1) begins with an “apology” that details Esarhaddon’s succession through suppressing the coup of his brothers, and then reports the rebellions in the “Sea land” and in Sidon, which are not described as rebellions in the earlier inscription. The addition of the “apology” and the rewriting of the accounts are related to the political circumstances at the time of the composition of the inscription: the Assyrian defeat in Egypt and the appointment of Ashurbanipal as the crown prince. These events pressed Esarhaddon to legitimate his authority and to pay more attention to the risk of rebellion. The series of accounts of rebellions placed at the top of the inscription functioned to warn potential rebels against plotting a rebellion, by presenting typical rebellions by ruling elites and describing the fate that they met. The ruler of Arzā, whose behavior is not described as rebellious in the earlier inscriptions, is first described as a rebel in the inscription written after the conquest of Egypt (RINAP 4, No. 30). Arzā had been topographically important as the boundary that was used to glorify royal deeds in Assyrian royal inscriptions. Therefore the campaign to Arzā had been described as military activity in a foreign land, but after the conquest of Egypt the city lost its significance as the boundary.
Article
In Orientational Conceptual Metaphor, a system of ideas is organized in the relation and interaction in space like up-down, in-out, front-back, on-off, deep-shallow, central-peripheral. Lakoff and Johnson (1980) called this group of metaphors “Orientational,” because they give a concept a spatial orientation: in the example, “happy is up,” the concept happy is oriented up leading to English expressions like “I’m feeling up today.” Such metaphorical orientations have a basis in our physical and cultural experience, thus they vary from culture to culture. Drawing on this theoretical and methodological framework, this paper argues for the existence of Orientational Metaphors in Neo-Assyrian sources, which are largely attested in textual and visual references concerning the relationships between king and subjects.
Article
Les fouilleurs de Khorsabad déclarent y avoir trouvé quantité de briques émaillées mais éparses et malheureusement très mal conservées pour la plupart. Au milieu du XIX e siècle, seules quelques briques auraient ainsi envoyées au musée du Louvre, comme des exemples de cette technique présentés individuellement, plutôt que pour évoquer les grands ensembles auxquelles elles appartenaient à l’origine. Une étude récente des briques émaillées de Khorsabad conservées au Louvre a néanmoins permis de reconstruire de manière hypothétique mais vraisemblable un panneau monumental, en parallèle d’un programme de recherche sur ce materiel qui se poursuit aujourd’hui.
Article
Jonadab, friend and very wise (חכם מאד‎) confidant of Amnon, is often blamed for arranging Amnon’s rape of Tamar. David, Amnon’s doting father, likewise bears responsibility for neither preventing nor punishing Amnon. While David’s guilt is more obvious, the justifications offered in narrative readings for Jonadab’s guilt lack sufficient evidence. This article employs a narrative analysis focused on repetition in order to explain Jonadab’s situation vis-à-vis the rape. A close look at the narrative repetitions in the text reveals the curious alignment of Jonadab and David and distances the two of them from Amnon. In a fourfold repetition of events, the first (Jonadab) and third (David) iterations hold together, whereas the second (Amnon) and fourth (narration of Tamar) act as a pair. This does not indicate that David and Jonadab are innocent, but are guilty rather of the loss of royal authority (David) and its associated wisdom (Jonadab).
Article
Full-text available
This paper deals with the names given to the city walls, city gates, and palatial structures in Assyrian capital cities, Assur, Kalhu, Dur-Šarrukin, and Nineveh, in the NeoAssyrian period. These names comprised popular names, which were supposedly used daily, and ceremonial names, which were given for ceremonial-ideological purposes. The names were formulated differently in various cities and in different periods, reflecting the change of historical circumstances and contemporary political-theological ideologies. The naming of the architectural works in later Assyria represented the increasing imperialistic pride of Assyrian kings about their world dominion, claiming the prominence of the capital as the navel of the world in political, economic, and religious senses. In this way, they particularly challenged the traditional Mesopotamian cosmic order, in the center of which Babylon and its god Marduk had been placed. Mesopotamian theology
Chapter
Réalisés dans le cadre de la cinquième rencontre de l'École doctorale d'archéologie portant sur le thème « Adoption et adaptation », les neufs articles de ce volume illustrent la pluralité et la complexité de ce sujet à forte résonnance actuelle. La culture matérielle du Moyen-Orient, de l'Europe occidentale et de la Mésoamérique, depuis le Néolithique jusqu'au début de l'époque moderne est ici au centre des observations, exprimant aussi bien les formes d'adaptation à un environnement que les transmissions des formes et des fonctions dans l'espace et dans le temps.
Article
The article analyses the border descriptions of the land of Karkemis according to the treaty between Suppiluliuma and Sattiwaza (CTH 51). We argue that the toponyms that establish the boundaries of Hanigalbat and Karkemis in the treaty were excluvisely on the east bank of the Euphrates; this is contrary to what is usually proposed by scholarship, which locates some of the toponyms on the west bank of the river. Thus, the territory of Karkemis significantly expanded beyond the Euphrates after the establishment of Hanigalbat, while the east bank was subsequently controlled by Suppiluliuma’s son, Piyassili. Pushing the borders beyond the natural limits of the river was groundbreaking, albeit eventually an unfeasible enterprise.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.