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Burcu ŞENTÜRK
Precarity, Gender and Migration:e Case
of the Professional Syrian Male Migrants
in Turkey1
1 Introduction
e United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) underlined that
the world is facing the most severe refugee crisis in the last 20years regarding
the armed conict in Syria. Due to the severe armed conict in Syria, millions
of Syrians have been displaced and le Syria to nd asylum. Turkey witnessed
an unprecedented mass migration movement in 2011 and host the largest
number of Syrian refugees. According to the ocial numbers, approximately
3.610.398million refugees from Syria live in Turkey by 2019 and the number of
Syrians remaining in the camps is 112.708 (DGMM, 2018).
e migration process has economic, political, social and cultural
repercussions both on Syrian refugees and on the people living in Turkey. In
that sense, growing Syrian population in Turkey takes the attention of the aca-
demic research inevitably. Asignicant body of literature emerged in a diverse
spectrum from studies focusing on legal schema and its eect on the living
conditions of Syrians (see Yıldız and Uzgören 2016, Kirişci 2014), integration
to labor market and society (see İçduygu and Şimşek 2016) to media represen-
tation (Yaylacı and Karakuş 2015). Gender relations stand for a major eld of
study not only in the case of Syrians in Turkey but also for the migrant commu-
nities in many other cases because of the signicant impact of migration on the
gender relations. e gendered characteristics of the migration have long been
admitted by the researchers, particularly by feminists (Morokvasic 1984, Pessar
and Mahler 2003). e primacy of gender in migration is well explained and
discussed in Fitzpatrick’s work on US migration policy where she suggested that
gender goes beyond being a simple variable in migration, being rather an orga-
nizing principle and (1997:24) “being female, like being male, strongly shapes
the direction and consequences of many migrations” (1997:24–25). Admitting
the gendered characteristic of the migration ows triggered the researchers look
1 e preliminary ndings of the research were presented in the XIX. ISA World
Congress of Sociology, Toronto, 2018.
22
at the women’s migration stories besides the gender relations through migration.
Main studies on the gender dimension of the migration were initiated by the
works on women’s migration stories and later a growing body of studies appear
questioning the impact of migration on masculinities, femininities besides the
family patterns (see Walters etal. 2004, Choi 2019), and have shown that the
migration is a gendered process.
Following the feminists’ standpoint, this study draws from the assumption that
the gender is an organizing principle to be used in understanding the migration
and proposes to understand complexity caused by the migration process in gender
roles and relations. For this aim, the masculinities of the Syrian men who used to
work in professional occupations before migrating to Turkey and are not able to
continue on their professions are focused on. Based on the narratives of the pro-
fessional Syrian men in İzmir, this study aims at exploring the eect of changing
social/legal/economic status on masculinities, gender roles within family and
Syrian men’s coping strategy with loss of status in their new social setting.
2 Syrians in Turkey
Until the late 1980s, Turkey used to be a migrant-sender country; however, various
conicts in neighboring countries transform it into a rather transit as well as a desti-
nation country. Turkey has been both a transit and destination country for migrants
since the 1990s, but the migratory patterns have changed aer it has had more than
4million Syrians in the past and currently hosted the majority of the Syrians who
ed to nd asylum. It has never hosted such a large number of immigrants as it now
does as a result of the Syria crisis, with the number hitting more than 3million.
Despite the extensive use of the concept of refugee for the Syrians in Turkey
in media as well as the political and academic discourse, it is better to recite the
absence of the refugee status for the Syrians in Turkey. In the very basic terms,
they are not granted the status of refugee legal due to the geographic restric-
tion of the related legal documents. Turkey is one of the original signatories of
the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, and under this
regulation, Turkey is legally obliged to grant refugee status only to European
citizens seeking asylum due to events occurring in Europe (Kaya 2017). Turkey
may grant limited protection in the form of one of many temporary statuses
such as conditional refugee status, humanitarian residence permit, or temporary
protection for those coming from outside of this zone, (Kadköy 2017). October
2014, Law on Foreigners and International Protection (LFIP) oversees the legal
status of Syrians as Foreigners under Temporary Protection. As a result of the
geographical limitation by the 1951 Refugee Convention, the legal status of the
Burcu ŞENTÜRK
23Precarity, Gender and Migration
war-escaped Syrians are not refugees due to the legal restriction and they are
considered under Turkey’s Law on Foreigners and International Protection.
While Turkey grants non-European asylum applicants the status of “conditional
refugee,” unlike other refugees, “Syrian refugees are neither registered by the
UNHCR nor oered ‘conditional refugee’ status by Turkey”; rather, “the Turkish
state grants them ‘temporary protection’, which provides them access to public
services such as education and health care” (Sarı and Dinçer, 2017:60–61). e
Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM), specialized govern-
ment institution with oces throughout Turkey, is the main body responsible for
the registration of all individuals under the temporary protection regime.
e Temporary Protection Regulation enshrines a range of rights, services
and assistance for beneciaries of temporary protection. is includes, among
others, access to health, education, social assistance, psychological support and
access to the labor market. So, although Syrians are not legally excluded from the
economic life, the temporary protection does not automatically provide Syrians
the right to work. ere are criterion and long process for both businesses
employing Syrians and Syrians who want to work. As a result, less than 1per-
cent of Syrians of working age are in the formal labor market (Kaya 2017). In
the early stages of the migration, Syrians entering Turkey with valid passports
were allowed to apply for residence permits and then for the right to work.
Nevertheless, most of the Syrian incomers have no passport, and the ones with
valid passports cannot renew them before the expiration. Since the application
process was long and cumbersome, Syrians, no matter what their qualications,
were mostly employed illegally and oen paid very low wages (Kızıl 2016).
Turkey now has a legal framework that allows employment of Syrian nationals,
but due to limitations of the law, the number of people who can realistically get
work permits is very small. Since January 2016, the estimated 250,000 to 400,000
Syrians working in Turkey have been eligible to obtain work permits if they are reg-
istered with the government and have been in the country for at least six months.
3 Methodology
is study is based on the narratives of the Syrian men who used to work in pro-
fessional occupations before migrating to Turkey and currently are not able to
continue on their professions and have to work in/search for lower status jobs in
which they are neither supposed to use nor have the chance of using their skills
and full professional capacity. e eldwork of the study took place in İzmir
where the current numbers of the Syrians under temporary production exceed
130.000 according to the ocial data (DGMM 2018)and the number is expected
24
to be more than the ocial authorities declared. Izmir is located in the west of
the country and is a departure point for refugees who want to emigrate to EU
countries and act as an important transit hub and hotspot for refugees. Men who
were interviewed in the framework of this study are also asked their reason to
come to İzmir among the other cities of Turkey. e most signicant reason to
choose to come to İzmir is the availability of job opportunities compared to the
other cities and network of Syrians in which they might collaborate with their
neighbors, family members and relatives.
Target group of this study is reached through a snowball sampling. is tech-
nique is a method that “yields a study sample through referrals made among
people who share or know of others who possess some characteristics that are
of research interest” (Biernacki and Waldford 1981:141). As Bailey (1994:96)
mentions, snowball sampling is useful for the study of groups where respondents
may not be visible and routine sampling procedures may be impractical. e
eld research includes the interviews held with six Syrian men living in İzmir.
e selection of the target group members is generated on two criteria. e rst
criterion for the sampling was the changing position of the men in the labor
market. So, only the Syrian men who used to perform a White-collar, prestigious
profession but not able to continue in Turkey are selected. Moreover, only mar-
ried men within this group are selected to the sample in order to be able to ask
the questions about the change in gender roles among the couples. As illustrated
in the Tab. 1, apart from their marital status, country of origin and position in
the labor market, maximum variation is aimed in terms of age, number of chil-
dren, destination before Turkey and duration in İzmir and Turkey.
Interviews with Syrian men were conducted in their native languages with the
help of an interpreter, transcribed by the research. Due to the legal restrictions
by Migration Oce, interviews were not recorded. In order to minimize the
Tab. 1: Sample of the Research
Participant Age # of Children Profession Duration of Stay in
Turkey (months)
Osman 28 1Mechanical Engineer 16
Nazmi 47 4Teacher 48
Şerif 57 1Lawyer 30
Karun 56 5General 36
Mahmud 34 2Electric Engineer 8
İsmail 38 6Academician 6
Burcu ŞENTÜRK
25Precarity, Gender and Migration
loss of information during the interview in the absence of the voice recorder,
the researcher had pre-prepared questionnaire form which include the possible
answers, and thanks to the spontaneous translation, time is gained to take notes.
Immediately aer each interview, the researcher and the interpreter work on the
interview notes and note down their observations about the interview. So, in line
with the principles of qualitative research, which are based on text and writing
(Flick 2007), the primary sources of data on which this study is based are the
narratives of the Syrian men.
Considering the multiple methods used and that the aim is to describe “a
specic group in ne detail and to explain the patterns that exist, certainly not
to discover general laws of human behavior” (Schoeld 2002:201), this study is
based on qualitative research methods and prioritizes the richness of the data as
much as possible. In brief, the aim is to present a slice of the transformation in
lifestyles, social settings and family relations of Syrian men. Since “every instance
of human interaction represents a ‘slice from the lifeworld’ ” (Denzin 1983), even
the narrative of a single interviewee has a value.
4 Gender, Work and Masculinity
Gender, based on the very denition of the terminology, connotes the unitability
of the sex roles and is open to continuous change throughout the life course of
individuals as well as aected by the race, class, ethnicity, and other forms of
social stratication. In this point, the concept of intersectionality is called as an
explanatory key word. Intersectionality, coined by Kimberle Crenshaw (1989)
and developed by a series of feminist scholars (see Smith 2013), describes the
experience of multiple forms of oppression and asserts how all aspects of social
and political identities (gender, race, class, sexuality, disability, etc.) discrimina-
tion overlap/intersect.
Considering the discussions developed around the concept of intersectionality,
gender goes far beyond the binarities of the women and men categories and does
not have to follow the biological sex and the binarities; it is multiple and built
(Butler 2006). Masculinities are the direct outcome of the gendered social re-
lations and is continuously (re)built by daily practices (Kimmel and Messner,
2001). So, despite of being a constructed identity with some norms, the meaning
of the masculinity changes in accordance with the historical, social and eco-
nomic, geographic settings (Özarslan 2016:73). What brings together the variety
of masculinities is the power over women and their interest driving of this
power (Kimmel 2004, Connell 2012, Kimmel and Messner 2001). R.W Connell
suggests (1)division of labor, (2)the structure of power and (3)the structure
26
of cathexis as the main frameworks to be used in analyzing and understanding
the basic structures where any gender regime is organized (see Connell, 1987).
Among these frameworks, division of labor is mostly highlighted by the scholars
and in many parts of the world nancially supporting one’s family, and being
breadwinner is without a doubt considered as the dening features of mascu-
linity (Gutman 2003, Lamont 2000).
e 1990s and 2000s, when the impact of globalization was most visible, saw the
continuation and maturation of the structural adjustment policies that had begun
to be implemented during the 1980s as well as the completion of economic liberal-
ization and the consolidation of neoliberalism (Brenner and eodore 2002:374).
e implementation of neoliberal policies during the 1980s and the intensication
of these policies throughout the 1990s and 2000s have had a direct impact on the
labor market. It could be suggested that neoliberal policies created economic inse-
curity, decrease in real wages, degradation and dispersion of basic employment and
enlarging of informal labor market (Goldstein 2005:397, Kaya 2017). e result was
turning precarious work to the regular form of work through which nonnegligible
number of people earn life. Discussions on the capitalist reorganization of the work
and class relations marked the analysis of the concept of precarity in a variety of dis-
ciplines of social science. e concept is overwhelmingly attached to the position in
the labor market in a way replacing the traditional category of class (Bourdieu 1998,
Standing 2014). However, the connotation of the concept has gone beyond the posi-
tion in the labor market with the feminist researchers’ suggestions for gender lens
for the concept (Butler 2006). Moreover, the inextricable link between work and
masculinities result in emerging literature on masculinities and precarity. In this
regard, participants are asked a series of questions to understand the nature of their
new occupations and their perceptions.
Interviewed men who used to be occupied in prestigious jobs started to be
occupied in precarious jobs in which they were not well-paid, protected by law
and could be dismissed without any notice and not paid. So, the rst nding is
about the precarity of the new working conditions. Agreat deal of uncertainty
of the work seems to cover all the aspects of their work in Turkey. Uncertainty
appears as the exibility of the times of working as a repeated category in the
narratives of the respondents. Osman who is 28years old, married and father of
two, had been working in İzmir for 2months aer working in Kayseri around
a year at the time of the interview. He used to be a mechanical engineer back
in Syria; he described his work in Turkey as follows:Work is intermittent. For
example, we work one day and wait for a week for the other work. Şerif, who used
to be a lawyer, was unemployed at the time of the interview. However, he has been
occupied in intermittent jobs, and he has worked in a number of occupations in
Burcu ŞENTÜRK
27Precarity, Gender and Migration
his three-year duration of his stay in Turkey. His last job was a kitchen porter
in a restaurant where he was the only Syrian. In the absence of any form of job
security, he told that he was red all of a sudden by the wife of the boss while he
was cleaning and he has been looking for a job for two months aer his ring.
Data based on the interviews with the Syrian men indicate high levels
of uncertainty about the payments of the work. Despite the fact that all the
interviewees mention they have not been paid their full salary at least once
aer they come to Turkey, none had gone through a formal and institutional
complaint. e reason for not applying to police oce or a related legal body
for complain is explained through their migrant status. Mahmud was looking
for a regular job at the time we met in an NGO run by Syrians in İzmir. He
holds a bachelor’s degree in Electronic Engineering and used to work in Saudi
Arabia before coming to Turkey. He told me that due to the visa restrictions
he could not look for another job in Saudi Arabia aer his contract nish and
he could not turn back to Syria because of the severe conict and this is why
he is now in Turkey with his family. Since he was not able to nd a job as an
engineer he was working daily jobs at the time of the interview. He told, “I
worked in Kayseri for a month and they did not pay. I’d like to complain but
Iwas told, ‘You are Syrian.’ ”
e vulnerable position of the Syrian men in the job market does not only
reect in the uncertainty of the work and their fear of legal authorities, but also
in the requirements of the job. e accounts of the interviewees reveal that in the
job market open to the Syrian migrant workers almost regardless of their skills
and trainings, the employees’ expectations are greater. us, Syrian men insist
on the fact that Syrians are expected to work more in tougher conditions for less
money compared to the local working class. Nazim’s comment on the working
relations in the job market explain the situation as follows:If the job was hard,
they only call me, since Iwas Syrian. ey did not ask Turks to do the physically
hard jobs. Although there were so many younger workers than me, they asked me
to do the hardest work.
It was not surprising that Nazmi would like to talk more about the challenging
requirements of the job market for Syrians and the greater expectations of the
employees since he hurt his back in his last job in a bakery and was not able
to work at the time we met. Serif’s account on his last job in restaurant seems
to summarize the precarity of their position in the labor market by listing the
uncertainties:
I was the only worker in the restaurant. Iworked from 7 am to 7 pm for 40 liras per day
without insurance. Sometimes Iwas not paid on the payment day. Aer 5–6 moths, they
28
red me because Iwas Syrian. e work was too tiring. Iworked for 2months. e wife
of the boss came and told me not come anymore. Although the other told her that my
work was equal to 10 men’s work, she red me since she did not want older workers.
Iwas working 12 hours a day and 6days in a week for only 200 liras.
e stories revealed by the interviewees indicate that migrants consider job
market in Turkey and their jobs in particular in a comparative way with their
opportunities in their home country. In this way, they do not only compare the
jobs in two dierent national labor market but also their comparison takes place
between professional jobs and blue-collar manual jobs. e respondents told that
they used to work ve to eight hours per day and the money they get was enough
for the survival of the whole family. So working times are what they mostly high-
light as the dierence between their changing working conditions. On the other
hand, this comparison itself was class based as they compare their precarious
status with middle class in Syria. Şerif’s evaluation reveals the common compar-
ison made by the interviewees:
In Syria everyone has certain working hours…Let me give you some examples… as
doctors work from 8 am to 3 pm, engineers from 9 am to 2 pm, ocers usually work from
9am to 2 pm. Only in some construction business workers work for 12 hours.
5 Social Relations
e major aspect of the Syrian men lives which are tremendously aected by the
migration process is social relations in daily practices. Men that Iinterviewed
were circled with people from the same class and education background as they
used to socialize with their colleagues occupied in white collar jobs, and social-
izing with men from the same educational and class background stands for a
large part of their daily routine. When Ismail, who has taught in Iraqi and Syrian
universities, is asked to explain about his social life in Turkey, he mentioned that
he lost all his social network and said he had no friends now. He explained the
absence of any friends through long hours of work as following:
When Iwas in Syria, my friends were from the university. Ihave no friends here, just
the neighbors. When Iwas in my country, the people around me were equal to me. Here
Iworked 12 hours a day and in my o days Igo to sea with my family.
Osman’s account, as well as İsmail’s testimony presented above, on the change
of the social relations aer migrating to Turkey indicates an intense relation
between ones’ position in the labor market with social relations:In Syria, Iwas
chatting with judges and hanging around with lawyers, my colleagues. But here
Ihave no friends, Ialways stay at home, rarely Igo shopping to Basmane.
Burcu ŞENTÜRK
29Precarity, Gender and Migration
e accounts of the interviewees revealed that shared nationality and status
of migrations have replaced the occupational, educational and class-based seg-
regation. However now, they either do not socialize with any men apart from
their family members or socialize with only working class men regardless of
their nationality.
6 Transition in Gender Dynamics
e inability of continuing their jobs in Turkey combined to the cost of migra-
tion and higher life expenses in Turkey for Syrian men. is pushed children at
schooling age and women at household to the labor force. e participation of
women and children in labor market challenged the classical patriarchal posi-
tion of men at home as the main breadwinner, and this has had an impact on
the gender relations. Working of children and women were options for three
respondents in the sample, namely Şerif, Karun and Nazmi. ose men were
older than a certain age, and it could be suggested that their age is an important
variable in understanding participation of female members and children to the
paid-work outside the home. First of all, their age limited their physical capacity
which becomes their basic asset to nd a job in Turkey whereas it used to be their
professional knowledge and mental work back in Syria. eir limited physical
power also shrinks their job opportunities in the labor market, and the available
jobs for them are intermittent and low paid. Second, they had no children in
need of care, so their wives and young adult daughters can work outside. In that
point, Mahmud, father of two, told that despite the fact that he would let his wife
to work since survival in Turkey is not possible only with his income, however,
they have to wait until two children get old enough to stay at home alone.
Şerif, who used to be a well-known lawyer in his hometown, had been working
in precarious and temporary jobs, and so his income is unstable and was not suf-
cient for the survival of the whole family as it used to be. His wife had never
worked back in Syria though she holds a bachelor’s degree, started to work as a
kitchen porter. At the time of the interview, his adult daughter, who used to be an
Arabic teacher in Syria, was living with them and learning Turkish to nd a job.
Dissolving of the desirable patriarchal cultural norm of men outside, women
inside do not only make changes within family relations but create a new position
that has the potential to push men into an identity crisis. Nazmi injured his back
as a result of an accident in his last workplace and had to stop working for a while
without any compensation. His testimony about his and his wife and children’s
position in the family and labor market shows us how the societal norms about
gender division of labor and social control mechanisms aect this situation:
30
If Ihad a proper job that Iwas qualied for, Iwould not let my two sons work and Iwould
send them to school. My younger son, at the age of 10, would start to middle school in
Syria, now he has to work for 70 liras per week. My wife worked, too. Syrians here were
gossiping about us thar «he stays at home, sitting down as a man, while his wife is working
outside» Iget so upset when Ihear those. But they are not in the same position, they have
adult sons who are able work.
His account seems to conrm validity of the gendered division of labor where
men should be working outside as the main breadwinner, and this is why he
needs to explain his special situation.
Our interview with Karun revealed another perspective about change in
gender relations within the family. He used to be a high-ranked soldier who had
his own driver. He opened a falafel shop aer coming to Turkey, and he was the
only interviewee who does not need to work in a manual job which needs phys-
ical capacity. His wife, who holds a master’s degree in English language, used to
work as a teacher and stopped working in Turkey as she would not be able to
nd an equivalent job, he told me. His teenage daughters were attending voca-
tional courses launched by the local NGOs and paid upon their participation.
Karun told me that the daughters were not asking his permission to participate
in those courses and would like to work aer they nish although they do not
need it nancially. His changing relations with the family reect downsizing of
his power as a prestigious soldier as a result of the migration.
7 Conclusion
A wide literature on the migration of men, both internationally and urban-to
rural, displays that migration may turn into a functional instrument for the
reproduction of masculinity and a ground that men fulll their roles as male
breadwinner in the geographies where economic sources are rather limited. On
the other hand, a growing body of literature on humans’ mobility shows that
migration has the capacity to loosen the rigid gender roles and gendered division
of labor as well as the tight connection between being male and main bread-
winner, as migration may result in downward mobility, loss of social status and
changing power hierarchies in families (See Choi,2019, Şentürk 2016).
Following the literature focusing on impact of migration on family relations,
this study underlines the theoretical intersection of masculinities and precarity by
using qualitative data on the changing positions of the professional Syrian men
in the labor market which is one of the major areas on which the masculinity is
focused. Most of the Syrian men, who used to hold professional occupations before
the migration, are not able to continue on their professions and have to work in/
Burcu ŞENTÜRK
31Precarity, Gender and Migration
search for lower status jobs in which they are neither supposed to use nor have the
chance of using their skills and full professional capacity in Turkey. Drawing upon
on the narratives of the Syrian men, this study aims at exploring the eect of chan-
ging social/legal/economic status on masculinities, gender roles within family and
Syrian men’s coping strategy with loss of status in their new social setting.
Professional Syrian men were not able to continue their job which they have
been trained for and experienced due to labor market and legal restrictions,
language barriers. Inability of continuing their jobs inevitably push men to nd
out other jobs, and they mostly nd jobs which are based on physical capacity
and require almost no other skill. In these occupations, Syrian men had no job
security and were little paid. ey, as the new precariat of Turkey, become the
targets and the beneciaries of the social assistance programs conducted by
the government and the NGOs. Considering the rather higher life expenses
in Turkey and the cost of migration, under these circumstances, one salary at
home is not sucient for the survival of the family as it used to be; therefore, the
children and the women, who are not used to work, start to take part in labor
market as a part of survival. So, migration brings socially downward mobility
which goes hand in hand with decreasing of life standards for men and change
in gender relations relating to the economic activity. e inability of preserving
advantageous position in labor market and their social and legal status pushed
them into a new negotiation between their masculinities and conditions of a new
social setting.
is study contributes to the discussions on the uidity and contextuality of
the gender, besides the masculinities, through the stories of professional Syrian
men who migrated to Turkey following the armed conict in Syria. e stories
of professional Syrian men reconrmed the contextuality of gender and gender
relations besides the power dynamics at home as well as the gendered charac-
teristics of migration. Considering the precise connection between feminin-
ities and masculinities, the change in gender role and identity of men should
be considered with that of women’s. In this regard, the results here call for a
combined study of men and women in terms of understanding empowering and
disempowering impact of migration which is a gendered process.
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Burcu ŞENTÜRK
