Executive summary Historically, women in the Middle East and North Africa have been disadvantaged in access and controlling land. In 1999, it was estimated that women's ownership rates in the MENA region were among the lowest in the world at just 5 percent (FAO, 1999). Gender-unequal asset distribution, especially of land and housing, is increasingly recognized as an important impediment to both individual and human development outcomes. Tackling it is therefore a key component of promoting gender equality under the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), especially in the Middle East and North Africa. However, the evidence based regarding women's tenure security in the region is relatively thin (see e.g. Doss et al., 2015). SDGs 1.4.2 and 5.a.1, which explicitly refer to women's tenure security, specify the need to track women's legal rights to land and property as well as their perception of those rights 1. Data that captures perceptions of tenure security is increasingly being acknowledged as an envelope for both the actual experience, as well as the legal status, of tenure (see Arnot et al., 2011). It can therefore help reveal where women feel insecure about their tenure, even where they possess the legal right to tenure. This is considered especially important in the MENA region due to the widespread adoption of gender-unequal inheritance law and practices, such as social pressure on daughters and sisters to voluntarily renounce rights to land and property (Ababsa, 2017; Najjar et al., 2020). This paper analyses nationally-representative subjective data from 6,312 women and 7,254 men in 13 countries located in the Middle East and North Africa, and collected as part of the global Property Rights Index (Prindex) Initiative. The findings provide a first insight into the factors that influence the tenure security of women in the region by operationalizing a conceptual framework developed by Doss and Meinzen-Dick (2020). They demonstrate the importance of contextual factors, such as tenure type, age and a low socioeconomic background. The results also confirm that in many parts of the Arab world, women's tenure security is shaped by "internal" threats from actors within the household, the family or the community. The paper concludes by presenting three ways that can help guide further efforts to tackle issues surrounding women's tenure security in the region: (i) gaining a greater understanding of the gender dynamics affecting the high share of renters in the region; (ii) taking into consideration the interplay between demographic and socioeconomic factors and women's tenure security, especially in the Mashreq, and; (iii) paying special attention to internal sources of insecurity from within the family and the community over a longer time horizon. First, without distinguishing the different dynamics underpinning the tenure security of renters and owners (including family-owners), one could underestimate the importance of 1 They include: (i) 1.4.2: Proportion of total adult population with secure tenure rights to land, with legally recognized documentation and who perceive their rights to land as secure, by sex and by type of tenure; (ii) 5.a.1: (a) Proportion of total agricultural population with ownership or secure rights over agricultural land, by sex; and (b) share of women among owners or rights-bearers of agricultural land, by type of tenure, and; (iii) 5.a.2: Proportion of countries where the legal framework (including customary law) guarantees women's equal rights to land ownership and/or control. issues affecting women's tenure security in the region. Gender gaps appear insignificant overall, with a two percentage point gap between men's (22%) and women's (24%) rates of perceived insecurity. However, these gaps are considerably wider, and up to 8 percentage points for the sample of owners and family-owners in the Maghreb 2 and Mashreq 3 countries. Separating the analysis of tenure security among renters is needed because of the fundamentally different set of dynamics at play, especially gendered patterns of voluntary and involuntary migrations and their causes. These may be political, ethnic, cultural or economic in nature and require further analysis as they lie beyond the scope of the dataset used in this paper. One interesting avenue to explore in the context of women's tenure security is the ability of rental markets as a way of liberating women from the constraints of social and religious norms surrounding the ownership of fixed assets such as land and property. There has, to date, been more of a focus on individual ownership and control of land and property in the region. The results of the analysis confirm that women's rates of individual or joint ownership are as low as 8 percent (22% overall), but provided that rapidly increasing rental markets are affordable, they can offer opportunities to acquire more liquid assets that women may prefer (see Najjar et al., 2020). However, at present tenure security among renters in the region are among the lowest in the world, and should therefore be considered a key priority area for national governments and international development partners. The second important consideration to make when analysing women's tenure security is that context matters. Young women are particularly vulnerable, especially in Egypt, Yemen and Iraq, which contribute to low levels of tenure security for women in the Mashreq region. Low income, unemployment and part-time employment are also important, socioeconomic factors to consider when analysing the tenure security of women in the Mashreq and Maghreb regions. For men, it shows singledom to be associated with low levels of insecurity in many countries. The analysis found that biophysical characteristics, such as urbanicity or the possession of formal documentation, to be less relevant for understanding issues surrounding women's tenure security. Nonetheless, the analysis did not consider institutional context, such as national legal frameworks or informal institutions. Nor did it include community relationships, which may shape the interplay between individual-level characteristics such as age and marital status, and tenure security. These two groups of contextual factors-highlighted in Doss and Meinzen-Dick (2020)-will need to be operationalized using complementary data, including qualitative data at national or subnational level. Third, these contextual factors will need to be linked to the threats and opportunities identified for women's tenure security in the region. As in other parts of the world, women are more likely to cite internal sources of insecurity from within the household or the community than men are, especially in the Mashreq and Maghreb regions. This is linked to 2 Iraq, Egypt, Yemen, Lebanon, Palestine and Jordan. 3 Tunisia, Morocco, Libya and Algeria the extremely wide disparities between men and women's feelings of tenure security in the event of divorce or spousal death. In Egypt, over 40 percent of married women felt insecure about their land or property in the event of a divorce, compared to just 4 percent of men. Overall, roughly one in three married women felt insecure in such scenarios compared to one in ten men. This points towards the need for policy interventions aimed at improving women's rights to inherit and thereby redistribute land and housing to women (see e.g. Deininger et al., 2010). The impact of unequal inheritance law and practices on women's tenure security also needs to be explored for women who are not married. For instance, it might explain why single women feel insecure in many countries, either because they face having to leave family homes upon marriage, or because they do not have the opportunity to acquire land or property except through marriage. There is also a need to understand other sources of insecurity cited by women, especially financial sources in the GCC countries. To achieve this, the dynamic causal relationships between contextual factors (such as age and income), the action arena (particularly male household heads and community leaders) and the threats identified in this paper (laws and social norms regarding land) will need to be explored at country-level to provide detailed policy proposals. One consideration to draw from our findings is that in some countries, women feel comparatively secure about their tenure in a spousal death scenario. Despite the presence of gender-unequal inheritance law (Women, Business and the Law, 2020), women in Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Algeria or Tunisia experience relatively low levels of insecurity. This may be related to differences in social attitudes, types of marriages or the possession of non-fixed assets, and may yield some important lessons for strengthening the tenure security of women in similar scenarios in other countries.