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Life without Roe v Wade

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C O M M E N T A R Y Open Access
Life without Roe v Wade
Norman A. Ginsberg
1,2*
and Lee P. Shulman
1
Roe v Wade (RVW) was a landmark legal decision issued
on January 22, 1973. With this decision, the US Supreme
Court stuck down a Texas statute banning abortion.
Prior to this decision, abortion had been illegal through
out most of the country since the late nineteenth
century. This decision set forward a legal precedent
affecting 30 subsequent Supreme Court cases regarding
abortion. However, the Supreme Court is now predom-
inately conservative and is potentially poised to reverse
this decision. NARAL, a pro-choice American
organization, estimates that if RVW is overturned that
abortion will become illegal in 17 states [1].
RVW was announced 47 years ago, meaning that no
current woman of reproductive age (1544) has any per-
sonal knowledge of how things were before the decision
was pronounced. The average age of physicians in the US
today is 51; therefore, most physicians also do not have
any personal knowledge of the clinical issues before RVW.
The purpose of this article is to reacquaint women
and physicians as what to expect if or when abortion be-
comes illegal, as the saying goes “… those that forget his-
tory are doomed to repeat it.This is not written to
favor one moral philosophy over another and is not
meant to be a political tome. Rather, it is penned to pro-
vide information and experiences that may be needed in
the future.
I remember vividly my medical student rotation at
Cook County Hospital before RVW. Within the hospital
there was a 40-bed ward called ward 41, usually filled to
capacity with women that had suffered complications of
illegal abortions. Those who obtained illegal abortions
had them performed under a great veil of secrecy. They
were often blindfolded and whisked off to some un-
known place. Practitioners of this method did what ever
they could to avoid police detection. The poor and those
from minority groups who couldnt access abortion
safely turned to a variety of methods, including: self-
medication with toxic chemicals such as turpentine,
bleach, detergent solutions quinine, and strong teas.
Other women used a vaginal approach with potassium
permanganate tablets and herbal preparations. Foreign
bodies were commonly placed into the uterus through
the cervix and commonly included sticks dipped in oil,
wire, knitting needles, coat hangers, ball point pens and
air blown in by either a syringe or turkey baster. The use
of air could lead to air embolism and death. In addition,
women would frequently resort to enemas and vaginal
or abdominal trauma.
A section near the emergency room was set aside for
triaging these women. Chemical burns and perforations
of the vagina, bladder, uterus and rectum were fre-
quently detected. Many of these women came in with
overwhelming infections, septic shock or heavy bleeding.
The role of triage was to determine which women
needed immediate surgery or those who required med-
ical interventions. Death in the ward, which was just a
series of beds separated by a curtain, was a common oc-
currence at a rate of more than one per month. It should
be noted that today we have superior and stronger anti-
biotics than in the 1970s; however, the decades of use of
these antibiotics have led to the development of resistant
strains that have reduced the effectiveness of these and
subsequent therapeutics.
This recounting portrays what occurred, in most ways,
across the nation. Women then, like today, had similar
reasons for ending their pregnancies such as having a
baby would drastically interfere with their education,
work, care for other dependents or they just couldnt af-
ford a baby, in addition to accused rape and incest.
Many of them would plan to have a child when the cir-
cumstances were right; unfortunately, a great number of
those lost the ability to become pregnant again. When
abortion became legal that ward disappeared and with it
the enormous number of medical and surgical
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* Correspondence: cvsguy1@aol.com
1
Prentice Hospital Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, 250
E Superior St, Chicago, IL 60611, USA
2
Highland Park, USA
Contraception an
d
R
eproductive Medicin
e
Ginsberg and Shulman Contraception and Reproductive Medicine (2021) 6:5
https://doi.org/10.1186/s40834-021-00149-6
complications, as well the emotional trauma associated
with illegal abortion and its complications [2,3].
Abortion is one of the oldest events in recorded his-
tory; the procedure can be traced back as far as 2700
BCE. Abortion was first practiced in China, and then in
ancient Egypt. Artistic renderings of the process can be
found on a series of friezes as a bas-relief at Angkor Wat
in Cambodia [4].. Without question, abortion is a funda-
mental part of human history that is not a new proced-
ure and is not likely to go awayby making it illegal.
The CDC estimates that 14% of all pregnancies are un-
wanted [5]. Today the incidence of securing an abortion
in countries that restrict abortion and those with more
liberal access are surprisingly equivalent [69]. That fact
highlights the futility of make abortion illegal since it
still continues unabatedly. Successful use of contracep-
tion could result in 4.5 million fewer abortions world-
wide [9]. Unfortunately, no method is 100% effective in
preventing pregnancy, though some methods (e.g.,
LARC methods) are more effective than others (e.g., oral
contraceptives). Indeed, all methods carry some risk for
failure, including permanent sterilization procedures
(e.g., tubal ligation, vasectomy). For those that wish to
overturn RVW, greater effort needs to be exercised in
making contraception widely available.
United States data suggest that legal abortion has no
more risk than other minor surgical procedures. These
data clearly support the safety of legal abortion in com-
parison to the risks associated with pregnancy. Indeed,
pregnancy is associated with a 14-times greater maternal
mortality rate in comparison to abortion. Social stigma
often prevents women from seeking timely help after an il-
legal abortion, which in turn may lead to severe disability
or death [10]. Worldwide, an estimate of 68,000 women
(eight/hour) die as a result of an illegal abortion. This
translates to a case-fatality rate of 367/100,000, which in
turn is hundreds of times greater than legal abortions. The
World health Organization reported that globally the case
fatality rate is 350 times that of legal abortions [7,8,11]. It
can be expected that the maternal death rate will increase
in the absence of legal abortions [6].
If the Supreme Court were to reverse RVW, there
could be serious consequences for those who choose
abortion to deal with their unwanted pregnancy. Re-
cently, Georgia passed House Bill 481, which con-
ferred natural personto an embryo with a heartbeat
at 6 weeks of gestation. A person would then be com-
mitting murder by causing the death of another hu-
man being (natural person). In that scenario people
that had anything to do with the termination, includ-
ing the mother, doctor, nurse or pharmacist, could be
caught up in the legal proceeding and potentially be
charged as accessories to murder. At this point it is
still unclear if this will survive a legal challenge or if
a prosecutor would actually try a case of murder
under these circumstances.
Many women unable to get an abortion will bring
their pregnancy to term. Numerous women have told
me that pregnancy was the best time of their life. Will it
be possible for women, in this situation, to be able to
enjoy their pregnancy? Will the moving and kicking
fetus be a delight or be a harbinger of what they will
lose? The nine months of pregnancy will undeniably cre-
ate some bonding of the mother to the fetus. Labor will
approach, a difficult, long and arduous process. After the
delivery they will have the baby for a few days until the
adoption can be arranged. Relinquishing the baby will be
an emotionally wrenching experience. There will be
mixed emotions along with feelings of failure and loss in
addition to some relief that the ordeal had ended. Every
year, they will remember the child they gave up, wonder-
ing about what they are missing and if they made the
right choice. And they will never forget.
The next consideration is for neonates that are born
with congenital malformations. In a study performed in
Sweden it was reported that congenital anomalies oc-
curred in 7.6% of newborns. Approximately 46% of the
detected anomalies were minor but 55% were classified
as severe. One consequence of banning abortion will be
the increase in severely handicapped children. Caring for
a child with physical or emotional disabilities is enor-
mously expensive from both a financial and emotional
consideration. Where will this money come from? As of
now the financial burden mostly falls on the parents
[12]. Schecter KB et al. reported a study conducted over
13 years where they examined 53,000 pregnancies.
Anomalies were graded into 4 groups: in group 1 there
was no impact on quality of life, in group 2 little impact
on quality of life, group 3 this category was serious
impacting on quality of life, even with optimal medical
therapy and group 4 was not compatible with life. For
the mildest abnormality the abortion rate was 0.9% and
for group 3 it rose to 72.5%. Maternal age directly corre-
lates with management of group 3. The older the
mother, the more likely she will end the pregnancy. Ser-
ious congenital anomalies may disproportionately affect
children with the youngest mothers, since they were the
most likely to continue the pregnancy [8]. Last year in
the United States, 3,788,235 children were born. Of
those born approximately 6% (227,294) will have an
anomaly. It can be expect that at least 50% of those
would be severe (113,647) in the group 3 [13].
For those who do not avail themselves with abortion,
there is apprehension that the rate of child maltreatment
is likely to increase when families are faced with an un-
intended pregnancy. Guterman [5], reported a study
looking at the prospective of both parents faced with an
unplanned pregnancy. Drawing upon data, from the
Ginsberg and Shulman Contraception and Reproductive Medicine (2021) 6:5 Page 2 of 4
Fragile Families and Child Well Being Study, a survey
was taken after birth regarding whether the couple had
considered abortion. Whether the mother or father
viewed it as an unintended pregnancy, the relationship
with maltreatment behavior was largely the same for
both parents. The mothers expressed the maltreatment
in the form of psychological aggression and neglect. The
fathers expressed maltreatment more in the form of
physical aggression [14].
How will low-income families deal with the additional
burden of another child in the family when they are
already living from paycheck to paycheck? Two years
ago, about 75% of US workers said they were living from
payday to payday, a number that has grown to 78% in
2019 and has likely increased even more with the world-
wide adverse economic impact of the COVID-19 pan-
demic. The study conducted by Harris Poll, surveyed
nearly 2400 hiring and human resource-managers and
3500 adult employees who worked full-time in June and
May to derive these figures.
What will become of the unwanted children? Will we
again see an increase in orphanages and foster care?
Short of wars and natural disasters, poverty along with
drugs and alcohol are leading causes for abandonment.
Abandoned child syndrome is a proposed behavioral or
psychological condition that results primarily from the
loss of one or more parents. Abandonment can be con-
sidered physical when the parents are out of the childs
life or emotional when the parents withhold affection,
nurturing, or stimulation. At the present time there are
roughly 400,000 children in US foster care. I can re-
member growing up and seeing numerous orphanages
when abortion was illegal. It will be heartbreaking see
more and more children abandoned because they were
unwanted. Additionally there were homes for unwed
mothers that had no other types of support. Might that
also come back?
Reflecting on the up side, there will be more children
available for adoption if abortion is unobtainable. Cou-
ples that have failed to conceive despite treatment with
state-of-the-art fertility treatments centers will be able to
adopt a child without needing to resort to go to China
or Russia. However, it is important to recognize that
there is still an overabundance of children waiting to be
adopted. These children spend an average of 3 years in
foster care before they are adopted. Accordingly, an in-
crease in the number of children available for adoption
may profoundly tax a system that strives to place chil-
dren with caring and supportive parents.
Undoubtedly, life for many would be more problem-
atic in the absence of RVW. These facts explain why so
many groups of women fought so hard to maintain
RVW. On the other side, we can expect there to be more
liveborn children. Many of these children will be a
blessing in the lives of their family. Some may go on to
be great scholars, lawyers and politicians in turn greatly
contributing to society. Some examples of orphaned
children are Steve Jobs, Ray Charles, Marilyn Monroe,
Eleanor Roosevelt, Babe Ruth and Herbert Hoover.
However, many of these children may be abandoned or
abused by parents that did not want them in the first
place. Adding to that the surgical and medical trauma
that is likely to accrue to an increasing number of
women.
During 2020 we were woefully unprepared for the viral
pandemic, in part by a lack of knowledge on how to best
manage it. It is hope that this small message of a time
long ago will help future generations to be better pre-
pared if RVW is reversed and we are forced to return to
that time of frequent illicit abortion.
Acknowledgements
None.
Authorscontributions
Norman A Ginsberg, MD Initialed the commentary and writing of the
manuscript. Lee P Shulman, MD writing and editing the manuscript. The
author (s) read and approved the final manuscript.
Funding
None.
Availability of data and materials
This data was obtained from the literature referenced in the manuscript and
publically available.
Ethics approval
This commentary doesnt involve any specific patients and come from the
literature.
Consent for publication
Not required.
Competing interests
There are none.
Received: 12 October 2020 Accepted: 21 January 2021
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... While this article does not aim to cover the potential cost of all complications of abortion, we would like to illustrate the cause of treating just one of them, sepsis. In the 1970s, before Roe v. Wade set a legal precedent, complications of unsafe, illegal abortions were common occurrences in medical wards, and the healthcare system was taxed with treating these preventable situations [2]. As we transition to an era of uncertainty with the overturning of Roe v. Wade, it is important to learn from our history to avoid repeating prior mistakes. ...
... Please note that before Roe vs. Wade, individuals of low socioeconomic status and those from minority groups who could not access abortion safely turned to various unsafe methods to meet their needs. Methods include, but are not limited to self-medication with toxic chemicals such as turpentine, bleach, detergent solutions, quinine, and strong teas [2], all of which are now treated at our emergency departments. The compounding economic costs of banning abortion are then something that must be taken into consideration, for they are significant. ...
... It is a fact that abortion, the documentation of which can be traced back to 2700 BC, is a fundamental part of human history; making it illegal is unlikely to make it go away [2]. Even in the modern day, the incidence of securing an abortion in countries that restrict abortion and those with more liberal access is interestingly equivalent [7][8][9]. ...
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More than a heated debate subject, abortion is a matter that has been present in human history for a very long time. As our society evolves and advances in medicine and socioeconomic systems are made, the subject of the medical procedure known as abortion appears to be a differentiator in our behaviors as a society. This article highlights the known effects and medical complications of illegal abortion and the financial impact of the procedure's legal status. A retrospective search using EBSCO, PubMed/Medline, Cochrane, EMBASE: Excerpta Medica Database, and DARE electronic databases was conducted, focused on detailing the risks of illegal abortion, the financial cost of complications, the socioeconomic impact of unwanted progeny, and the rationale behind seeking the procedure, legally or otherwise. Each author independently reviewed and extracted data to write up each assigned section, and group collaborations occurred to create the final draft. Out of the 87 resources reviewed, 16 sources were deemed eligible for this article, and their data are herein outlined.
... In the same way that the outcome of these tests would result in embryos being discarded, they too are subject to being against the law and no longer a viable option. 23 It is ironic to me that while anti-choice people are supposedly fighting for life, they are also effectively making it more difficult for people who want to bring life into this world but have needed medical assistance to do so. In the aftermath of this uncertainty, I have had to switch my plans and look at options of treatment outside of the state, adding additional cost and inconvenience to the already stressful process of fertility treatments. ...
... On January 22, 1973, the US Supreme Court ruled in Roe v Wade that a person can elect to have an abortion until the fetus becomes viable. 3 However, on June 24, 2022, the US Supreme Court overturned Roe v Wade in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization. 4 As of February 2023, 13 states banned abortion, 6 states blocked the legislature's ban through state court orders, 5 states added a gestational age limit ranging from 6 to 22 weeks of gestation, and 27 states maintained its legal status. 5 Because of limited access, almost half of the abortions performed worldwide were unsafe abortions, defined as abortion by providers with inadequate skills or in unsanitary facilities or abortion by self-induced medications, chemicals, or self-inflicting harm. ...
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Background: On June 24, 2022, the US Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization. As a result, several states banned abortion, and others are considering more hostile abortion laws. Objective: To assess the incidence of adverse maternal and neonatal outcomes in the hypothetical cohort where all states have hostile abortion laws compared to the pre-Dobbs v. Jackson cohort (supportive abortion laws cohort) and examine the cost-effectiveness of these policies. Study design: We developed a decision and economic analysis model comparing the hostile abortion laws cohort with the supportive abortion laws cohort in a sample of 5.3 million pregnancies. Cost (inflated to 2022 USD) estimates were from a healthcare provider's perspective including immediate and long-term costs. The time horizon was set to a lifetime. Probabilities, costs, and utilities were derived from the literature. The cost-effectiveness threshold was set to be at 100,000perqualityadjustedlifeyear(QALY).ProbabilisticsensitivityanalysesusingMonteCarlosimulationwith10,000simulationswereperformedtoassesstherobustnessofourresults.Primaryoutcomesincludedmaternalmortalityandanincrementalcosteffectivenessratio(ICER).Secondaryoutcomesincludedhysterectomy,cesareandelivery,hospitalreadmission,neonatalintensivecareunit(NICU)admission,neonatalmortality,andprofoundneurodevelopmentaldisabilityaswellastheincrementalcostandeffectiveness.Results:Inthebasecaseanalysis,thehostileabortionlawscohortcomparedtothesupportiveabortionlawscohorthad12911morematernalmortality,7518morehysterectomies,234376morecesareandeliveries,102712morehospitalreadmissions,83911moreNICUadmissions,3311moreneonatalmortality,and904morecasesofprofoundneurodevelopmentaldisability.Thehostileabortionlawscohortcomparedwiththesupportiveabortionlawscohortwasassociatedwithmorecost(100,000 per quality-adjusted life-year (QALY). Probabilistic sensitivity analyses using Monte Carlo simulation with 10,000 simulations were performed to assess the robustness of our results. Primary outcomes included maternal mortality and an incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (ICER). Secondary outcomes included hysterectomy, cesarean delivery, hospital readmission, neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) admission, neonatal mortality, and profound neurodevelopmental disability as well as the incremental cost and effectiveness. Results: In the base case analysis, the hostile abortion laws cohort compared to the supportive abortion laws cohort had 12911 more maternal mortality, 7518 more hysterectomies, 234376 more cesarean deliveries, 102712 more hospital readmissions, 83911 more NICU admissions, 3311 more neonatal mortality, and 904 more cases of profound neurodevelopmental disability. The hostile abortion laws cohort compared with the supportive abortion laws cohort was associated with more cost (109.8 billion vs. 75.6billion)and120749900fewerQALYwithanICERofnegative75.6 billion) and 120749900 fewer QALY with an ICER of negative 140687.6. Probabilistic sensitivity analyses suggested that the chance of the supportive abortion laws cohort being the preferred strategy was more than 95%. Conclusion: When states consider enacting hostile abortion laws, legislators should consider an increase in the incidence of adverse maternal and neonatal outcomes.
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Importance: Many people face barriers to abortion care, including long distances to an abortion facility. Objectives: To investigate the association of distance to the nearest abortion facility with abortion or pregnancy outcome. Design, setting, and participants: This cohort study was conducted using data from the Google Ads Abortion Access study, a prospective cohort study of individuals considering abortion recruited between August 2017 and May 2018. Individuals from 50 states and Washington, District of Columbia, who were pregnant and considering abortion based on self-report were recruited online using a stratified sampling technique. Participants completed online baseline and 4-week follow-up surveys. Data were analyzed between May and August 2021. Exposures: Driving distance to an abortion facility calculated from participant zip code and grouped into 4 categories (<5 miles, 5-24 miles, 25-49 miles, and ≥50 miles). Main outcomes and measures: Abortion or pregnancy outcome reported at 4-week follow-up, categorized as had an abortion, still seeking an abortion, or planning to continue pregnancy. Other measures included reported experience of 8 distance-related barriers to abortion, such as having to gather money for travel expenses and having to keep the abortion a secret. Results: Among 1485 pregnant individuals considering abortion who completed the baseline survey and provided contact information, 1005 individuals completed follow-up (follow-up rate, 67.7%) and 856 participants were included in the analytic sample (443 individuals ages 25-34 years [51.8%]; 208 Black individuals [24.3%]; 101 Hispanic or Latinx individuals [11.8%], and 468 White individuals [54.8%]). Most participants had at least some college education (474 individuals [55.5%]). Distance to an abortion facility was less than 5 miles for 233 individuals (27.2%), 5 to 24 miles for 373 individuals (43.6%), 25 to 49 miles for 85 individuals (9.9%), and 50 or more miles for 165 individuals (19.3%) (mean [SD] distance = 28.3 [43.8] miles). Most participants reported at least 1 distance-related barrier (763 individuals [89.1%]), with a mean of 3.3 barriers (95% CI, 3.2-3.5 barriers) reported. For 7 of 8 distance-related barriers, an increased percentage of participants living farther from an abortion facility reported the barrier compared with participants living less than 5 miles from a facility; for example, 61.8% (95% CI, 53.5%-69.4%) of individuals living less than 5 miles reported having to gather money for travel expenses, while 81.2% (95% CI, 70.8%-88.5%; P = .002) of those living 25 to 49 miles and 75.8% (95% CI, 69.9%-81.0%; P = .02) of those living 50 or more miles from a facility reported this barrier. At follow-up, participants living 50 or more miles from a facility had higher odds of still being pregnant and seeking abortion (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 2.07; 95% CI, 1.35-3.17; P = .001) or planning to continue pregnancy (aOR = 1.96; 95% CI, 1.06-3.63; P = .03) compared with participants living within 5 miles. Conclusions and relevance: This study found that greater distance from an abortion facility was associated with delays in obtaining abortion care and inability to receive abortion care. These findings suggest that innovative approaches to abortion provision may be needed to mitigate outcomes associated with long distances to abortion facilities.
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When conducted in a legal setting and under safe conditions, abortion is an extremely effective and safe procedure. Tragically, almost half of all abortions that take place in the world are conducted under unsafe conditions, mostly in countries where abortion is illegal or highly restricted. These unsafe abortions are a major cause of maternal death and disability. Restricting a woman’s access to abortion does not prevent abortion but simply leads to more unsafe abortions. Barriers to safe abortion are many but include legal barriers, health policy barriers, shortages of trained healthcare workers, and stigma surrounding abortion. This commentary will consider some recent advances to improve access to safe abortion as well as refinements in abortion methods and service delivery in settings where safe abortion is available that further improve the care and wellbeing of women who seek abortion.
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Whereas child maltreatment research has developed considerable evidence on post-natal risk-factors, pre-natal circumstances have been largely overlooked. The circumstances surrounding a pregnancy may considerably impact the environment in which later parenting behaviors occur. This study examines one of the earliest potentially identifiable risk-factors for child maltreatment: the intentions of a pregnancy. Utilizing both mother and father reports, this study focuses on maltreatment risk, as it relates with both parents' perspectives of the pregnancy's intention. Drawing upon data from the Fragile Families and Child Well Being study, a longitudinal, birth cohort study, survey questions were used that asked parents, at the time of the birth, whether they considered abortion for the child. Unintended pregnancy demonstrates predictive value as one of the earliest identifiable risk-factors for child maltreatment. Regardless of whether the mother or father reported the unintended pregnancy, the relationship with maltreating behavior is largely the same, although for different maltreatment types. Mothers' reports of unintended pregnancy are associated with psychological aggression, and neglect. Fathers' reports of unintended pregnancy are associated with physical aggression. Fathers' perspectives regarding pregnancy intentions matter just as much as mothers,' and accounting for their perspectives could be important in understanding the maltreating behaviors of both parents. Identifiable in the earliest stages of caregiving, unintended pregnancy may be an important risk-factor in predicting and understanding child maltreatment. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The aim of this study was to determine the incidence of congenital malformations in a complete cohort of children born after intracytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI). The medical records were retrieved for 1139 infants, 736 singletons, 200 sets of twins and one set of triplets. The total number of infants with an identified anomaly was 87 (7.6%), 40 of which were minor. The incidence of malformations in children born after ICSI was also compared with all births in Sweden using data from the Swedish Medical Birth Registry and the Registry of Congenital Malformations. For ICSI children, the odds ratio (OR) for having any major or minor malformation was 1.75 [95% confidence interval (CI) 1.19–2.58] after stratification for delivery hospital, year of birth and maternal age. If stratification for singletons/twins was also done, the OR was reduced to 1.19 (95% CI 0.79–1.81). The increased rate of congenital malformations is thus mainly a result of a high rate of multiple births. The only specific malformation which was found to occur in excess in children born after ICSI was hypospadias (relative risk 3.0, exact 95% CI 1.09–6.50) which may be related to paternal subfertility.
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The 1990-2008 estimates for the maternal mortality associated with unsafe abortion require a re-examination. To provide the latest estimates of the mortality associated with unsafe abortion and to examine trends within the framework of new maternal mortality estimates. Extensive search of databases and websites for country- and region-specific data on unsafe abortion. Reports, papers, and websites with data on unsafe abortion incidence and mortality. Earlier published estimates for the unsafe-abortion-related mortality were recalculated by country for 1990, 1997, 2000, and 2003 to harmonize with the new maternal mortality estimates. The resulting estimates were aggregated to give subregional, regional, and global figures, including those recently estimated for 2008. In 2008, unsafe abortions accounted for an estimated 47000 maternal deaths, down from 69000 in 1990. Globally, the unsafe-abortion mortality ratio has declined from 50 in 1990 to 30 in 2008. The overall burden of unsafe abortion mortality continues to be the highest in Africa. Important gains have been made in reducing maternal deaths attributable to unsafe abortion. However, 1 in 8 maternal deaths globally and 1 in 5 maternal deaths in Eastern Africa continue to be attributable to unsafe abortion. Averting these preventable deaths can contribute to achieving Millennium Development Goal number 5 of improving maternal health.
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Despite the availability of safe and highly effective methods of abortion, unsafe abortions continue to be widespread, nearly all in developing countries. The latest estimates from the World Health Organization put the figure at 21.6 million unsafe abortions worldwide in 2008, up from 19.7 million in 2003, a rise due almost entirely to the increasing number of women of reproductive age globally. No substantial decline was found in the unsafe abortion rate globally or by major region; the unsafe abortion rate of 14 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years globally remained the same from 2003 to 2008. Modest reductions in unsafe abortion rates were found in 2008 as compared to 2003 in most sub-regions, however. The upward changes in rates in Middle Africa, Western Asia and Central America were due to better coverage and more reliable information in 2008 than in 2003. Eastern and Middle Africa showed the highest rates of unsafe abortion among all sub-regions. Some 47,000 women per year are estimated to lose their lives from the complications of unsafe abortion, almost all of which could have been prevented through better access to sexuality education, fertility awareness, contraception and especially safe abortion services. Résumé En dépit de la disponibilité de méthodes sûres et très efficaces d'avortement, les avortements à risque continuent d'être nombreux, presque toujours dans les pays en développement. Les dernières estimations publiées par l'Organisation mondiale de la Santé chiffrent à 21,6 millions les avortements à risque dans le monde en 2008, contre 19,7 millions en 2003, une augmentation presque entièrement imputable au nombre croissant de femmes en âge de procréer. Aucun recul n'a été signalé dans les taux d'avortement à risque au niveau mondial ou par grande région ; le taux d'avortement à risque dans le monde, soit 14 pour 1000 femmes âgées de 15 à 44 ans, est demeuré le même de 2003 à 2008. Néanmoins, la plupart des sous-régions ont obtenu de modestes réductions des taux d'avortement à risque en 2008 par rapport à 2003. Les progrès notés en Afrique moyenne, en l'Asie de l'Ouest et en Amérique centrale étaient dus à une meilleure couverture et à des informations plus dignes de foi qu'en 2003. L'Afrique de l'Est et moyenne enregistraient les taux les plus élevés d'avortement à risque dans tous les sous-régions. On estime que près de 47 000 femmes perdent chaque année la vie en raison des complications d'un avortement à risque. Presque toutes auraient pu être sauvées par un meilleur accès à l'éducation sexuelle, la connaissance de la fécondité, la contraception et tout spécialement des services d'avortement sûr. Resumen A pesar de que existen métodos de aborto seguros y muy eficaces, el aborto inseguro continúa siendo una práctica generalizada, principalmente en los países en desarrollo. Según los últimos cálculos de la Organización Mundial de la Salud, la tasa mundial de aborto inseguro en 2008 fue de 21.6 millones; subió de 19.7 millones en 2003, un aumento atribuible casi totalmente al creciente número de mujeres en edad reproductiva a nivel mundial. No se encontró ningún descenso significativo en la tasa de aborto inseguro globalmente o por región principal; entre 2003 y 2008, la tasa mundial de aborto inseguro continuó siendo 14 por cada 1000 mujeres de 15 a 44 años de edad. Sin embargo, en 2008 se encontraron moderadas reducciones en las tasas de aborto inseguro comparadas con las tasas en 2003 en la mayoría de las subregiones. Los aumentos en las tasas de Ãfrica Central, Asia Occidental y Centroamérica se debieron a una mejor cobertura e información más fidedigna en 2008 que en 2003. Las tasas más altas de aborto inseguro en todas las subregiones se encontraron en Ãfrica Oriental y Central. Se calcula que cada año unas 47,000 mujeres pierden la vida a consecuencia de las complicaciones del aborto inseguro, la gran mayoría de las cuales pudieron haberse evitado con mejor acceso a educación sexual, conocimiento de la fertilidad, anticonceptivos y especialmente servicios de aborto seguro.
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To evaluate the degree to which prenatal knowledge of fetal anomalies and sociodemographic characteristics determined outcome of 53,000 pregnancies. Pregnancies were consecutively evaluated at a university hospital between 1984 and 1997. The severity of anomalies was graded by using an ordinal scale, in which 0 was no anomalies, 1 was no impact on quality of life, 2 was little impact but possibly requiring medical therapy, 3 was serious impact on quality of life even with optimal medical therapy, and 4 was incompatible with life. The abortion rates for grades 1 and 3 anomalies increased from 0.9% to 72.5%, and 0.9% to 37.1% for central nervous system and non-central nervous system anomalies, respectively (P <.001). Multiple logistic regression showed that mothers without a high school education were more likely than those who completed high school to abort a normal pregnancy (odds ratio [OR] 1.62, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.07, 2.45). In the 452 pregnancies in which there was one grade 3 anomaly, logistic regression also showed that the abortion rate decreased by 6% per year as maternal age decreased (OR 0.94, 95% CI 0.91, 0.97). The severity of anomalies directly correlates with abortion rates, but at similar degrees of severity, central nervous system anomalies are more likely to lead to abortion. Maternal level of education inversely correlates with likelihood of termination of a normal pregnancy, whereas maternal age directly correlates with pregnancy termination when serious anomalies are present. Serious congenital anomalies may disproportionately affect children from families with the youngest mothers because these mothers are likely to continue these pregnancies.
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