Climate Justice in the Global North: An Introduction
University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA
ABSTRACT This essay provides a broad-based and jargon-free introduction to climate justice to foster critical
thinking, engaged discussions, and profound reﬂections. It introduces the reader to three dimensions of justice—
distributional, procedural, and recognitional justice—and shows how each relates to climate justice. A unique
contribution of this essay is to identify and discuss the following three blind spots in the debates on climate
justice: (1) the tendency to focus heavily on post hoc effects of climate change while ignoring the root causes of
climate change that also contribute to injustices; (2) assuming incorrectly that all climate action contributes to
climate justice, even though some types of climate responses can produce new climate injustices; and
(3) although scholars have studied the causes of climate injustices extensively, the speciﬁc pathways to climate
justice remain underdeveloped. This essay concludes by showcasing a few examples of the ongoing pursuits of
climate justice, led by social justice groups, local governments, and some government
agencies. KEYWORDS birding while black,hiking while black,Black Lives Matter,social justice,climate action,
environmental justice,climate justice
Climate change is an existential threat to human civiliza-
tion. The increased frequency of climate-related disasters
has been responsible for the loss of hundreds of thousands
of lives in different parts of the world.
Yet climate change
does not affect everyone equally; its consequences are
distributed unequally between world regions, countries,
and social groups within countries.
Countries that make up the Global North, or the
“developed countries” (For a useful discussion of the
vocabulary of developing versus developed countries, see
what-should-you-call-it.), have beneﬁted signiﬁcantly
from the energy-intensive industrial development
responsible for warming the earth’s atmosphere. How-
ever, the poorest countries pay a steep price, especially
highly vulnerable small island nations (e.g., Kiribati, the
Bissau) contributing the least to the climate crisis.
Therefore, global policy experts often describe climate
justice as an international issue.
The rapidly increasing emissions from China, India,
and other middle-income countries cause concern, espe-
cially for the poor, who must bear the worst consequences
of deteriorating land, water, and air quality. However,
the climate crisis unfolding now is a result of the accu-
mulation of greenhouse gases (GHGs) in the earth’s
atmosphere since the Industrial Revolution, to which
middle-income countries have contributed very little. Ac-
cording to one estimate, the United States alone has con-
tributed nearly 35%of the total cumulative global CO
emissions since 1750.
Irrespective of where one stands on
this debate, nationality and international borders are only
two of several factors contributing to various types of
1. An additional 250,000 deaths a year are attributed to climate
change, though that number continues to be contested by others who argue
that the global death toll related to the ongoing climate crisis is likely to be
much higher. https://www.cnn.com/2019/01/16/health/climate-change-
Case Studies in the Environment,2021, pps. 1–13. electronic ISSN 2473-9510.©2021 by the Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved.
Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Reprints and Permissions
web page, www.ucpress.edu/journals.php?p¼reprints. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/cse.2021.1125003.
climate injustices. Differences in income and wealth, race,
gender, ethnicity, age, and sexual identities within coun-
tries also contribute signiﬁcantly to climate injustices.
This essay’s primary goal is to introduce readers to cli-
mate justice questions within the Global North. Debating
these questions in our backyard is vital because a focus on
the poor people in the Global South detracts from a deeper
understanding of inequalities and injustice at home.
Equally important, a focus on the Global North allows for
a better understanding of the root causes and the here-and-
now nature of the currently unfolding climate crisis. The
socially discriminatory effects of climate change are evident
from the reportage of climate-related disasters in the
United States and elsewhere, especially beginning with
Hurricane Katrina . Therefore, it is useful to think of
climate justice as a framework to recognize and redress the
unequal distribution of costs and burdens of climate
change and climate responses of various types. Moreover,
climate justice also requires ensuring that those affected
most severely by climate change participate in brainstorm-
ing, developing, and implementing climate responses.
Attaining a substantive and deep understanding ﬁrst
requires recognizing three blind spots in climate justice
discussions. One, even though the leading cause of climate
change is related to energy-intensive lifestyles, most climate
change discussions, including those on climate justice,
often focus on the effects of climate change. A comprehen-
sive explanation of climate justice requires avoiding such
post hoc tendencies and centering our discussions on cli-
mate change’s root causes. Two, very often “radical” climate
response is equated with climate justice, which does not
hold in all circumstances. As the discussions below show,
some radical climate responses may contribute to new
kinds of injustices. Three, even though understanding the
sources and the effects of climate injustices is necessary,
such understanding does not translate easily into the spe-
ciﬁc actions needed to realize climate justice in practice.
Accordingly, this essay concludes with a brief discussion of
several ongoing pursuits of climate justice.
1. ROOT CAUSES OF CLIMATE CHANGE AND
An in-depth inquiry into the historical trajectory of cli-
mate change and climate denialism of the past half cen-
tury shows that the concentration of political and
economic power has been a signiﬁcant cause of the cur-
rent climate crisis. The distribution of power inﬂuences
how environmental amenities (e.g., clean air) and problems
(e.g., pollution) are valued and distributed within national
boundaries. The current economic system and the patterns
of consumption it promotes are responsible for environmen-
tal degradation and environmental injustices . For exam-
ple, a select few multinational corporations control nearly all
the global food business and consume 75%of the entire food
sector’s energy requirements—but feed a much smaller pro-
portion of the world’s population. More broadly, the
wealthiest 10%of the world’s population produces almost
as much GHG emissions as the bottom 90%combined .
The extent of income inequalities within the United States
and the UK shows that these inequalities are not merely due
to the differences in national economic growth, which ad-
vocates of the free market often present as a solution to
poverty and underdevelopment. For instance, income
growth over the last few decades has lowered the well-being
of large parts of the U.S. population while supporting prof-
ligate consumptionamong the wealthiest . Such a lopsided
distribution of economic growth beneﬁts is responsible for
increased precariousness among large sections of the Global
North population, the climate crisis, and the myriad climate
One manifestation of the imbalances in political and
economic power is corporate climate denialism, which
powerful corporations engineered to protect the status
quo’s beneﬁts. Fossil fuel multinational corporations
based in the United States have known since the early
1970s that the burning of fossil fuels caused global warm-
ing and climate change. The documents made public dur-
ing the ongoing lawsuits against Exxon Mobil show that
instead of acting on their knowledge of global warming,
major fossil fuel corporations orchestrated a campaign of
climate denialism . These campaigns sowed seeds of
doubt among the public and allowed the federal and state
governments to continue supporting the fossil fuel indus-
Data from the Washington-based Environmental and
Energy Study Institute suggest that as of the year 2019,
the U.S. government awarded approximately US$20 bil-
lion per year in direct subsidies to the fossil fuel industry.
Eighty percent of these subsidies went to the natural gas
and crude oil industries, while the coal industry received
the remaining 20%.
Similarly, the European Union sub-
sidizes the fossil fuel industry by an estimated 55 billion
2CASE STUDIES IN THE ENVIRONMENT 2021
euros (or approximately US$65 billion) annually. These
subsidies give fossil fuel corporations enormous power
over governments in economically underdeveloped coun-
tries, such as Nigeria and Angola, where fossil fuel extrac-
tion occurs. Therefore, fossil fuel subsidies exacerbate
international inequalities that date back to European col-
onization and continue to shape developmental dispari-
ties today .
The adverse environmental and public health impacts of
fossil fuel subsidies cost the global community an estimated
US$5.3trillion in 2015 alone . The costs of environ-
mental toxicity burdens fall disproportionately on the poor
and marginalized community groups who lack the political
and economic power to hold the business and political
actors to account. The situation is especially problematic
in some of the poorest oil exporting countries, such as
Angola and Nigeria. However, as the vast scholarship on
environmental justice shows, the poor and racial minorities
in the United States also suffer the worst consequences of
environmental pollution from landﬁlls, toxic waste dumps,
and petrochemical facilities . One particularly hard-hit
area is a stretch of the Mississippi River between New
Orleans and Baton Rouge, which hosts many highly pol-
luting petrochemical facilities. Because of the pollution
caused by the petrochemical industries, residents there have
such high rates of cancer that the areas is known as the
“Cancer Alley” . Cancer Alley has been a focal point of
the U.S. environmental justice movement for over three
decades . However, there has been no perceptible
change in the extent of environmental injustices in the
Cancer Alley and other Petrochemical hubs. These toxic
hot spots create dangerous new hazards in the face of the
calamities linked to the climate crisis.
Hurricane Laura made landfall in Louisiana in August
2020 with a wind speed of 150 mph, which made it the
strongest Category 4hurricane on record since 1856.A
Yale University report suggested that climate change may
explain the rapid intensiﬁcation of Atlantic hurricanes,
such as Laura, which caught the forecasters and the public
That results in even more severe impacts on
the poor because they are least well prepared to confront
these crises. These calamities are especially dangerous for
communities living in areas such as Cancer Alley. Well
into the second day after the deadly winds from Laura had
died down, the residents of Mossville were grappling with
the effects of toxic gases released from a ﬁre that erupted
during the storm in a chlorine plant owned by BioLab in
Mossville constitutes an archetypi-
cal case of the conﬂuence of environmental and climate
injustices. Still, it is also a testimony to the deeply en-
trenched and ongoing effects of the history of slavery in
the United States.
Mossville was founded in 1790 by formerly enslaved
and free people of color, who sought refuge in a swamp
to escape the oppression of segregation. They made it
into a community that practiced agriculture, ﬁshing, and
hunting for generations. However, successive rounds of
zoning decisions by White elected ofﬁcials transformed
Mossville into the “ground zero of the chemical industry
Industry owners forced most residents to sell
off their properties. At the same time, those who stayed
had no choice but to suffer the consequences of pro-
longed exposure to industrial pollution and toxic con-
Mossville’s struggles are not just a domestic
issue either. The Lake Charles Chemical Complex
responsible for devastating effects on the local environ-
ment and the health and well-being of Mossville resi-
dents is under the management of the South African
Synthetic Oil Limited (SASOL). The apartheid-era
South African government, hamstrung by international
sanctions, established SASOL in 1950 to transform coal
into fuel and chemicals using a technology developed by
engineers in the Nazi-era Germany.
tally degrading technology is no longer in use, but SA-
SOL’s record of social and environmental impacts
The fossil fuel industry is also tightly coupled with the
defense industry, which aids the U.S. foreign policy goal
extractive industries, and strategic shipping lanes crucial
It is common knowledge that the
7. The author owes the knowledge of these international connections
to the screening of the documentary Mossville: When Great Trees Fall as
part of Scalawag’s “Breathing While Black” virtual event on June 25,2020.
See https://www.scalawagmagazine.org/about/; and http://www.
Climate Justice in the Global North 3
Bush administration’s desire to control oil supply was one
of the primary motivations for the 1991 Gulf War against
Iraq. The Department of Defense is the single largest
consumer of energy in the United States and the world’s
single largest institutional consumer of fossil fuels .
The so-called military-industrial complex
exists to inﬂu-
ence political decisions to support state subsidies for the
fossil fuel and petrochemical industries. In other words,
political and administrative decisions, not some random
mistakes or unavoidable trade-offs, are responsible for
endangering the health of the planet and the lives of poor
racial minorities in areas like Cancer Alley and commu-
nities like Mossville.
Tragically, the Black communities who suffer the
most from these environmental injustices are also subject
to myriad other injustices, such as the police brutalities
that have catalyzed a global Black Lives Matter (BLM)
movement. Social scientists Lindsey Dillon and Julie Sze
argue that the phrase “I can’t breathe,” which became
a rallying cry for the BLM, points to the environmental
and social conditions through which “breath is con-
stricted or denied” . The military-industrial complex
is responsible, in more than one ways, for producing the
“embodied insecurity of Black lives” . For example,
a Department of Defense program called “1033” enables
local police departments to purchase “surplus” war zone
equipment, including the mine-resistant ambush-
The Ferguson Police Department
deployed some of this military-grade equipment on the
streets of Ferguson to suppress public protests against
the police shooting and killing of 18-year-old Michael
Investigations by the Public Accountability
Initiative, a nonproﬁt corporate and government
accountability research institute, show that police foun-
dations that support local police departments are par-
tially funded by fossil fuel corporations such as Chevron,
Shell and Wells Fargo. Their report concluded: “Many
powerful companies that drive environmental injustice
are also backers of the same police departments that
tyrannize the very communities these corporate actors
These complex links between social, environmental,
and climate injustices are reminders that it may not always
be useful to consider social, environmental, and climate
injustices in isolation from one another.
2. CLIMATE JUSTICE: DISTRIBUTIONAL,
PROCEDURAL, AND RECOGNITIONAL
“Climate justice” is commonly thought of as the unfair
distribution of costs and burdens of climate change. How-
ever, two other dimensions of justice spelled out by justice
theorists are equally important: procedural and recogni-
tional justice. This section explains each of these three
dimensions and their relation to pursuits of climate
2.1. Distributional Effects of Climate Change
Distributional justice focuses on a fair distribution of
costs and burdens of climate change and the societal re-
sponses to climate change. Vulnerability to climate change
is a result of a lack of protection against risks linked to
natural events. If everyone in society were equally pro-
tected, the costs and burdens related to a disaster would
not fall disproportionately on some social groups. How-
ever, individuals and groups, such as racial minorities,
homeless people, people with disabilities, single moms,
and poor people, are more vulnerable to the effects of
disasters. These vulnerabilities are a result of policies and
programs that push racial minorities and other socially
marginalized groups into poverty and destitution. Exclu-
sionary zoning laws and redlining policies during the New
Deal era illustrate this point well. The term “redlining”
referred to the practice of drawing red lines on urban
planning maps to identify African American neighbor-
hoods as being “too risky to insure mortgages.”
maps informed the actions of the Federal Housing
Administration, the Veterans Administration, and Home
Owners Loan Corp., thereby depriving African American
towns and neighborhoods of public investments. The
members of minority communities could not buy prop-
erties in some areas because the administration “reserved”
these neighborhoods for afﬂuent White families .
4CASE STUDIES IN THE ENVIRONMENT 2021
This history of urban segregation and racially preju-
diced urban and suburban developments is why inner-city
neighborhoods lack basic civic amenities and infrastruc-
ture that middle-class neighborhoods take for granted.
These historical legacies translate into increased vulner-
abilities in the context of the climate crisis. For example,
an estimated 400,000 New Yorkers who live in the New
York City Housing Authority’s public housing develop-
ments bore the worst effects of Hurricane Sandy in Octo-
ber–November 2012. The ﬂoods that occurred because of
Hurricane Sandy greatly exacerbated rampant mold pro-
blems in these projects, with far-reaching health impacts
for residents with respiratory illnesses . The quality
and affordability of housing for minorities are also among
the causes of “energy poverty” or high energy burden,
which is the percentage of income a person or household
spends on energy [17,18]. Energy poverty makes it difﬁ-
cult to cope with the impacts of storms and ﬂoods while
also leaving the energy-poor families vulnerable to the
shocks related to increased energy prices that could result
from a transition to renewable energy.
The problem is equally or even more severe in the pre-
dominantly African American rural areas. For instance,
a2017 report in the American Journal of Tropical Med-
icine and Hygiene found that among 55 adults surveyed in
Lowndes County, Alabama, 34.5%tested positive for
hookworms. The presence of this intestinal parasite is a sign
of extreme poverty. Speciﬁcally, it results from an inade-
quate sewage system with cracked pipes of untreated waste
that contaminate drinking water. In some places, this re-
sults in open pools of raw sewage, which ﬂush human feces
back into kitchen sinks and bathtubs during the rainy sea-
son . Environmental and climate justice activist Cathe-
rine Flowers argues that the intensiﬁcation of heavy rains
and ﬂoods because of the ongoing climate crisis is over-
whelming the broken sewer systems and undermining poor
African Americans’ lives and livelihoods .
The distributive injustices of the economic system have
become even more pronounced in the presence of large and
increasing wealth and income inequalities. These distribu-
tional inequalities affect entire regions and local juridisc-
tions, undermining their ability to provide civil amenities
in the aftermath of a natural disaster and ensure human
security. A stark reﬂection of these distributional conse-
quences is that the poor and the marginalized experience
the most devastating impacts of a climate disaster, that is,
the loss of human lives.
2.2. Procedural Rights
Another important dimension of climate justice is proce-
dural justice, which refers to whether and how the groups
most affected by climate change have meaningful oppor-
tunities to participate in brainstorming, designing, and
implementing climate responses. Historically, African
Americans and other racial minorities have been under-
represented in environmental and climate movements.
The U.S. environmental justice movement has been call-
ing attention to this issue for a quarter of a century, yet
the problem of a lack of diversity persists. Research on 191
conservation and preservation organizations, 74 govern-
ment environmental agencies, and 28 environmental
grant-making foundations shows that racial minorities
constitute 16%of staff and board members. Once re-
cruited, members of minority communities tend to con-
centrate in lower ranks, trapped beneath a glass ceiling
. Although environmental institutions have made sig-
mostly accrued to White women . Such an under-
representation in environmental movements leads to the
exclusion of minorities from policy-making processes,
which also creates the mistaken assumption that racial
minorities are too poor to care about the environment or
climate change. However, nationally representative surveys
show that people of color, including Hispanics/Latinos,
African Americans, and other non-White racial/ethnic
groups, are more concerned than Whites about climate
change . Even so, higher levels of awareness are not
sufﬁcient to foster meaningful participation, which requires
carefully designed processes that facilitate respectful engage-
ment between members of marginalized groups and decision
makers, such as city leaders .
The involvement of those affected most by climate
change is essential for two key reasons. First, there are
legal, statutory, political reasons for ensuring broad-
based participation. Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration
on Environment and Development sets out three funda-
mental access rights: access to information, access to pub-
lic participation, and access to justice as key pillars of
sound environmental governance . Agenda 21 has
subsequently been integrated into various national, pro-
vincial, and local statutes and continues to be a source of
learning for the ongoing debates about just transition
. The access rights are also in conformity with recog-
nizing political and civil rights as the essence of universal
rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human
Climate Justice in the Global North 5
Rights. A second reason for ensuring local participation
has to do with the substantive effects of an inclusive
process. Those most affected by the climate crisis are also
likely to contribute the most insightful ideas about how
best to address the vulnerabilities that produce climate
injustices in the ﬁrst place. For example, the Ofﬁce of
Sustainability in the city of Providence, RI, partnered
with the city’s Racial and Environmental Justice Com-
mittee to make sure that the city’s climate action plan
adhered to the Just Providence Framework developed
previously by the city residents and leaders.
turned out to be so successful that the city’s Climate
Action Plan metamorphosed into a Climate Justice Plan.
Additionally, the city’s Ofﬁce of Sustainability adopted
a system of governance that is based on collaborating
actively and routinely with community-based
2.3. “Recognitional” Justice
The promises of procedural justice remain unfulﬁlled in
many cases because people from all social groups are not
always recognized as legitimate actors, whose understand-
ing of a problem and whose interests and priorities should
inform the design and implementation of policies and
programs . On the other hand, marginalized groups
are subject to misrecognition, which Nancy Fraser refers
to as an institutionalized pattern of cultural values that
“constitutes some social actors as less than full members of
society and prevents them from participating as peers”
. Thus, the twin concepts of recognition and misre-
cognition are related to patterns of “privilege and op-
pression,” which manifest in the form of “cultural
domination, being rendered invisible, and routine stereo-
typing or maligning in public representations” . In
a very profound way, recognition and misrecognition are
the foundational questions of climate justice with wide-
ranging consequences. As David Schlosberg has argued,
a lack of respect and recognition often leads to a decline
in a person’s or a group’s “membership and participation
in the greater community, including the political and
institutional order” . Therefore, a lack of recognition
presents a formidable barrier against addressing proce-
dural and distributional concerns.
The following example illustrates how questions of
recognition manifest in climate policy contexts. Harvey,
a category 4hurricane, struck Houston in August 2017.
Maria, a category 5hurricane, struck Puerto Rico in Sep-
tember. A review of public records from the Federal
Emergency Management Agency and interviews with
more than 50 people involved with disaster response re-
vealed that the Trump administration’s response was far
more swift in Houston than Puerto Rico, which experi-
enced far greater destruction . Many Puerto Ricans
believed that this was more evidence that the president
viewed them as “second-class American citizens” . On
numerous occasions, President Trump criticized Puerto
Rico for being a “mess” and its leaders as “crazed and
incompetent,” which constitutes an instance of misrecog-
nition . The Governor of Puerto Rico Tweeted, “Mr.
President, once again, we are not your adversaries, we are
your citizens” . The Governor of Puerto Rico felt that
the Trump administration did not recognize their rights
as U.S. citizens, which inﬂuenced how the federal govern-
ment responded to the most devastating climate-related
disaster to date in the United States. Such lack of recog-
nition or misrecognition is not new; it did not start with
the Trump administration. Even though Puerto Ricans
are U.S. citizens, the national political process treats them
as subordinates. They do not have voting representation
in the U.S. Congress or the Presidential elections. Unfor-
tunately, a more detailed analysis is beyond the scope of
this essay. Still, other scholars show how the environmen-
tal and climate injustices experienced by the people of
Puerto Rico result from a long history of colonialism,
occupation of large parts of the island’s territory by the
U.S. Navy, and the neoliberal policies imposed on the
African American citizens in the United States have
had very similar experiences, even though the political
process does not disadvantage them formally. The domi-
nant narratives used in media and political discourse,
which often describe African American men as aggressive,
angry, and prone to criminal violence, reinforce long-
standing prejudices against racial minorities. Such nega-
tive constructions of social identities lead some to perceive
the presence of African American men in the wilderness,
or even in parks, as suspicious or threatening. A May
2020 incident involving an African American birder in
New York’s Central Park illustrates the point. The birder
asked a White woman jogger to leash her dog, as the law
16. Anon. 2019. The City of Providence’s Climate Justice Plan.
6CASE STUDIES IN THE ENVIRONMENT 2021
required. However, instead of following the park rules, the
woman called the cops on the birder. A video recorded by
the birder and circulated widely on social media showed
the woman repeatedly telling the cops on the phone that
“there’s an African American man threatening my life”
. Afterward, several other African American birders
and hikers shared similar racial proﬁling experiences on
social media with hashtags like #BirdingWhileBlack and
#HikingWhileBlack. A common theme evident in each of
these experiences is that many White people in the
United States do not perceive or recognize Black people
as birders, nature photographers, or hikers [35,36].
Other social groups, such as indigenous people and
Latinx, are also often subject to prejudices and proﬁling,
which contribute to the negative construction of their
identities and instances of misrecognition in society and
politics . As Nancy Fraser argues, misrecognition and
negative stereotyping can contribute to the institutionali-
zation of prejudiced norms within public policies and
programs, for example, via the zoning and redlining prac-
tices that sacriﬁce the interests of negatively portrayed
groups. Notwithstanding the racialized histories of urban
development in the United States and elsewhere, some
commentators argue that the considerations of social jus-
tice will muddle the efforts to decarbonize the economy
“quickly and efﬁciently.”
This argument draws on the
perspective that there are signiﬁcant trade-offs between
climate action and climate justice.
One relevant example is hydraulic fracturing, or frack-
ing, which many see as a boon for providing abundant
natural gas supplies crucial to the “transition” away from
the dirty fuel of coal. They argue that the relatively more
climate-friendly energy available from natural gas, coupled
with economic beneﬁts that local communities gain in the
short term, must be weighed against the risks of adverse
public health and environmental consequences.
laws that protect the privacy of proprietary data hinder
public access to information about the health and ecolog-
ical consequences of the chemical cocktails used in frack-
ing, even though such information is vital to the goals of
public health and environmental protections. Overall,
a broader systems approach suggests a signiﬁcantly more
extensive set of adverse consequences, including the
“impacts from the decline in water quality on soil, land,
and ecosystem productivity (crops/animal health); effects
of fracking-related air pollution on pollinators; effects on
the development of local, alternative food systems; and,
fracking-related boom-bust dynamics” . The range of
these negative consequences raise questions about the nar-
ratives of trade-offs in fracking .
Some proponents of a speedy transition to renewable
energy also cite the supposed tradeoff between efﬁciency
and equity to argue for allowing competent energy com-
panies to develop, install, and own industrial-scale renew-
able energy grids. However, this view ignores the many
beneﬁts of wide-ranging consultations and collaborations
with local communities that could enhance the public
acceptance and efﬁcacy of renewable energy infrastructure
. Somewhat ironically, some of the most challenging
trade-offs may be witnessed in communities most vulner-
able to climate change, for example, indigenous commu-
nities that seek to secure their “sovereignty by the barrel”
because the compulsions borne out of marginality con-
strain their choices for economic development.
a “take it or leave it” scenario of limited choices reﬂects
longstanding disadvantages, which the ongoing climate
crisis is likely to exacerbate. Overall, it is crucial to inves-
tigate the arguments about potential trade-offs in
a nuanced way so that some parties do not weaponize
these arguments .
3. INJUSTICES OF CLIMATE RESPONSES
which refers to actions that help reduce emissions of
GHGs; adaptation, which refers to measures that reduce
vulnerability to the consequences of climate change; and
resilience, which refers to the properties that enable a so-
cioecological system to withstand the shocks of climate
change. Although adaptation and resilience are closely
intertwined, adaptation actions are generally thought of
as responses to climate change impacts, while resilience
actions are anticipatory. Each of these three types of
“climate responses” has important implications for justice.
Additionally, we brieﬂy consider the importance of taking
an intersectional approach to understanding climate ac-
tion’s justice effects.
A central component of the efforts to mitigate climate
change is to curtail carbon emissions linked to energy-
Climate Justice in the Global North 7
intensive consumption. However, in democratic societies,
one cannot merely ban or arbitrarily restrict energy-
intensive activities, not least because many of these activ-
ities are a source of employment and other means of
economic wellbeing for many lower-income families. The
next best option is to put a price on carbon emissions,
commonly referred to as “carbon tax,” which many scho-
lars and practitioners see as one of the most effective
means of climate mitigation. If we lived in a world of
economic and wealth equality, a carbon tax would simply
realign economic incentives without imposing excessive
burdens on speciﬁc social groups. However, in the pres-
ence of massive economic and wealth inequalities, a car-
bon tax would affect poor and/or racial minority
households very differently compared to others. Unless
subsistence items, such as food, water, and energy were
protected from the inﬂationary effects of carbon taxes,
even a moderate level of the carbon tax could make these
items too expensive for the poor in the United States.
In Paris, the Yellow Vest protestors cited economic
inequalities and the unfairness of the gas tax that Presi-
dent Emmanuel Macron announced in 2019 as one of
the main reasons for the protests. The protestors felt that
it was unfair to ask low- and middle-income folks to
“make sacriﬁces while rich people aren’t paying taxes any-
more.” This feeling of unfairness contributed to “a sense
of despair, as well as a sense of social injustice” . The
adverse effects of climate mitigation are not always con-
tained within the national borders, though.
Carbon offsets projects, including some that may be
funded by environmentally conscious consumers paying
an airline a little extra to offset the emissions linked to
their air travel, have been implicated in the dispossession
and displacements of indigenous groups in different parts
of the world.
Such projects may be less problematic
when implemented within the Global North, character-
ized by the security of property rights and a robust rule of
law. These conditions do not apply to most terrestrial
carbon offset projects in Africa or Asia. Over 95%of
forestlands are legally deﬁned as public lands, even
though most of these lands have been used customarily
by indigenous peoples and other rural populations.
Under those conditions, the ﬁnancial returns linked to
carbon offset projects incentivize powerful government
agencies and private actors to set aside these lands for
carbon offset projects, including in countries where cus-
tomary land tenures are protected under the statute.
The international community has developed social safe-
guards and other codes of conduct to regulate offset
projects. However, research by the Center for Interna-
tional Forestry Research, the Oakland Institute, and the
Rights & Resources Initiative shows that international
offset projects contribute to widespread human rights
Similarly, a large-scale switch to renewables, including
electric or hybrid batteries, windmills, and solar panels,
could lead to a sudden spike in demand for rare minerals,
such as copper and cobalt. The mining of these minerals
also often contributes to gross human rights abuses,
including child labor and the degradation and depletion
of natural resources, such as water, forests, and pastures
crucial for local livelihoods in the Global South . For
these reasons, some scholars argue that industrial-scale
renewable energy infrastructure can be as exploitative as
the fossil fuel industry practices have been. Noticeably,
this argument applies to industrial-scale renewable infra-
structure. Renewable energy resources can also exist in the
form of “energy commons,” which give local communities
real stakes in making decisions about siting, pricing, and
proﬁt-sharing . Such democratization of energy infra-
structure is crucial for implementing a transition plan that
suits the site-speciﬁc requirements.
Some consider climate adaptation, that is, the measures
designed to deal with the climate crisis, to be synonymous
with climate justice. The argument is that if the worst
consequences of climate change fall on the poor and the
marginalized, any interventions meant to adapt to climate
change would necessarily help the poor. Yet not all
climate adaptation measures are created equal. For exam-
ple, coastal adaptation measures in response to sea-level
rise should help sustain rather than disrupt subsistence
and artisanal ﬁshing, which are the mainstay of liveli-
hood strategies for many coastal frontline communities.
More broadly, as Dean Hardy and colleagues argue, “the
land facing inundation is racialized land ... that has
been appropriated, settled, cultivated, and distributed
through a long history of deeply racialized projects”
. They argue that sea-level rise adaptation planning
must recognize the reality of such “racial coastal for-
mations” and must commit to “resist the reproduction
of and reinvestments in racial inequality in responses to
climate change” .
8CASE STUDIES IN THE ENVIRONMENT 2021
The failure to address racial inequalities means that
many urban climate adaptation interventions, such as
public transit systems, public parks, and improved civic
amenities, may increase property prices or rentals, which
makes some areas unaffordable to their current residents.
These changes lead to urban gentriﬁcation, which refers
to the changes in a neighborhood’s composition because
of changes in property values. It is called climate gentri-
ﬁcation when such changes are related to climate change
. The framework of climate gentriﬁcation helps illu-
minate the social determinants of vulnerability. For exam-
ple, as the rising sea levels and frequent ﬂooding threaten
expensive properties on Miami’s famed beaches, wealthy
people invest in properties inland. The ﬂux of new invest-
ments and new wealthy residents makes the previously
low-income neighborhoods too costly to afford for low-
income groups . As human geographer Jesse Ribot
has argued, “vulnerability does not fall from the sky” .
Considering that socioeconomic deprivations contribute
to climate change-related vulnerabilities, any efforts to
address climate injustice must address such disadvantages.
4. THE PURSUIT OF CLIMATE JUSTICE
The discussions above demonstrate that climate injustices
are not just about the “climate system” or “global
warming” but are rooted ﬁrmly in the unequal patterns
of vulnerabilities shaped by the distribution of social and
political power and economic inequalities. Climate
change’s social consequences manifest in outcomes related
to urban development patterns, energy prices, urban
transportation, food production, and food markets. By
implication, the pursuit of climate justice also requires
addressing these various sectors of the economy and soci-
ety. The following are some examples of how local gov-
ernments, civic groups, academic institutions, and social
movements seek to pursue climate justice.
The fossil-fuel divestment movement popularized by
350.org has grown to secure commitments to divest more
than US$14 trillion worth of investments made by more
than 1,230 institutions, including religious institutions,
pension funds, university endowments, and large charita-
ble foundations. College students from several universities
in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere have made
signiﬁcant contributions to the global fossil fuel divest-
ment movement’s ongoing success . The decline of
the fossil fuel industry, including the state-owned oil cor-
porations in some of the largest oil producing countries,
will undoubtedly lower environmental pollution and con-
tribute to environmental and climate justice. Another
example from the energy sector is the 2019 Tennessee
Valley Energy Democracy Tour, which focused on build-
ing a collective grassroots vision for an egalitarian energy
future in the communities impacted by the New Deal era
projects of the Tennessee Valley Authority.
served as a good reminder of why we need to pay atten-
tion to the historical legacies of unequal development and
socioeconomic marginalization. Transformative reforms
in state-level energy policies and programs are other cru-
cial elements necessary for fostering an inclusive clean
energy action. The Washington-based Institute for Local
Self-Reliance scores and ranks states on their energy pol-
icies, speciﬁcally their devolution and inclusiveness .
Such rankings create useful resources for grassroots actors
and could help foster healthy competition among states.
Climate justice interventions related to urban areas
include the Miami City Commission’s resolution direct-
ing the city managers to research urban gentriﬁcation and
ways of stabilizing property tax rates in lower income
areas located further inland . City governments can
act to institutionalize other means of fostering a healthy
urban ecosystem. In 2019, the Boston City Council voted
unanimously to enact a Good Food Purchasing Program
(GFPP) for a more equitable food purchasing system at
public institutions. Seven other cities, including Los An-
geles, Chicago, and Cincinnati, have also adopted GFPP
policies . These initiatives help urban populations cut
down on their reliance on imported food items that leave
a signiﬁcant carbon footprint. In doing so, they also
undercut the stronghold of industrial agriculture, which
is a large consumer of fossil fuels and one of the major
causes of global climate change . Equally important,
food ordinances can help improve the proﬁtability of
urban and peri-urban agro-ecological farming, which is
associated with multiple social, economic, environmental,
and climate-related beneﬁts . More broadly, instead of
privatizing urban infrastructure or having monopolistic
state control, reimagining the city as a “commons” gives
urban residents a collective stake in a city’s resources .
Democratizing urban governance—that is, allowing
21. The tour was co-organized by Appalachian Voices, Science for the
People, Statewide Organizing for Community eMpowerment (SOCM),
Working Films, and a group of community members and organizers in the
greater Knoxville area. http://appvoices.org/2019/11/26/re-envisioning-
Climate Justice in the Global North 9
urban residents a meaningful say in the conduct of the
ongoing affairs in a city—is an important prerequisite for
incorporating concerns of ecology and environment into
our urban imaginations.
La Via Campesina, a transnational social movement,
promotes agroecology and food sovereignty by engaging
with all relevant actors, including the United Nations at
the global level and peasant federations at the subnational
level. They have been instrumental in the successful enact-
ment of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas. La
Via Campesina engages with 182 organizations represent-
ing an estimated 200 million farmers from 81 countries
throughout Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas.
Another example of a grassroots network that has made
a global impact is the Indigenous Environmental Net-
work (IEN), founded in 1990 in Bemidji, MN, to address
environmental and economic justice issues. IEN has also
been one of the key actors in the global climate justice
movement, mainly via its participation in the annual
United Nations Climate Change meetings. The IEN
has recently launched a People’s Orientation to a Regen-
erative Economy: Protect, Repair, Invest and Transform
to put indigenous sovereignty and values at the front
and center of collective efforts toward a sustainable
These are some examples of interventions from various
actors and agencies invested in the pursuits of climate
justice. Each of the examples cited above addresses a spe-
ciﬁc policy and programmatic area relevant to the daily
lives of the people at the frontlines of climate change.
However, the energy-intensive luxury consumption in the
Global North and in some sections of the Global South
that contribute signiﬁcantly to the climate crisis does not
receive adequate attention from policy makers. Our col-
lective efforts to address climate change are unlikely to
succeed if we fail to reduce consumption, especially the
consumption of goods and services linked to “luxury
emissions,” such as privately owned planes. The average
carbon footprint of the wealthiest 1%of people globally
could be 175 times that of the poorest 10%. On the
other hand, large sections of populations in the global
South are still grappling with the provision of necessities
such as nutritious food, safe drinking water, and a reliable
supply of clean energy. Hundreds of millions also lack
access to amenities such as sanitation systems, schools,
and hospitals, as reﬂected in the United Nations 2030
Agenda for Sustainable Development. The emissions
related to these activities are called “survival emissions”
. Some climate policy discussions tend to obfuscate
these distinctions using the language of “human
footprint” and “population problem” . Such framings
create a false equivalence between luxury consumption
and survival emissions, while accounting for these distinc-
tions provides policy guidance for climate policies that
can be both just and efﬁcient.
As the discussion on fossil fuel subsidies demonstrates,
the patterns of consumption and deprivation are products
of political and economic structures. National policies
and the actions of powerful state and non-state corporate
actors have severe consequences for what happens at the
local level. Any high-level reforms would not necessarily
translate into a realization of climate justice without social
and political mobilization at the grassroots level. For over
three decades, environmental and social justice move-
ments have struggled to bring these issues to the public
agenda both in the United States and globally. Advocates
of climate justice would beneﬁt from building on the
insights and lessons from these movements . Addi-
tionally, transformative reforms in the economy and soci-
ety, executed via the federal or state-level agencies, are also
equally important. We must seek to address the limits of
liberal state, which are responsible for the entrenchment
of racial capitalism and the climate crisis . Climate
justice calls for wide-ranging reforms and concerted ac-
tions in the cultural, social, economic, and political
QUESTIONS FOR CLASSROOM DISCUSSIONS
1. What separates climate action advocacy from
climate justice advocacy?
2. Is it too much to expect climate justice advo-
cates to also address questions of social injus-
tices of race, gender, and sexual identity, among
3. In your assessment, are links between the
military-industrial complex, the Black Lives
Matter movement, and the outcomes of envi-
ronmental and climate justice that this essay
suggest a bit “over the top”? Why or why not?
4. Do the simultaneous pursuits of climate
response and climate justice necessarily entail
trade-offs? What factors must be considered in
10 CASE STUDIES IN THE ENVIRONMENT 2021
assessing the extent of a trade-off in any given
5. How does the consideration of a plurality of
values to deﬁne human well-being affect our
assessment of trade-offs in climate action/cli-
mate justice debates?
6. How could we reorient our food systems to
promote socially just climate responses?
7. What role can municipal governments play in
promoting climate justice?
8. Are the arguments about “city as a commons”
or “energy commons” part of utopian thinking
that cannot be translated into pragmatic policy
9. What roles do consumers and citizens play in
advancing the goals of climate justice?
10. Could you think of examples of policies and
programs not discussed above that might also
contribute to climate justice? For each example,
please explain the speciﬁc contribution to cli-
The author acknowledges the generous and insightful
comments by Sikina Jinnah on the ﬁrst two drafts and
comments by Betty Hanson on the penultimate draft.
The original impetus for this pedagogical note came from
a new course I developed at the University of Connecti-
cut, Storrs. I am thankful to the students who took the
class in spring 2019, who engaged vigorously with the
note and contributed to its expansion to its present form.
The author has declared that no competing interests exist.
The author received no ﬁnancial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
1. Yeampierre EC. Hurricane Katrina proved that if black
lives matter, so must climate justice. The Guardian [Inter-
net]. 2015. Available: https://www.theguardian.com/us-
black-lives-matter-climate-justice. Accessed 9February
2. Kashwan P. Inequality, democracy, and the environment:
a cross-national analysis. Ecol Econ. 2017;131:139–151.
3. GRAIN, IATP. Emissions Impossible—How Big Meat and
Dairy Are Heating up the Planet. 2018. GRAIN and the
Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP).
4. Motesharrei S, Rivas J, Kalnay E et al. Modeling sustain-
ability: population, inequality, consumption, and bidirec-
tional coupling of the Earth and Human Systems. Natl Sci
Rev. 2016;3(4): 470–494.
5. Greenwood DT, Holt RPF. Growth, inequality and nega-
tive trickle down. J Econ Issues. 2010;44(2): 403–410.
6. Schwartz J. Fossil Fuels on Trial: New York’s Lawsuit
against Exxon Begins. The New York Times. 2019. Avail-
new-york-lawsuit-exxon.html. Accessed 9February 2021.
7. Austin G. African economic development and colonial
legacies. International Development Policy | Revue inter-
nationale de politique de de
´veloppement [Online]. 2010;
8. Coleman C, Dietz E. Fact Sheet: Fossil Fuel Subsidies: A
Closer Look at Tax Breaks and Societal Costs Environmen-
tal and Energy Study Institute (EESI). 2019. Available:
cessed 9February 2021.
9. Almeida P. Social Movement Partyism: Collective Action
and Oppositional Political Parties. In: Dyke NV, McCam-
mon HJ, editors. Strategic Alliances: Coalition Building and
Social Movements. University of Minnesota Press; 2010.
10. Baurick T, Younes L, Meiners J. Welcome to “Cancer
Alley,” Where Toxic Air is About to Get Worse 2019.
cessed 9February 2021.
11. Agyeman J, Schlosberg D, Craven L et al. Trends and direc-
tions in environmental justice: from inequity to everyday
life, community, and just sustainabilities. Annu Rev Envi-
ron Resour. 2016;41(1): 321–340.
12. Crawford NC. Pentagon Fuel Use, Climate Change, and
the Costs of War. Providence, RI: Watson Institute, Brown
13. Dillon L, Sze J. Police power and particulate matters: Envi-
ronmental justice and the spatialities of in/securities in US
cities. English Language Notes. 2016;54(2): 13–23.
14. Huang A. Hurricane Sandy’s Disproportionate Impact on
NYC’s Most Vulnerable Communities. Natural Resources
Defense Council [Internet]. 2012 Available: https://www.
communities. Accessed 9February 2021.
15. Lakhani N. Revealed: Oil Giants Help Fund Powerful
Police Groups in Top US Cities. The Guardian [Internet].
2020. Available: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/
foundations Last accessed February 92021.
Climate Justice in the Global North 11
16. Jan T. Redlining was Banned 50 Years Ago. It’s Still Hurt-
ing Minorities Today. The Washington Post [Internet].
2018. Available: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/
ago-its-still-hurting-minorities-today/. Accessed 9February
17. Salvador D. The Southeast Has an Energy Problem, and
Minorities Are Hit the Hardest. Paciﬁc Standard Magazine
[Internet]. 2017. Available: https://psmag.com/news/the-
the-hardest. Accessed 9February 2021.
18. Bednar DJ, Reames TG. Recognition of and response to
energy poverty in the United States. Nature Energy. 2020;
19. Pilkington E. Hookworm, a disease of extreme poverty, is
thriving in the US south. Why? The Guardian [Internet].
2017. Available: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/
waste-treatment-poverty. Accessed 9February 2021.
20. Flowers C. A County Where the Sewer Is Your Lawn. The
New York Times; 2018.
21. Taylor DE. The State of Diversity in Environmental Orga-
nizations. Washington, DC: Green 2.0Working Group;
22. Ballew M, Maibach E, Kotcher J et al. Which Racial/Eth-
nic Groups Care Most about Climate Change? Yale Pro-
gram on Climate Change Communication [Internet].
2020. Available: https://climatecommunication.yale.edu/
publications/race-and-climate-change/. Accessed 9Febru-
23. Kelly C, Martinez C, Hathaway-Williams W. A Frame-
work for Local Action on Climate Change: 9Ways
Mayors Can Build Resilient and Just Cities. Center for
American Progress [Internet]. 2017. Available: https://
Accessed 9February 2021.
24. UNEP. Principle 10 and the Bali Guideline. United Na-
tions Environment Programme [Internet]. 2015. Available:
engagement/partnerships/principle-10. Accessed 9Febru-
25. Xavier LY, Jacobi PR, Turra A. Local Agenda 21: planning
for the future, changing today. Environ Sci Policy. 2019;
26. Chu E, Michael K. Recognition in urban climate justice:
marginality and exclusion of migrants in Indian cities.
Environ Urban. 2019;31(1): 139–156.
27. Fraser N. Rethinking recognition. New Left Rev. 2000;3:
28. Schlosberg D. Reconceiving environmental justice: global
movements and political theories. Env Polit. 2004;13(3):
29. Vinik D. How Trump favored Texas over Puerto Rico
Politico [Internet]. 2018. Available: https://www.politico.
maria-response-480557. Accessed 9February 2021.
30. News B. British Broadcasting Corporation [Internet].
2017. Available: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-
canada-41504165. Accessed 9February 2021.
31. Karni A, Mazzei P. Trump Lashes Out Again at Puerto
Rico, Bewildering the Island. The New York Times [Inter-
net]. 2019. Available: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/
04/02/us/trump-puerto-rico.html. Accessed 9February
32. McCaffrey KT. The Struggle for Environmental Justice in
Vieques, Puerto Rico. In: Environmental justice in Latin
America: problems, promise, and practice. MIT Press;
2008. pp. 263–285.
33. Klein N. Puerto Ricans and Ultrarich “Puertopians” Are
Locked in a Pitched Struggle Over How to Remake the
Island The Intercept [Internet]. 2018. Available: https://
maria-recovery/. Accessed 9February 2021.
34. Levenson E. The Realities of Being a Black Birdwatcher.
Cable News Network (CNN) [Internet]. 2020. Available:
black-christian-cooper/index.html. Accessed 9February
35. Bittel J. People Called Police on this Black Birdwatcher so
Many Times that he Posted Custom Signs to Explain His
Hobby. The Washington Post [Internet]. 2020. Available:
that-he-posted-custom-signs-explain-his-hobby/. Accessed 9
36. Finney C. Black Faces, White Spaces: Reimagining the
Relationship of African Americans to the Great Outdoors.
UNC Press Books; 2014.
37. Kashwan P. Bigotry Against Indigenous People Means
We’re Missing a Trick on Climate Change. The Guardian
[Internet]. 2017. Available: https://www.theguardian.
climate-change. Accessed 9February 2021.
38. Ahamed S, Sperling J, Galford G et al. The food-energy-
water nexus, regional sustainability, and hydraulic fractur-
ing: an integrated assessment of the denver region. Case
Stud Environ. 2019;3(1): 1–21.
39. Hermanus L, Andrew S. Community-centred infrastruc-
ture design process for resilience building in South African
informal settlements: the “Genius of Space” solid waste and
greywater infrastructure project. Case Stud Environ. 2018;
40. Kashwan P. AmericanEnvironmentalism’s Racist Roots have
Shaped Global Thinking About Conservation. The Conver-
sation. 2020. Available: https://theconversation.com/
global-thinking-about-conservation-143783. Accessed 9
12 CASE STUDIES IN THE ENVIRONMENT 2021
41. Goodman PS. Inequality Fuels Rage of ‘Yellow Vests’ in
Equality-Obsessed France. The New York Times [Internet].
2019. Available: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/15/
42. Sarmiento Barletti JP, Larson AM. Rights Abuse Allega-
tions in the Context of REDDþReadiness and Implemen-
tation: A Preliminary Review and Proposal for Moving
Forward. Center for International Forestry Research (CI-
43. Mousseau F. Evicted for Carbon Credits: Norway, Sweden,
and Finland Displace Ugandan Farmersfor Carbon Trading.
The Oakland Institute [Internet]. 2019. Available: https://
forestry-plantation-uganda. Accessed 9February 2021.
44. Church C. Green Conﬂict Minerals: Investigating Renew-
able Energy Supply Chains in Fragile States. New Security
Beat [Internet]. 2018. Available: https://www.
states/. Accessed 9February 2021.
45. Taylor K. Governing the Wind Energy Commons: Renew-
able Energy and Community Development. West Virginia
University Press; 2019.
46. Hardy RD, Milligan RA, Heynen N. Racial coastal forma-
tion: the environmental injustice of colorblind adaptation
planning for sea-level rise. Geoforum. 2017;87:62–72.
47. Horvath H. Transportation Justice in Portland. Nicholas
School of the Environment at Duke University [Internet].
2019 Available: https://blogs.nicholas.duke.edu/env212/
transportation-justice-in-portland/. Accessed 9February
48. Mooney T. Little Haiti Residents Forced from Home
Again as Climate Change Upends Miami Real Estate. CBS
News [Internet]. 2020 Available: https://www.cbsnews.
cation-cbsn-originals-documentary/. Accessed 9February
49. Ribot J. Vulnerability Does Not Fall From the Sky:
Toward Multiscale, Pro-Poor Climate Policy. In: Mearns
R, Norton A, editors. Social Dimensions of Climate
Change: Equity and Vulnerability in a Warming World.
World Bank; 2010. pp. 47–74.
50. Anon. Fossil Free: Divestment Commitments. 350org
[Internet]. 2020. Available: https://gofossilfree.org/
divestment/commitments/. Accessed 9February 2021.
51. McCoy M, Farrell J. The 2020 Community Power Score-
card. Institute for Local Self-Reliance [Internet]. 2020
scorecard/. Accessed 9February 2021.
52. Drugmand D. Miami Aims to Protect Lower Income
Residents from Climate Displacement. The Climate
Docket [Internet]. 2018. Available: https://www.
cation/. Accessed 9February 2021.
53. Anon. Boston City Council Passes Landmark Food Justice
Policy. Good Food Cities [Internet]. 2019. Available:
landmark-food-justice-policy/. Accessed 9February 2021.
54. Bezner-Kerr R, McGuire KL, Nigh R, Rocheleau D, Soluri
J, Perfecto I. Effects of industrial agriculture on climate
change and the mitigation potential of small-scale agro-
ecological farms. In: Hemming D, editor. Animal Science
Reviews 2011. CAB Reviews Series. 69. Oxfordshire, UK;
Cambridge, MA: CAB International; 2012.p.69.
55. Dixon JM, Donati KJ, Pike LL, Hattersley L. Functional
foods and urban agriculture: two responses to climate
change-related food insecurity. NSW Public Health Bull.
56. Foster SR, Iaione C. The city as a commons. Yale L & Pol’y
57. Anon. A People’s Orientation to a Regenerative Economy:
Protect, Repair, Invest and Transform 2019.Available:
58. Gore T. Extreme Carbon Inequality: Why the Paris climate
Deal Must Put the Poorest, Lowest Emitting and Most Vul-
nerable People First. Oxfam International; 2015. Availavle:
59. Agarwal A, Narain S. Global Warming in an Unequal
World: A Case of Environmental Colonialism. New Delhi
[India]: Centre for Science and Environment; 1998.
60. Andrews E. Humans Cause Climate Change. Do We Just
Need Fewer Humans? Grist Magazine [Internet]. 2019.
change-do-we-just-need-fewer-humans/. Accessed 9Febru-
61. Schlosberg D, Collins LB. From environmental to climate
justice: climate change and the discourse of environmental
justice. WIRE: Climate Change. 2014;5(3): 359–374.
62. Pulido L, De Lara J. Reimagining ‘justice’ in environmental
justice: radical ecologies, decolonial thought, and the Black
Radical Tradition. Environ Planning E: Nature Space.
Climate Justice in the Global North 13