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American Journal of Climate Change, 2021, 10, 1-11
https://www.scirp.org/journal/ajcc
ISSN Online: 2167-9509
ISSN Print: 2167-9495
DOI:
10.4236/ajcc.2021.101001 Feb. 10, 2021 1
American Journal of Climate Change
Population Levels of Climate Change Fear in the
United States
Casey Mace Firebaugh1*, Tara Rava Zolnikov2,3, Frances Furio3, Germaine Ng4
1Department of Health Sciences, Central Washington University, Ellensburg, Washington, USA
2National University, Department of Community Health, San Diego, California, USA
3California Southern University, School of Behavioral Sciences, Costa Mesa, California, USA
4University of Washington, Bothell, Washington, USA
Abstract
There is increasing evidence that climate change, like other natural disasters
has the potential for significant human health impacts, including mental
health. Fear as
a psychological construct concerning climate change is not
well understood. An online cross-
sectional survey was conducted, targeting a
demographically representative sample of Americans (n = 546) in terms of
ethnicity, age, and gender. Survey questions included demographic informa-
tion and global questions regarding self-rated anxiety and fea
r of climate
change. Ordinal logistic models were created to determine which demo-
graphic factors were most predictive of climate change fear in the US popula-
tion. Over half of the study sample (50.9%) indicated being moderately or
very afraid of climate change. In the end, only three factors remained signifi-
cant (
p
< 0.001) in the model; self-reported level of anxiety, political affilia-
tion, and identifying and Hispanic/Latino. Climate change fear is still not
understood, especially in terms of its impact on the mental health of the pop-
ulation in
general, though prolonged fear can be an antecedent to other
mental health disorders. This study had demonstrated that fear of climate
change impacts over half of the U.S population. Level of fear differs signifi-
cantly by demographic. This study has provided e
vidence that climate
change fear impacts a significant proportion of the US population, prompt-
ing a need to investigate the potential acute and long-
term impacts of this fear
on the human psyche. The harms and benefits of the fear respo
nse to climate
change should be explored as well as potential responses to fear due to cli-
mate change.
Keywords
Climate Change, Mental Health, Global Adaption, Fear, Resiliency
How to cite this paper:
Firebaugh, C. M.,
Zolnikov,
T. R., Furio, F., & Ng, G. (2021).
Population Levels of Climate Change Fear
in the United States
.
Ameri
can Journal of
Climate Change,
10,
1-11.
https://doi.org/10.4236/ajcc.2021.101001
Received:
January 6, 2021
Accepted:
February 7, 2021
Published:
February 10, 2021
Copyright © 20
21 by author(s) and
Scientific
Research Publishing Inc.
This work is
licensed under the Creative
Commons Attribution International
License (CC BY
4.0).
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Open Access
C. M. Firebaugh et al.
DOI:
10.4236/ajcc.2021.101001 2
American Journal of Climate Change
1. Introduction
Over the last century, rises in carbon dioxide, methane, and other greenhouse
gases have contributed to changes in the climate. Effects related to this increased
climate pose great challenges for our world (Trombley et al., 2017). Global cli-
mate changes have been evidenced by droughts, extreme storms, melting ice and
snow, rising sea levels, rising surface temperature, and increasing variability
(Trombley et al., 2017; Frumkin et al., 2008). Climate change impacts not only
the environment, but also the humans and animals that live within it (Zolnikov,
2019). Research has shown that the effects of climate change can have a signifi-
cant impact on human health (Méndez-Lázaro et al., 2018; Frumkin et al., 2008).
These impacts are evidenced by various health outcomes associated with weather
and climate, including hypothermia from cold, hyperthermia from heat, famine
from droughts, increased risk or distribution of diseases from certain climates,
and harm and displacement from disasters like fires, floods, tornadoes, and hur-
ricanes (Frumkin et al., 2008).
While there is significant research related to the topic of climate change, and
even research related to physical health outcomes associated with the weather
and climate, there is less research that focuses specifically on psychological or
mental health outcomes associated with climate change (Trombley et al., 2017;
Hansen et al., 2012). Recent studies have demonstrated that the belief in climate
change and its consequences on human populations is increasing amongst the
American public (Sullivan & White, 2019). The research available provides evi-
dence that mental health may be impacted by climate change in both direct and
indirect ways (e.g., firsthand exposure, community well-being) (Clark & Zolni-
kov, 2020). Mental health related outcomes associated with climate change may
include stress, anxiety, depression, violence, aggression, and loss of community
identity (Trombley et al., 2017). Additionally, despair, emotional distress, and
fear have been identified as potential mental health related outcomes associated
with climate change (Frumkin et al., 2008). In addition to general populations, it
has been noted that at-risk populations, such as those experiencing preexisting
vulnerabilities, may be at an increased risk of mental health difficulties as a result
of the various impacts and outcomes of climate change (Clark & Zolnikov,
2020).
Fear, an outcome of climate change highlighted in available research, has been
described as an evolved response, one that helps people deal with encounters
and situations that are threatening (Loewenstein & Schwartz, 2010). Fear is a
feeling, but also an adaptive response that increases hearing acuity, awareness,
and memory (Loewenstein & Schwartz, 2010). Fear related to climate change
and our future climate is complex. Public discourse related to the topic of cli-
mate change includes concerns about associated dangers, catastrophes, and even
extinctions (Hulme, 2008). Some researchers have expected that this fear may
motivate the public to support public policies addressing the impacts of climate
change (Stern, 2012). Other researchers have noted that while fear motivates
C. M. Firebaugh et al.
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American Journal of Climate Change
people to address and eliminate imminent risks, constant risks can indicate to
our fear system that fear does not serve a function (Loewenstein & Schwartz,
2010). Therefore, constancy of risks related to climate change over time could
result in a deficiency of fear (Loewenstein & Schwartz, 2010).
It is clear that the world must adapt to climate changes, as these changes will
continue to affect various aspects of life on every continent to varying degrees
(Zolnikov et al., 2019). One component of this adaptation will be further ex-
ploring and identifying the complex impacts of climate change on mental health
(Clark & Zolnikov, 2020). Understanding the ways in which mental health can
be impacted by climate change will provide additional insight into the ways in
which populations may be able to be effectively supported (Clark & Zolnikov,
2020). The expectation of this research was to provide more information related
to climate change and fear in human populations. More specifically, the purpose
of this study was to investigate demographic factors associated with fear of cli-
mate change in the U.S. general population.
2. Methods
2.1. Study Design & Sampling
In the summer of 2019, a cross-sectional online survey was distributed to a de-
mographically representative (n = 546) sample of American adults (aged 18 and
over). Participants were recruited by completed the online survey through Qual-
trics which allowed computer and mobile device participation.
2.2. Measures
Demographic information including race/ethnicity, Hispanic/Latino identifying,
sex/gender, age, income, educational attainment were based upon the US Census
data questions (United States Census, 2019). Fear of climate change was meas-
ured by a likert-scale based upon a previous study conducted by Whitmarsh and
colleagues (Whitmarsh, 2009a, 2009b; Poortinga et al., 2011), asking “How
afraid are you of climate change?” The responses ranged from not afraid at all to
very afraid. In addition, self-rated anxiety was measured, via a global likert-scale
question “Would you consider yourself to be an anxious person?” The possible
responses were yes, no, or not sure. Because previous research on climate change
perceptions notes political belief as a salient factor (Hornsey et al., 2016), a ques-
tion about political affiliation was included, which asked participants to classify
themselves as either republican, democrat, independent, other, or no affiliation.
2.3. Data Analysis
Data were analyzed using IBM SPSS Statistics Version 25. A logistic regression
model was performed to determine factors significant to the dependent variable:
level of climate change fear. To build the models each independent variable was
tested at the bivariate level for a significant association with the dependent vari-
able. Those variables that were significant at the bivariate level (
p
< .05) were in-
C. M. Firebaugh et al.
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American Journal of Climate Change
cluded in the final logistic regression model. The control variables included in
the final model were: The model settings tested for main effects of all variables
included and significant variables were at the (
p
< .05) level, due to the ordinal
nature of the variables estimated marginal means were not produced. This study
was approved by the Central Washington University Human Subjects Research
Council (2019-087). Data from this study is not available for public use but is
available upon further permission/amendment to the original IRB.
3. Results
The sample (n = 546) consisted of a relatively equal proportion of male 48/.5%
(n = 265) and female respondents, with a minority of respondents identifying as
transgender/other/non-binary 50.9% (n = 278). When asked about race/ethnicity,
respondents reported identifying as White 72.5% (n = 396), Black 14.8% (n =
81), American Indian/Alaskan Native 1.8% (n = 10), Asian 5.5% (n = 30), Ha-
waiian/Pacific Islander .5% (n = 3), Other 4.6% (n = 25) and the proportion of
the sample that identified as Hispanic/Latino was 17.4% (n = 95). The age dis-
tribution of the sample was evenly distributed in the three categories 18 - 34, 35 -
54, 55 and over [Table 1].
When asked “how afraid are you of climate change” of the entire sample,
21.6% were very afraid, 29.3% were moderately afraid, 21.8% were neutral,
11.7% were a little afraid, while 15.6% were not afraid at all [Figure 1].
At the bivariate level the following factors were not significant (
p
> .05);
gender and race/ethnicity. And the following factors were identified as signifi-
cant at the bivariate level; age (
p
< .001), identifying as Hispanic/Latino (
p
< .001), level of educational attainment (
p
< .05), level of income (
p
= .001), po-
litical affiliation (
p
< .001), and self-reported anxiety (
p
< .001). The significant
factors were included in the final model and when tested for main effects, only
identifying Hispanic/Latino (
p
< .05), Political Affiliation (
p
< .001), and
Self-Reported Anxiety (
p
< .001). Remained significant predictive factors [Table
1].
Figure 1. Level of climate fear reported (n = 546).
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Table 1. Sample characteristics.
Total
Very
Afraid
N (%)
Moderately
Afraid
Neutral
A
Little
Afraid
Not
Afraid
at All
118 160 119 64 85
Gender
Male 265 48.5% 65 80 46 24 50
Female 278 50.9% 53 79 73 39 34
Non-Binary/Other 3 0.6% 1 1 1
Age
18 - 34 166 30.4% 40 50 46 17 13
35 - 54 188 34.4% 53 56 40 15 24
55 and over 192 35.2% 25 54 33 32 48
Hispanic/Latino**
Yes 95 17.4% 31 33 13 9 9
No 451 82.6% 87 127 106 55 76
Race
White 396 72.5% 83 122 73 51 67
Black 81 14.8% 17 19 30 8 7
American Indian or
Alaskan Native
10 1.8% 3 1 2 2 2
Asian 30 5.5% 5 9 10 2 4
Native Hawaiian or
Pacific Islander 3 0.5% 1 0 1 0 1
Other 25 4.6% 8 9 3 1 4
Educational Attainment
No Secondary Education 6 1.1% 0 2 4 0 0
High school 129 23.6% 26 31 35 16 21
Technical Associates 56 10.3% 6 23 11 7 9
Some College No Degree 129 23.6% 19 41 32 16 21
Bachelors 128 23.4% 26 41 25 16 20
Masters 77 14.1% 32 18 10 6 11
Doctoral 21 3.8% 9 4 2 3 3
Income Level
Less than $25,750.00 136 24.9% 29 37 33 14 23
$25,751 - 50,000 126 23.1% 19 36 34 17 20
$50,001 - 75,000 106 19.4% 19 35 23 14 15
$75,001 - 125,000 105 19.2% 20 32 22 11 20
$125,001 and over 73 13.4% 31 20 7 8 7
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Continued
Political Affiliation**
Republican 167 30.6% 37 37 29 26 38
Democrat 205 37.5% 58 73 37 21 16
Independent 137 25.1% 19 41 39 17 21
Other 5 0.9% 1 0 2 0 2
No Preference 32 5.9% 3 9 12 0 8
Anxious Person**
Yes 223 40.8% 70 76 44 19 14
No 275 50.4% 42 68 57 40 68
Not Sure 48 8.8% 6 16 18 5 3
4. Discussion
Climate change can have significant effects on population health, although
mental health has been historically less researched. The effects on mental health
from climate change may be expansive and could include anxiety for the future,
stress for exposure to natural disasters, or fear for the future of the planet (e.g.
catastrophe, extinction, etc.). This type of fear is important to understand to ad-
dress it in affected populations and improve mental health. Moreover, it has
been speculated that by fear, policies and programs may be improved to en-
courage behavior change in the public (Stern, 2012). Other researchers have
noted that while fear motivates people to address and eliminate imminent risks,
continual mention of risks can cause a desensitization of information and work
against fear-based motivation (Loewenstein & Schwartz, 2010).
This study sought to understand fear and climate change and classify this
population by using demographic and other identifying information. The results
from this study found that most Americans have some degree of fear towards
climate change and just over half are moderately to very afraid. In terms of
gender, race/ethnicity, identifying Hispanic/Latino, age, the study sample was
consistent with the U.S. Census Bureau (2020).
Interestingly, one of the first papers to explore climate change, beliefs, and
demographic associations (most notably gender) in the United States outlined
the archetype of the conservative white male in the United States as a climate
change denier (McCright & Dunlap, 2011). These demographic associations
have been replicated in other studies outside of the United States as well
(Krange, Kaltenborn, & Hultman, 2019). However, the data in this study found
that gender may not play as significant role in climate change belief/fear as pre-
viously studied, perhaps indicating the conservative women are less fearful of
climate change than previously thought, or perhaps there is a generational gap
with older conservative men differing in climate change beliefs from their
younger peers. A Pew Research poll conducted in 2015 found that women were
more likely than men to report concern regarding climate change; more specifi-
C. M. Firebaugh et al.
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American Journal of Climate Change
cally, 69% of women were concerned about the effects of climate change and ac-
companying personal harm, while fewer than half of men (48%) reported the
same (Zainulbhai, 2015). However, a meta-analysis by Hornsey and colleagues
(2016) found that variables, such as education, sex, subjective knowledge, and
experience of extreme weather events, were less significant in determining in
predictive power by constructs of values, ideologies, worldviews and political
orientation. While the sample was mostly representative of the US sample in
terms of gender, transgender/non-binary/other identifying individuals may have
been under-represented in this study sample, consistent with other population
health studies (Meerwijk & Sevelius, 2017).
4.1. Political Affiliation
Consistent with previous studies, climate change perceptions are significantly
associated with political affiliation (Ballew et al., 2019; Hornsey et al., 2016).
However, previous research primarily focuses on the dichotomy of the republi-
can (conservative) versus the democratic (liberal) parties in the United States,
two-party political system. While conservatives or republicans in the United
States are generally portrayed and perceived to be climate change skeptics, the
results of this study found that in fact, the majority of conservative-identifying
individuals were (moderately or very) afraid of climate change, indicating not
only a belief in its existence but a genuine concern. Our sample consisted of an
approximate equal number of republican and democratic identifying individu-
als, but also included a large independent party, and other or non-affiliated
groups also emerged. However, all political groups demonstrated this pattern,
with the majority of members reporting that they were moderately to very afraid.
The beliefs and perceptions surrounding climate change may evolve quickly
within demographic groups.
4.2. Self-Rated Anxiety
Self-reported anxiety was statistically significantly with climate change fear.
These results are not surprising, as climate change is a longstanding issue and
chronic mental health disorders can cause anxiety, depression, and even post-
traumatic stress disorders (U.S. Global Change Research Program, 2016). More
specifically, flooding and droughts are associated with anxiety, depression, and
posttraumatic stress, while losses from these natural disasters can contribute to
depression and anxiety (U.S. Global Change Research Program, 2016). Up to
50% of individuals exposed to a weather disaster are at risk for negative mental
health effects, like depression and anxiety. To date, it has been estimated that
14% of the worldwide burden of disease is attributed to neuropsychiatric dis-
orders (e.g., due to the long-term negative outcomes of depression and anxiety,
alcohol, substance use disorders, etc.), all conditions which are known risk fac-
tors for individuals exposed to severe climate change (Prince et al., 2007). An-
xiety also arises with physical challenges that occur from stifling heat waves, that
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American Journal of Climate Change
can cause discomfort as individuals struggle to adapt; studies show that climate
change beyond a person’s control can give rise to stress, anxiety, and depression.
Obradovich and colleagues (2018) also noted that increased temperature and
precipitation are each correlated with an increase of mental health issues.
4.3. Implications
Given the high proportion of fear of climate change in the American population,
it is important for public and mental health professionals to understand the
more about the impacts of climate change fear in the daily lives and functioning
of the general population. The effects are twofold in that this information can
help mitigate adverse mental health in affected populations and also, understand
ways to motive individuals to encourage positive change addressing climate
change. In addition, this study determined that when controlling for age, gender,
educational attainment, and income self-identified anxiety and climate change
fear were significantly associated. Although this study could not provide conclu-
sive evidence whether anxiety precedes climate change fear or whether climate
change fear precedes anxiety, there appears to be a relationship between these
variables that should be explored further. Moreover, understanding how these
groups are associated with state of high climate change is important to address
the issue of mental health problems caused by anxiety due to climate change. As
such, living in a perpetual state of fear can be damaging to daily function and
mental and physical health (Moller, 2017), further studies should investigate the
positive and negative potentials for fear in relation to climate change. Positive
fear can be a motivation to act, including becoming aware or educating, prepar-
ing for natural disasters or emergencies (National Research Council [NRC],
1991). However, negative fear, such as consuming thoughts, emotional distur-
bance of anxiety that inhibits daily functioning should be examined to determine
appropriate mental interventions. Finally, it should be mentioned that there are
limitations on determining the variables that are associated with the fear of cli-
mate change as clinical research on this field is still limited.
4.4. Limitations
Climate change can be somewhat of an abstract term, as people could range in
definitions of it, from heat waves to increased greenhouse gases. Climate change
research, in particular the social and behavioral aspects of climate change is im-
paired by a lack of streamlined terminology, measurement, and approach to
create generalizable data and findings. In the early days of the climate change
crisis, determining the terminology between the terms global warming and cli-
mate change created some discrepancy in research aims/findings. Likewise, the
fear, concern, belief realm of climate change research is limited by this lack of
internationally standardized approach. In addition, fear was measured by one
global likert-scale question. More in-depth understanding of the construct of
fear in the context of climate change should be explored. While this study was
C. M. Firebaugh et al.
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American Journal of Climate Change
not able to shed light on some of the complex psychological nuances of per-
ceived fear and results of fear, this study was able to provide an important find-
ing: the number of people in a large sample who report fear of climate change.
Whatever that means, requires further examination. Finally, this study was con-
ducted via an online platform, which lends itself to a more tech savvy sample
population.
4.5. Future Research
Future research should delve into understanding if fear related to climate change
is a mental health crisis, a political crisis, or existential crisis. Further studies
should investigate the positive and negative potentials of fear in relation to cli-
mate change. Positive fear can be motivation to act, including becoming aware
or educating, preparing for natural disasters or emergencies. However, negative
fear, such as consuming thoughts, emotional disturbance of anxiety that inhibits
daily functioning should be examined to determine appropriate mental inter-
ventions. Delineating between these two upstream contributors can help in eas-
ing fear in populations caused by climate change outcomes.
5. Conclusion
This study had demonstrated that fear of climate change impacts over half of the
U.S population. Level of fear differs significantly by demographic. It is important
to identify climate change-related mental health risks as a mainstream health
priority.
Acknowledgements
The manuscript team would like to thank Anne Egger at Central Washington
University, the PI on the NSF grant as well as Germaine Ng of University of
Washington, Bothell for her participation in survey building during the REU
program.
Funding Statement
This research was funded by NSF Grant Number 1559862 titled: REU Site: Ha-
zards and Risks of Climate Change in the Pacific Northwest.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of this
paper.
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and Resiliency.
Spotlight on Climate Change Research.
https://doi.org/10.35831/sorccr/26072019trz
... With reference to the issue of climate change, the literature shows that it is, to date, a source of great concern for a large part of the population not only in Europe but also worldwide [38][39][40][41]. Individuals who have completed a university-level education, as well as those who intend to have children, seem to be the most affected groups in relation to the future challenge posed by climate change [38]. ...
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Decisions are a crucial aspect of human life, especially when made in emergency contexts. This research involved 348 subjects, evaluating the relationship between socio-demographic variables and the choice of one of the proposed emergency scenarios suitable for reproducing a decision-making condition in an emergency. Three scenarios were presented: one on climate change, one on pandemics, and one on seismic events. The survey captured individuals’ perceptions of the scenarios for dimensions such as realism (present, past, and future), emotions, risk, worry, emergency, catastrophe, immediate choice, and immediate decision. The results suggest that age, gender, education, and previous experience are predictive factors for subjects’ preferences regarding the chosen scenario and their evaluation of the related dimensions. To optimize decisions in emergencies by institutional decision makers and crisis managers, it is useful to expand knowledge and have data relevant to this area. This research provides a basis in terms of data and tools for designing future research and studies on decision making in emergency contexts.
... The main reason for this expectation is that young individuals are more likely to be personally adversely affected by climate change during their life, due to their longer life expectancy. Previous research conducted on the American population has shown that younger individuals reported higher levels of climate change fear (Firebaugh et al., 2021). On the other hand, there are reasons to believe that anger is more prevalent among older climate strikers than younger ones. ...
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Research shows that anger triggers participation in social movements , while fear inhibits action. Therefore, fear is less likely to contribute to citizens' engagement in protest. However, in the case of climate change, fear may play a distinct role and thus contribute to participation. Given the long-term consequences of climate change, we argue that it triggers different emotions across disparate age groups. We investigate the extent to which young, adult, and senior climate strikers experience fear and anger in relation to climate change. Furthermore, we analyze the contribution of these emotions to younger and older citizens' motivation to demonstrate. Using a unique dataset collected among climate strike demonstrators in eleven cities around the world in September 2019, we examine the importance of anger and fear in explaining motivations to take part in the demonstration-to pressure politicians or to defend one's interests. Overall, we find that protesters aged above 60 years old are less likely to fear climate change but are more likely to feel anger in relation to this issue than younger generations. On the other hand, those aged below 35 report the highest levels of fear in relation to climate change and are significantly less angry than senior citizens. In all age groups, both anger and fear are associated with motivation to defend one's interest and to pressure politicians.
... Slight differences among age classes and NUTS regions were recorded, suggesting that climate change awareness is not influenced by age and Italian geographic area of residence. Indeed, as highlighted by Firebaugh [44], age may not play a relevant role in CC belief and fear. ...
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Understanding climate change awareness and its related risks is crucial to plan efficient climate-smart strategies. An online survey was conducted on Italian consumers with the aim to understand consumers’ inclination toward food products obtained with climate-smart strategies. Specifically, consumers’ awareness about climate change and willingness to choose and pay for products derived from climate-smart agriculture were investigated. Results highlighted two targeted consumers, one more interested in economic issues and more “conservative” and the second one more concerned with climate changes risks with a higher interest in environmental and ethical values (fair trade), representing the primary target consumers for climate-smart foods. This segmentation can be useful to identify expectations and purchase drivers that can facilitate climate-smart policies and the establishment of the climate-smart foods on the market.
... People across the world are becoming increasingly concerned about climate change (Firebaugh et al., 2021;Patrick et al., 2021). While concern about climate change can be seen as an adaptive response to an existential threat, for some people, this climate change concern is accompanied by-or crosses a severity threshold to become-climate change anxiety (Clayton et al., 2017). ...
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Climate change anxiety is a growing problem for individual well-being the world over. However, psychological interventions to address climate change anxiety may have unintended effects on outcomes other than individual well-being, such as group cohesion and pro-environmental behavior. In order to address these complexities, we outline a multiple needs framework of climate change anxiety interventions, which can be used to analyze interventions in terms of their effects on individual, social, and environmental outcomes. We use this framework to contextualize a systematic review of the literature detailing the effects of climate change anxiety interventions. This analysis identifies interventions centered around problem-focused action, emotion management, and enhancing social connections as those which have beneficial effects on the widest range of outcomes. It also identifies interventions that may have detrimental effects on one or more outcomes. We identify gaps where more research is required, including research that assesses the effects of climate change anxiety interventions on individual, social, and environmental outcomes in concert. An interactive website summarizes these insights and presents the results of the systematic review in a way that is, accessible to a range of stakeholders. The multiple needs framework provides a way to conceptualize the effectiveness of climate change anxiety interventions beyond their impact on individual well-being, contributing to a more holistic understanding of the effects of this global phenomenon. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
... People across the world are becoming increasingly concerned about climate change (Firebaugh et al., 2021;Patrick et al., 2021). While concern about climate change can be seen as an adaptive response to an existential threat, for some people, this climate change concern is accompanied by-or crosses a severity threshold to become-climate change anxiety (Clayton et al., 2017). ...
Preprint
Climate change anxiety is a growing problem for individual well-being the world over. However, psychological interventions to address climate change anxiety may have unintended effects on outcomes other than individual well-being, such as group cohesion and pro-environmental behavior. Reflecting this complexity, we outline a multiple needs framework of climate change anxiety interventions, which can be used to analyze interventions in terms of their effects on individual, social, and environmental outcomes. We use this framework to contextualize a systematic review of the literature detailing the effects of climate change anxiety interventions. This analysis identifies interventions centered around problem-focused action, emotion management, and enhancing social connections as those which have positive effects on the widest range of outcomes. It also identifies interventions that may have detrimental effects on one or more outcomes. We identify gaps where more research is required, including research that assesses the effects of climate change anxiety interventions on individual, social and environmental outcomes in concert. An interactive website summarizes these insights and presents the results of the systematic review in a way that is accessible to a range of stakeholders. The multiple needs framework provides a way to conceptualize the effectiveness of climate change anxiety interventions beyond their impact on individual well-being, contributing to a more holistic understanding of the effects of this global phenomenon.
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New Yorkers face a multitude of health and safety risks that are exacerbated by a changing climate. These risks include direct impacts from extreme weather events and other climate hazards, as well as indirect impacts occurring through a chain of interactions. Physical safety, physical health, and mental health are all part of the equation—as are the many nonclimate factors that interact with climate change to influence health outcomes. This chapter provides an updated assessment of all these topics at the intersection of climate change, public health and safety, and equity in the state of New York. Key findings are presented below.
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The ecology of fear has become a common rhetoric in efforts to support climate mitigation. The thesis of the collapse is an extreme version, asserting the inevitable collapse of the world. Fear, then, becomes the ultimate emotion for spurring action. In this article, drawing on the work of the pragmatist John Dewey, we show that fear is an ambiguous emotion. Dewey stressed the quality of an emotion. Following his reasoning, this article draws a distinction between intense and moderate fear. Intense fear annihilates action, while moderate fear fulfils the conditions for an emotion of quality (in the Deweyan sense), which enables action. For this reason, the thesis of the collapse must be rejected, while an ecology of fear, drawing on moderate fear, may be maintained.
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Risk perceptions influence individual and collective action related to climate change, and there is an important gap between public and expert perceptions of climate change risk, especially in the United States. Past studies have found that on average 40% of the American public believe climate change will affect them personally. We contribute a study of climate change risk perceptions in the metropolitan areas of three western U.S. cities (Denver, Colorado; Las Vegas, Nevada; Phoenix, Arizona), assessing overall patterns and drivers. A representative mail survey (N = 786) of the general public in these cities revealed that 60% of respondents identified climate change as personally risky, with the perception that it will impact either their family or their city in the next 30 years. Our results indicate that the gap in risk perceptions between the public and experts may be decreasing, although we discuss several limitations and reasons why this result requires further investigation. Using regression models, we analyze factors that are hypothesized to drive risk perceptions and discover that pro-environmental worldview and perceived personal responsibility are the most influential predictors. We discuss the implications of our results for fostering collective action to address climate change in dry, western U.S. metropolitan areas.
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This book was written in hopes of providing a source of information for people who are looking to curb climate change outcomes. Climate change is not a new topic and it has been explored by many other researchers, but currently there is no existing resource full of resiliency strategies being employed in each continent. It was my goal to gather as much information as possible on how people are working to adapt to climate change, so that readers could learn this information and apply it as necessary. That said, climate change, in general, is a somewhat abstract topic and is difficult to review because instead of being a single idea labeled as “climate change”, it is often categorized as facets of climate change, like “air pollution”, “natural disasters”, “sea level rise”, etc. This myriad of outcomes for climate change effects limits the search to the terms used in the search and article, white sheet, or website titles. Additionally, instead of limiting the search to only academic search engines, as would be the typical approach for peer-reviewed or academic publications, the search included Google because most of the policy information or active nonprofits are available on government websites or just general websites. This “open” search also limited the scope of the information that was listed in search results that appeared. Moreover, the quality of the information included in this review was not assessed and only information in the English language was included, which may result in missed information from countries where English is not the official language. All this information merely confirms the expansiveness of the issue that is climate change. There were many different effects (e.g. natural disasters, air pollution) and outcomes (e.g. sea level rise, adverse health effects) included in this book, although perhaps the most interesting finding was that there may not be a single way to mitigate or adapt to climate change and, ultimately, contribute to resiliency. Strategies ranged from small-scale nonprofit groups promoting change to transnational commitment policies on collaborating to decrease carbon emissions. This book ultimately sets the tone to understand the differences in communities that may help or hinder progress under the new world set forth by climate change. I hope that this amassed information provides insight into the various ways that outcomes related to climate change can be decreased and people will be able to live without suffering from the effects of climate change. Together we can use this information to start or continue working to decrease greenhouse gases and climate change outcomes.
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In their article ‘Cool dudes: The denial of climate change among conservative white males in the United States’ the authors state: ‘Clearly the extent to which the conservative white male effect on climate change denial exists outside the US is a topic deserving investigation.’ Following this recommendation, we report results from a study in Norway. McCright and Dunlap argue that climate change denial can be understood as an expression of protecting group identity and justifying a societal system that provides desired benefits. Our findings resemble those in the US study. A total of 63 per cent of conservative males in Norway do not believe in anthropogenic climate change, as opposed to 36 per cent among the rest of the population who deny climate change and global warming. Expanding on the US study, we investigate whether conservative males more often hold what we term xenosceptic views, and if that adds to the ‘cool dude-effect’.¹ Multivariate logistic regression models reveal strong effects from a variable measuring ‘xenosceptic cool dudes’. Interpreting xenoscepticism as a rough proxy for right leaning views, climate change denial in Norway seems to merge with broader patterns of right-wing nationalism.
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Climate change is an almost perfect example of what economists call a " free rider problem. " Everyone would gain if everyone made relatively minor sacrifices. But the benefits of any one individual's sacrifices are spread over millions of individuals, including those in future generations. No one is motivated to sacrifice and everyone suffers. Nations also fall into this trap if acting separately. End of story. Yet, the explanation for our collective paralysis toward climate change is not quite so simple. In times of war, playing on patriotism, fear and hatred, nations have managed to band together and elicit from citizens and soldiers sacrifices far more profound than those that would be required to reverse climate change. Now, humanity faces a threat comparable to that of hostile human enemies, but, so far, nations have failed to exact even the most modest sacrifices from citizens. Most of us care profoundly about our children, and even our children's children; why are we so passive in the face of a problem that poses such a dire threat to current and future generations? While insights from economics go far toward explaining the failure of coordination between nations, psychology is needed to make sense of the tepid demands from citizens to even try. In this essay, we discuss some of the psychological factors that have prevented the emergence of a groundswell of support for taking action on climate change. Climate change, we show, is not only a perfect example of a free-rider problem, but also of a threat that is unlikely to garner the level of attention it warrants. Human psychology and the 'fear deficit' The root of our collective complacency when it comes to climate change lies in our failure to experience a level of fear that is commensurate with the severity of the problem. When most people think about the negative consequences of emotions, they are apt to think of cases of excessive emotion – road rage, panic, immobilizing depression. Yet many, if not most, of the problems currently facing humanity stem from a deficit rather than excess of emotion. Consider, for example, the two stock market and housing bubbles and crashes that wreaked havoc on world economies in recent decades. In newspaper articles with headlines such as " Fear Again Grips Stock Investors, " media accounts have commonly attributed these events to a sudden, self-fulfilling, spike in fear. Yet a more thoughtful analysis could easily result in the opposite conclusion. While an excess of fear may well have deflated the two bubbles, it was an insufficiency of fear that allowed prices to get out of line with fundamentals in the first place. With climate change, a similar deficit of fear promises even more dire consequences. Why are we experiencing so little fear in the face of an imminent (in the time-frame of human history) threat to our collective existence? The answer to this question is aided by a rudimentary understanding of the psychology of emotions. While most people think of emotions as feeling states, psychologists are converging on a rather different understanding of emotions-as all-encompassing 'programs' of our minds and bodies that prepared us to respond to recurrent situations of adaptive significance in our evolutionary past, such as fighting, escaping predators and reproducing. , Fear, according to this account of emotion, is an evolved response that fundamentally transforms us as people to deal with threatening situations that we encountered repeatedly in our evolutionary past. Fear activates specialized systems in our brains. Beyond the subjective feeling of fear, our hearing and sight become more acute; we become attuned to threatening things we otherwise would not have noticed, our memory sharpens, and there are myriad physiological. G8 Magazine
Chapter
Climate change affects people’s lives in a variety of ways, including psychological well-being, which is the mix of social and psychological conditions that contribute to human welfare. Climate changes can result in physical stress to socioemotional challenges, which affect this well-being. Physical challenges may arise as heat waves sweep across populations, causing discomfort and anxiety as people are unable to adapt. Socioemotional effects may surface as stress, anxiety, and depression as people suffer from environmental changes that are out of their control. Mental health is an aspect of health that needs to be better understood when it comes to climate change, as millions of people are likely to suffer from the consequences related to it. This is yet again another outcome related to climate change; this chapter seeks to comprehensively gather and understand how mental health and well-being will be affected by climate change and how best to support these changes in affected populations.
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Climate change affects people, not only through environmental exposures and health outcomes, but how they live their lives. Consequences will affect various sectors, ranging from tourism to water to energy development—areas where people live, work, and enjoy. Because of these forced changes, people must adapt.
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Significance Wellbeing falters without sound mental health. Scholars have recently indicated that the impacts of climate change are likely to undermine mental health through a variety of direct and indirect mechanisms. Using daily meteorological data coupled with information from nearly 2 million randomly sampled US residents across a decade of data collection, we find that experience with hotter temperatures and added precipitation each worsen mental health, that multiyear warming associates with an increased prevalence of mental health issues, and that exposure to tropical cyclones, likely to increase in frequency and intensity in the future, is linked to worsened mental health. These results provide added large-scale evidence to the growing literature linking climate change and mental health.
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Climate change is an enormous challenge for our communities, our country, and our world. Recently much attention has been paid to the physical impacts of climate change, including extreme heat events, droughts, extreme storms, and rising sea levels. However, much less attention has been paid to the psychological impacts. This article examines the likely psychological impacts of climate change, including anxiety, stress, and depression; increases in violence and aggression; and loss of community identity. Nurses can play a vital role in local and regional climate strategies by preparing their patients, health care facilities, and communities to effectively address the anticipated mental health impacts of climate change.
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Background: Transgender individuals have a gender identity that differs from the sex they were assigned at birth. The population size of transgender individuals in the United States is not well-known, in part because official records, including the US Census, do not include data on gender identity. Population surveys today more often collect transgender-inclusive gender-identity data, and secular trends in culture and the media have created a somewhat more favorable environment for transgender people. Objectives: To estimate the current population size of transgender individuals in the United States and evaluate any trend over time. Search methods: In June and July 2016, we searched PubMed, Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature, and Web of Science for national surveys, as well as "gray" literature, through an Internet search. We limited the search to 2006 through 2016. Selection criteria: We selected population-based surveys that used probability sampling and included self-reported transgender-identity data. Data collection and analysis: We used random-effects meta-analysis to pool eligible surveys and used meta-regression to address our hypothesis that the transgender population size estimate would increase over time. We used subsample and leave-one-out analysis to assess for bias. Main results: Our meta-regression model, based on 12 surveys covering 2007 to 2015, explained 62.5% of model heterogeneity, with a significant effect for each unit increase in survey year (F = 17.122; df = 1,10; b = 0.026%; P = .002). Extrapolating these results to 2016 suggested a current US population size of 390 adults per 100 000, or almost 1 million adults nationally. This estimate may be more indicative for younger adults, who represented more than 50% of the respondents in our analysis. Authors' conclusions: Future national surveys are likely to observe higher numbers of transgender people. The large variety in questions used to ask about transgender identity may account for residual heterogeneity in our models. Public health implications. Under- or nonrepresentation of transgender individuals in population surveys is a barrier to understanding social determinants and health disparities faced by this population. We recommend using standardized questions to identify respondents with transgender and nonbinary gender identities, which will allow a more accurate population size estimate.