What may Influence European Citizen’s Willingness to Provide Foreign Aid

Abstract

This work has been done using 27 surveys from Euro barometer related to humanitarian and international aid. This article aims at first to assess whether there are any changes in the people‟s opinion regarding humanitarian aid from the European Union, and then, to analysis which aspects may influence the willingness of European citizens to provide aid in developing countries. The article shows significant results that the gender, educational level, job occupation, country of residence, and political orientation impact the European citizen‟s willingness to provide aid.

Full text

Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy
December2020, Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 21-40
ISSN: 2333-5866 (Print), 2333-5874 (Online)
Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved.
Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development
DOI: 10.15640/jirfp.v8n2a3
URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/jirfp.v8n2a3
What may Influence European Citizen’s Willingness to Provide Foreign Aid
Paolo Sospiro1
Abstract
This work has been done using 27 surveys from Euro barometer related to humanitarian and international
aid. This article aims at first to assess whether there are any changes in the people‟s opinion regarding
humanitarian aid from the European Union, and then, to analysis which aspects may influence the
willingness of European citizens to provide aid in developing countries. The article shows significant results
that the gender, educational level, job occupation, country of residence, and political orientation impact the
European citizen‟s willingness to provide aid.
Keywords: Aid - International Cooperation - Development- European citizens - Generosity - EURAROMETER
Introduction
This article aims to analyze the sensitiveness of the EU citizens on Development Aid and Humanitarian
Aid through a EURBAROMETER data analysis.
Development Aid is the transfer of funds and not only by developed countries to the developing ones to
support the latter to exit by poverty through investment in infrastructure, capacity building, education, health
system, etc. Humanitarian Aid is the support given by developed countries to developing countries in case of
calamities. Development Aid defined as Official Development Assistance (ODA) by OECD is part of the support
received by the developing countries such as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and Remittances.
Development Aid goes back to the colonial period and particularly at the 1929 Colonial Development Act
by the British Empire. Following then the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1940. After then
Development Aid is mainly related to the US foreign policy based on Truman Doctrine which led to the Marshall
Plan and the Bretton Woods system (the UN system, based on the foundation of World Bank, IMF and the future
WTO).
In 1968, McNamara became the head of the World Bank. He promoted the idea of using funds to meet
individuals‟ basic needs: health, education, water, and sanitation. With this ideology, the vision of a fairer
economic growth based on the reduction of poverty rather than assuming that if there is growth, everyone will
benefit from it. Another important step was the development and enlargement of the then European Community
to the UK and Ireland which raised the issue how to allow the Member States to keep their special relationship
with their former colonies. Therefore, the European Community sets up its own agency in order to promote
Development within the former European colonies. The enlargement to Portugal and Spain in the eighties
increased the need of a development aid policy and practices.
By 2000, the UN adopted the Millennium Development Goals which set eight objectives to achieve by
2015. Furthermore, in 2015, a follow-up has been launched as Sustainable Development Goals which should be
achieved by 2030. The EU adopted both.
Regarding the EU; the first office paper to set objectives within the Union is the treaty of Lisbon in 2009
which aimed to reduce poverty around the world. Moreover, the Union created the European consensus on
development that aims to promote sustainable development in Europe and abroad. The European aid to third and
developing countries consists in a multiannual aid decided in accordance with the European aid and European
External Action Services (EEAS)2. Overall, the EU Member States should provide 0,7% of their GNI to foreign
aid.
1 University of Florence, P.za di San Marco, 4, 50121 Firenze FI, Italy
2The EEAS is the European Union's diplomatic service. It helps the EU's foreign affairs chief – the High Representative for
Foreign Affairs and Security Policy – carry out the Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy-
https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/82/node/82_en

22 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
In pursuing its foreign aid policy, the EU aims to promote human rights, gender equality, democracy, the
rule of law, access to justice and civil society, the Rights of the Child and Indigenous Peoples, protection of the
environment, and the fight against HIV/AIDS.
Nowadays the EU is the largest donor in the world through EUROPEAID and member States ODA (see
figure) but of course the amount of money invested is and should everyday monitored and evaluated by the
European taxpayers. Therefore, in developed countries becomes crucial to raise awareness about Development
Aid through Development Education.
In 1975 UN defined Development Education as “the objective of Development Education (DE) is to
enable people to participate of their community, their nation and the world as a whole. Such participation implies
a critical awareness of local, national and international situations based on an understanding of the social,
economic and political processes. DE is concerned with issues of human rights, dignity, self-reliance and social
justice in both developed and developing countries, it concerned with the causes of under-development and the
promotion of an understanding of what is development, and of the reasons for and ways of achieving a new
international economic and social order. The objectives of DE can be achieved through formal and non-formal
education but, in the formal context in particular, they inevitably imply fundamental educational reforms.”.
The EU defined DE, on its Maastricht declaration of 2002, as “Global Education is education that opens
people‟s eyes and minds to the realities of the world, and awakens them to bring about a world of greater justice,
equity and human rights for all. Global Education is understood to encompass Development Education, Human
Rights Education, Education for Sustainability, Education for Peace and Conflict Prevention and Intercultural
Education, being the global dimensions of Education for Citizenship.”.
The European Confederation of Development and Relief NGOs (Concord) defines DE as “DE is an
active learning process, founded on values of solidarity, equality, inclusion and co-operation. It enables people to
move from basic awareness of international development priorities and sustainable human development, through
understanding of the causes and effects of global issues to personal involvement and informed actions.
Development Education fosters the full participation of all citizens in world-wide poverty eradication, and the
fight against exclusion. It seeks to influence more just and sustainable economic, social, environmental, human
rights based on national and international policies.”.
Finally, the new European consensus on Development (2017) sets the objectives of DE as “The EU and
its Member States will deepen their partnership with CSOs in support of sustainable development. They will
promote an operating space and enabling environments for CSOs, with full public participation, to allow them to
play their roles as independent advocates, implementers and agents of change, in development education and
awareness raising and in monitoring and holding authorities to account. They will support CSO commitments to
effective, transparent, accountable and results-oriented development co-operation.”.
In this article, the question is whether is there any virtual circle based on citizens‟ will on investing on
Development Aid and Humanitarian Aid, planning the investment, monitoring and evaluating the investment and
communicate the results to the European citizens. Therefore, it‟s crucial to verify the will of the European citizens
to support Development Aid based by the fact they are informed and they know what does Development Aid
means and what kind of results are achieved.
This article aims to assess the evolution of the European citizens‟ support to foreign aid over more than
30 years and to assess which aspects may influence their generosity towards developing countries. The hypothesis
is that both individual and country-related factors may influence individuals‟ willing to support foreign aid. This is
an original research and as well as useful given the reduced EU citizen public support to the achievement of both
the EU and UN goals.
This study is based on 21 Eurobarometer surveys led during the 1983 -2019 period; it covers the
European countries, taking into account the endowment of the Union over this period. It is an innovative work
that aims to enrich the existing literature on the subject and to support decision-makers in their choices and policy
orientations. There is no existing study assessing and evaluating seven different parameters on foreign aid and
doing so by taking four decades into account.
The analysis shows evidence that five over seven parameters tested have a significant impact on the
European citizens‟ support to provide aid to developing and third world countries. This study‟s outcomes can be
really useful for policymakers in their decisions and policy on development aid since it indicates which groups of
individuals tend to be frugal; therefore, they could focus their policies more efficiently.

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 23
This paper is organized in five different sections; first, we will take a look at the existing literature review
on this issue. Then we will present the methodology of the research. Then we will get into the details of the data
before going to the results and finally, we will conclude and make some policy recommendations.
Literature review
International aid has become a major issue over the past decades. In order to face and act properly to
nowadays challenges in developing countries international and national organizations have been created. This
increasing complexity creating a need for policy-makers to understand how and in which extent citizens from
Developed countries support foreign aid. As a matter of fact, public view regarding governmental spending is
essential considering that foreign aid is in conflict with the cost supported by the citizens (Fearon 1994; Reiter and
Stam 2002; Schultz 2001; Slantchev 2006; Trager and Vavreck 2011).
Since 1985 Mosley showed that citizens can influence states‟ determination of foreign aid both in terms of
quantity and quality. This is a virtuous circle, indeed citizens‟ support toward foreign aid is also influenced by the
image and trust they can have in the government and in the international institutions - the UN and its agencies
(World Bank, UNDP, UNICEF, WHO, etc), international and National NGOs. According to Brewer et al. (2004)
when citizens think that public money is spent wisely they will be more disposed to support international aid, but
if they feel like the money is spent in an inefficient way they will be more reluctant.
The first parameter which may influence the individual‟s willingness to provide financial aid to developing
countries is age. Generally, younger people are more willing to support International Aid.
On the other hand, a larger number of studies show evidence that women are more generous than men,
despite that there is no consensus regarding gender generosity.
Men and women think and behave differently; they have a different vision on government spending
including on the allocation of international support (Kaufman, 2006). Togeby (1994) shows evidence that women
are more supportive of aid to the developing world. This has been explained by scholars by the fact that women
tend to have a more altruistic nature which influences their preferences on several aspects. This difference can
also be associated with the fact that women are facing gender discrimination which makes them more generous
and more inclined to provide aid (Kelan Lu and Marijke Breuning, 2014).
Pratto et al. (1997) postulate that men and women differ in how much they favor group hierarchy versus
group equality therefore they tend to support policies that prone equality such as international aid. Erin Olsen-
Telles (2013) shows evidence that women's preferences for aid are independent of their political orientation. The
study shows that proportionally, women are always more willing to support foreign aid than military aid no matter
their political orientations, while men will tend to support forceful policy without caring about popular opinion.
Caprioli (2000, 2003, 2004) and Hudson et al. (2009/10) show evidence that women tend to bring more peace to
foreign policy. Therefrom it might be beneficial to support the gender balance among policy-makers (Kelan Lu
and Marijke Breuning, 2014).
Furthermore, women care more about the issues affecting other women and children. This has been
explained by the fact that women‟s and men‟s roles in society have always been distinct and lead to different
approaches regarding what is important or not. Based on Pratto et al., theory (1997) women are more likely to
support policies that aim to help others rather than policies that may hurt other – i.e. military aid.
On the other hand, a few frameworks such as G.E. Bolton, E. Katok (1995), shown that males can be
more generous than women. In this work, gender generosity has been evaluated in a laboratory tank to “dictator
game”. They found evidence that males are relatively more generous than women.
Individuals‟ appetence to generosity is complex; it starts alongside the process of socialization which is
around 3 or 4 years old. During this period, children start to understand and to realize their particularities and
privileges when they are confronted with other people. They understand that they grow in an economic model
and specific culture which differ from others; they discover that in other cultures some things can be different.
From a sociological point of view, we can distinguish three different behaviors: generous, materialists, and
frugal individuals. Frugal individuals are characterized by a willingness to restrain their purchases, where the
generous individuals will tend to share their money and properties with others who might need it most. Finally,
materialist people will try to grow their money and increase their proprieties as status. Furthermore, generosity is
connected to altruism and prosocial behavior, which is far further than just the economical aspect. Then there is
materialism; this mindset consists of individuals who want to become wealthy and increase their proprieties;
Kasser (2002). The prominence of those attitudes evolves over time and cultures, but it isn‟t really impacted by
age. P. Brañas-Garza, Juan C. Cárdenas et al. (2009) studied the determinants of individuals‟ generosity.

24 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
They found no significant results regarding the age variable which shows that age is not important in the
determination of individual proportion to be generous. A good awareness of foreign and international issues, as
well as developing countries, lead to higher support for foreign aid. This is explained by the fact that good
knowledge helps individuals to shape their own opinion and then translate it in a consistent and meaningful
political involvement. Therefore, when individuals get a deeper knowledge about other countries‟ difficulties and
needs, they are likelier to support international aid. Taking this into consideration we should try to know what
determines the audience‟s knowledge about the international situation.
Rich and educated individuals tend to have a better knowledge of politics and international news. This
can be explained by considering political participation as a positional good accessible onlyto highly educated
individuals. The existing “knowledge gap” between social groups may negatively impact individuals willing to
provide aid.
If we pay attention to the way people get information, we can see that the information environment3 is
related to the social group of the individual and varies with social groups. Tichenor, Donohue, and Olien (1970)
show evidence that educated individuals are generally informed through newspapers while less-educated
individuals are informed by media like television. There is also evidence that an increasing amount of information
in society increases everyone‟s knowledge. Thus the information environment has the power to reduce the gap in
knowledge within society - rich/poor and educated/uneducated. As a result of this, a higher level of information
spread in the information environment may help the initially „disadvantaged groups‟ to express their voices in a
better way.
According to P. Brañas-Garza, Juan C. Cárdenas et al. (2009) better educated people are more generous.
They also find out a positive relationship between the level of education and pro-social behavior which explains
why more educated individuals tend to be more willing to support foreign aid.
Since international aid depends on political decisions, it is interesting to get a closer look at the influence
of political preferences on the citizen‟s support for international aid. Studies have shown that political party
affiliation can determine individuals‟ willingness to support International Aid. The first thing to point out is that a
large share of the population believes that foreign aid is an international public good rather than a national public
good. This perception shows that people don‟t feel really concerned about this issue, they tend to think that
development aid isn‟t up to them.
Furthermore, a large number of individuals tend to brush this aside, they are more supportive of
international aid when everything is alright in their own countries. This is explained by the fact that countries‟
macroeconomic situation influences people‟s willingness to provide aid - e.i. European citizens may be less willing
to provide aid during and after the 2008 crisis, or right after the war, etc.
The research found some evidences that social redistribution is closely connected to political parties‟
affiliations. There is a popular idea that left-wing people care more about others than right-wing people. As a
matter of fact, right-wing governments tend to provide lower financial support than left-wing governments. This
is due to the fact that left ideology prone the redistribution because of limited trust in the market, while the right
ideology is more supportive of aid for commercial and political self-interest. Left-wing parties are also likelier to
provide funds for social programs with individuals who share their political ideas. This point is crucial since we are
investigating parameters influencing individuals‟ support social towards financial aid to developing countries.
According to Christopher T. Dawes, Magnus Johannesson, et al (2012) we can divide individuals
supporting social programs into two categories: the first one is the so-called “demand-side” supporting social
programs because they are likely to benefit from it and then there is the “supply-side” which corresponds to the
individuals supporting a high level of taxation because they want to help people in need. The first category
corresponds to individuals interested in social programs, while the second category corresponds to what we can
classify as generous individuals. The study highlight that political values affiliation is not only connected to self-
interest but also to the individuals‟ generosity. Indeed, some people where individuals are ready to give up a part
of their consumptions -disposable income- to be consistent with their political ideas.
Finally, a polarization of the living area according to individuals‟ political ideas has been observed.
Individuals tend to be influenced by their neighbors and by the people they interact with. Furthermore, people like
to live with people having the same political orientation as they do.
3Area or support where individuals access to news

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 25
The willingness to provide aid and more specifically to support international aid is closely connected to
individuals‟ incomes; some researchers suggest that individuals‟ attitudes are determined by their status. This
correlation has been investigated by Hamill, Lodge, and Blake (1985). They find that high-income people have a
higher propensity to take risks encouraging trusting and altruistic behaviors. Chong and Gradstein (2006) study
also show evidence that supports foreign aid increases with income and low incomes individuals tend to be less
generous P. Brañas-Garza, Juan C. Cárdenas et al. (2009). Their study display that rich individuals are more
generous than individuals who need money-results are more significant for men.
Additionally, individuals‟ job occupations are likely to influence their support for foreign aid. It seems that
more qualified jobs tend to bring higher income individuals, therefore, higher qualified persons might be more
willing to provide aid to foreign countries.
One of the parameters determining incomes is the area of living; a larger share of the poor income
population lives in rural areas. Income-gap between rural and urban areas can lead to differences in individuals‟
views regarding government expenses. For those who are in need or lacking money, it is likelier that they would
not support foreign aid because they would prefer being supported by the government. On the other hand, if
individuals are wealthy, they tend to be more generous and supportive of foreign aid.
There are not many existing studies on the income differences between urban and rural areas in Europe,
Johan F.M. Swinnen (2007) provides some insights about urban-rural income differences as well as the evolution
of the incomes over a certain period of time. The study evaluates poverty in urban and rural areas with the
number of rural households with income levels below the international poverty line as an indicator. They find out
that rural income poverty is significantly higher than urban income poverty. They also observed that poverty has
been decreasing in both rural and urban areas since 1998, but rural poverty does not catch-up with the urban
area.
Moreover, poor income individuals have difficulties to afford educational experiences and thus there is a
significant impact on their level of education. The environment has a major impact on students‟ achievements.
Therefore; in addition to facing an income gap compared with individuals living in urban areas, those living in
rural areas tend to experience disparities to access education and information. Because of this, they tend to
provide less generosity toward aid to developing countries than individuals living in urban areas - William L.
Bainbridge and Thomas J. Lasley II (2016).
Finally; Mark Shucksmith, Stuart Cameron, Tanya Merridew, and Florian Pichler (2007), show evidence
that the urban-rural gap is lower in richer European countries than in European countries with lower incomes
(Easter-south countries).
Round and Odedokun (2004) analyzed the correlation existing between country size and their support for
foreign aid. The study displays that large countries could be able to realize economies of scale - regarding the
administrative costs of aid- therefore they are likelier to provide aid to foreign countries. On the other hand,
Bertoli et al. (2008) found evidence large and heterogeneous countries tend to have a smaller social cohesion. As a
result, they are less generous and thus less disposed to redistribute income and foreign aid. Moreover, the
literature on aid showed that the allocation of funds is connected to the colonies. Therefore, countries with
former colonies are likely to provide aid to those colonies (such as Alesina and Dollar 2000 or Alberto Alesina,
David Dollar 1998). Indeed, countries such as Germany, France, and Great-Britain started to provide financial aid
to their former colonies in Africa, Latin America, and Asia by the 1920‟-30‟. Alberto Alesina, David Dollar (1998)
also provides the support that Nordic European countries usually provide aid on ”rational” ground such as the
level on the income of the potential recipient countries while the USA will orient their aid in accordance to
potential Middle East interest and France will provide aid to its former colonies. According to Noël and Thérien
(1995), areas where social spending and redistribution at home are significant, are more likely to be strongly
involved in international development cooperation.
Other studies display that colonial countries natives have a good awareness of the
development/international issues, they tend to be more informed than non-colonial countries about the event in
the world and the difficulties and inequalities they are facing-colonized/not colonized world. This phenomenon
can be explained by the fact that they feel a great responsibility towards those countries.
To conduct this study, we used Eurobarometer data; initiated by Jacques-René Rabier in the EU.
Eurobarometer survey are of two types, the standard one which gather data on main EU issues (EU, monetary
union, environment, energies, cancer, health, poverty, racism, etc) and run two times per year and special ones
such as Development Aid and Humanitarian Aid. The first Eurobarometer survey occurred in 1974. Reports are
used by policy makers, decision makers and opinion makers. Data are mainly used by researchers.

26 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
The methodology of the research
This work aims to evaluate individuals‟ support for developing and third world countries. To do so, we
analysed data at an individual level and over 36 years -from 1983 to 2019. It is based on 21 Eurobarometer
surveys, respectively number n°20, 28, 36, 44.1, 46, 50.1, 58.2, 62.2, 71.2, 73.5, 77.4, 79.4, 82.1, 84.4, 86.3, and 89.3
for the surveys on international aid and the number 65.4, 73.2, 77.1, 83.2 and 91.5 for the surveys that were more
focused on humanitarian aid -see figure n°1.
In our model, the dependent variable corresponds to a question common to all the surveys which is: „Is it
important to help the people in poor countries in Africa, South America, Asia, etc. so that they can develop?‟. The
interviewed individuals had to choose among four possible answers, respectively „very important‟, „important‟, „not
very important‟ or „not important at all‟. To work more easily with this variable, we have chosen to specify it as a
dummy variable taking the value of 1 when individuals are willing to help developing countries and 0 for the
individuals who answered „not very important‟ and „not important at all‟.
This work aims to explain which parameter determines the European citizen‟s support of humanitarian
and international aid. According to the literature review, some parameters can explain EU citizens‟ generosity and
therefore their willingness to aid developing countries. Those parameters are: the individuals‟ gender, age,
education level, their political orientation, as well as their job occupation, area of living, and finally its country of
origin. Therefore, we decided to run this logistic regression:
Y(x)= βgender (i) + βage (i) + βeducation attainment (i) + βpolitical orientation (i) +βjob occupation (i)+βarea (i)+
βcountry (i) +ε(i)
II.1 Hypothesis
Once the explanatory variable of the model as well as the dependent variables were defined, we made
seven hypotheses about it. Those hypotheses are based on the literature review and will be assessed later with the
regression model.
H1: Females are more willing to provide aid than males
H2: Younger people are more likely to provide aid
H3: More educated people are the more willing to provide aid
H4: People matching left ideas are more likely to be sensitive to International Aid
H5: Individuals performing qualified work are more open to International Aid
H6: Individuals living in cities are more likely to support International Aid than the others
H7: European citizens from the South MSs should be more willing to provide aid than others
II.2Description of the Hypothesis
The first hypothesis is related to individuals‟ gender. We assume that women should be relatively more
inclined than men to provide aid to third and developing countries. Despite the absence of consensus among the
scientific community regarding gender generosity, we have chosen to set this hypothesis taking into account that
there are more studies providing evidence that women are more generous than men.
We specified this variable as a dummy one, therefore if the logistic regression coefficient is higher than 1
it would mean that men are more supportive of foreign aid than women. In that case, we would reject our
hypothesis that women tend to be more generous than men. If on the contrary, the coefficient is lower than 1, it
would mean that our hypothesis is correct and that women are more altruistic than men (see annex n°5).
Regarding the age variable, we assume that the older the European citizens are, the less they would be
inclined to provide aid. Indeed, we assume that younger people tend to be more world-oriented and altruistic than
older one. To that extent, if we observe that age-2 and age-3 categories have a high odd ratio while the other age
categories have a lower odd ratio, our hypothesis would be verified (see annexn°5).
Considering the educational attainment aspect, we assume that highly educated individuals will be more
inclined to provide aid to third-country. Indeed, the support of individuals towards international aid is closely
related to their knowledge about those countries -which is correlated to the educational level.

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 27
Following our hypothesis, less educated individuals should have a low odd ratio. Moreover, we expect to
observe an increase in the odds ratio for better-educated individuals. If this phenomenon is observed, our
hypothesis regarding the impact of the education level on the support for international aid will be accepted. On
the contrary, if we observe the opposite phenomenon, the hypothesis will be rejected (see annexn°5).
Regarding the political orientation, left-oriented individuals are known to support social policies, which
increases their likelihood to encourage international aid. Our hypothesis sets that individuals who identify
themselves as right-oriented should be less supportive of international aid. We expect to see different trends
according to the political parties. The left-oriented individuals should have the highest odds ratio, the centre-
oriented odd ratios around 1 and finally, right-oriented individuals should have odds ratios below 1. If this is
observed, it will mean that our hypothesis is verified. If the opposite results are observed it means that our
hypothesis is wrong. Therefore, we would have to reject it (see annex n°5).
Jb occupation variable is highly correlated to the educational variable and income one. Therefore, it‟s
crucial to avoid autocorrelation effect within these three variables. Indeed, the analysis of the effect of educational
attainment, income and job occupation on the willing to support International are taken into account separately.
Thus, the hypothesis is that less qualified workers are less supportive of international aid than highly-qualified
workers. If the coefficient for the highly qualified job is higher than 1 and smaller for less qualified jobs and
unemployed individuals; it would mean that our hypothesis regarding job occupation is verified. If the opposite
results are observed it would mean that our hypothesis on job occupation is wrong, thus individuals working in
less qualified jobs are less likely to support developing countries than individuals working in more qualified jobs
(see annex n°5).
Place oflivingtake into account ifpeople living in rural areas should be less supportive of aid than people
living in cities and metropolitan areas. In accordance to the literature, living in cities tend to have higher incomes
and thus better access to knowledge which increases the probability that they are supportive of foreign aid
policies. If the results show that the rural-area category has a low coefficient and urban-area one has a higher odd
ratio, it would mean the results match the hypothesis. Therefore, setting that individuals who live in small-towns
are less supportive of financial aid for developing countries than individuals living in bigger cities. If the results
differ from this, it would mean that the hypothesis regarding the area of living is not correct and that individuals
living in small cities are more likely to provide aid than individuals living in bigger cities (see annex n°5).
Finally, the country variable analysis whether, according to the literature, EU citizens from the South and
East of the EU should be more willing to provide aid than other EU-citizens. indeed, Northern-countries should
be more frugal since they have a homogeneous population that didn‟t have any colonies. On the other hand,
France and Southern countries share a history with colonies. Thus they are used to provide funds to their former
colonies -which correspond to the currently developing countries. Furthermore, the existing literature review
displays that citizens from colonial countries feel indebted towards their former colonies. If we observe that
indeed the coefficient of Southern and Eastern countries is high and positive and that the coefficient of other
countries is below 1 it means that our hypothesis is verified. Therefore, we would accept the hypothesis regarding
the countries variable. If on the contrary, the results are different from this, it would mean that our hypothesis is
not correct and we cannot accept it -see annex n°5.
The data has been analysed using a logistical model.
Description of the data
Taking into account the analysis and the results, we decided to present the results in a manner that it
allows to be more comprehensive by qualitative experts as well as -see Figure 2.
The first explanatory variable is gender.In all the questionnaires, individual were asked if they are male or
female. In order to use this variable in the regression and for easier analysis, we will treat it as a dummy variable
which takes 0 if it is a female and 1 if it is a male. As you can see in annex 1, the gender repartition in the surveys
is quite homogenous. There is always a little bit more females than males because the surveys aim to introduce a
representative sample of the Union. Indeed, there are more women than men in the European Union.
The second explanatory variable we decided to look at in order to explain what may influence the
willingness of individuals to provide aid to developing countries is the age of the individual. We defined the
individuals‟ ages in six categories, one category corresponding to a decade -see figure below. Then, we decided to
add the educational attainment as the explanatory variable. This variable has been specified in four different
categories describing the level of education of European citizens. The first category is “Primary education” which
corresponds to the individuals who got an education from 6 to 11 years old. The second classification is called
“Secondary education”, this corresponds to the individuals who stopped going to school between 12 and 16 years

28 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
old. Then we have “High school”, which corresponds to the individuals who got an education up to high school
this corresponds to the individuals who went the high school until they were 17 to 19 years old. Finally, we have
the last category which is called “Higher education”; this corresponds to the individuals who went to university
and obtained a college degree.
As you can see in the annex 2, it is interesting to observe the evolution of the educational level of
European citizens over the years. Notice that that the proportion of individuals who obtained a college degree is
more consistent in 2019 -16,040/26,731= 60%- than in 1976 -2,036/8,353= 24%. This significant increase of
individuals with a college degree should be taken into consideration for the analysis in order to find out if
European citizens increase their willingness to provide aid.
The political orientation variablewas classified from 1 to 10- see annex n°3- with 1 corresponding to a
left-oriented individual and 10 right. We decided to specify this variable, this way, people who answered 1 and 2
are categorized as “Left”, those who said 3 and 4 correspond to “Middle left”; those who answered 5 and 6
corresponds to the “Centre”; 7 and 8 are “Middle right” and finally 9 and 10 corresponds to “Right” oriented
individuals. The repartition of individuals according to their political orientation is quite constant over time -annex
n° 4.
Regarding job occupation; we have chosen to add the job occupation variable with the C-14 classification.
But since this classification didn‟t exist until 1991 we have decided to use the available data for those surveys. In
this C-14 job classification4, we have the “Self-employed” category which corresponds to the farmer, fishermen,
professional -lower, etc.-, owner of shops, and business professionals. The second category is the “Managers”; it
includes employed professionals, general management, and middle management. The “Other white collars”
include employed positions, office workers, and employed position at traveling. Another category is the “House
person” which corresponds to people who don‟t have a job occupation and who are in charge of the house,
grocery, cleaning, etc. Then there is the “Unemployed” category, for people who don‟t have an occupation but
who are looking for one. Also, the “Retired” amount of old individuals who don‟t work anymore. And finally,
there is the “Students’” category which corresponds to all the individuals who are still studying.
The area of living has been divided into 3 categories; rural area/ villages; small and middle town, and
finally large towns. Information are based on the questionnaire provided by the Eurobarometer and the definition
of villages, small town as well as large town is left to the interviewed individual. Due to this, there might be some
wrong answers; furthermore, it is possible that the definition of a big city differs both within a nation and across
Europe. To this extent, we must be careful when analysing this variable and keep in mind the subjectivity of the
answer.
Finally, we added as explanatory variable the country of residence of the interviewed. It is important to
point out that this study is covering a large period over which the Union has enlarged; therefore, the number of
countries in the analysis has evolved. We have included seven categories of countries. The first one is “France”.
We have chosen to treat this country individually because it is a particular one, between continental and southern
countries. The second one is the “British EU” which is composed of Ireland and the UK. Then we have
“Scandinavians countries”; which includes Sweden, Denmark, Finland, and Iceland -in only one survey. Another
category is “South countries”. This category includes Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Croatia, and Malta. Then we
have “Continental countries” which include the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, and Austria. The sixth category
is “Eastern countries”, with Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia,
Slovenia, Bulgaria, and Romania. Finally, the last category is “South-East countries”, which corresponds to
Turkey, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Serbia, and Cyprus TCC -present in only one survey.
Main findings
First, the results confirm the appropriateness of the model; in fact, performing a chi2 test, the theoretical
framework is confirmed. Indeed most of our results are significant with a 5% or 1% confidence which means that
the model has been correctly specified. After we have run all the regressions and tested for the significance of the
result we collected the odds ratio data in order to have readable and understandable results translated into a chart -
see below/annex. The first parameter we tested for is the one for gender -figure n°4- which has been specified as
a dummy variable taking the value of 1 for men and 0 for women. According to our results, women tend to be
more generous than men when it comes to providing financial support to developing countries. indeed, if men
were more generous than women, the odds would be greater than one, if men and women were as generous, the
odds would be equal to 1. But the results provided odds below 1 during the analyzed period meaning that women
are more generous than men.
4https://ec.europa.eu/esco/portal/occupation?resetLanguage=true&newLanguage=en

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 29
Additionally, we observe that the gender gap generosity toward international aid is getting bigger over
time.In 1983, odds equal 0.89 while in 2019 they decreased to 0.80. This result shows that over this period of time,
men became 0.10 times less likely to provide international support compared to women. Another interesting
aspect to point out is that during macroeconomic shocks; both men and women get even less inclined to support
international aid. This is visible with the consequent drops in 1993, 2008, 2015 which were three major
macroeconomic shocks.However, this aspect should be further analyzed with an appropriate model in which will
be crucial to add some macroeconomic variables.
Our results are in accordance with the majority of the studies that have been done regarding men‟s and
women‟s generosity. Finally, considering our results for this variable we can accept our first hypothesis that
women tend to be more generous than men regarding international support.
The second parameter we tested is the age variable, with six different categories -see figure n° 5.
According to our hypothesis, we expected to observe young citizens being more supportive of international aid
compared to older European citizens, but this is not what we observed. As you can see in the figure 5; there is no
real trend in the agecategories. We can see that macroeconomic issues impact all individuals‟ support for
international aid no matter which age category they belong to. However, we notice that in 1996 the age 6 category
was the less generous one, with 0.5 times less likely to provide aid compared to the benchmark, while in 2009 this
age category was almost 1.6 times more likely to provide aid compared to the age1 category. This phenomenon is
observed in all the categories, therefore our results indicate that the age variable is not really determinant in EU
citizen‟s support for foreign aid. Therefore, we have to reject our hypothesis regarding the age variable that youth
EU citizens are more willing to provide aid to developing and third countries.
The third variable analyzed is the educational attainment; our results are in line with the work done by
P. Brañas-Garza, Juan C. Cárdenas et al. (2009) stating that more educated individuals tend to be more generous.
Notice that over the analyzed period, the highly educated individuals are always likelier than primary educated
individuals to provide aid -green line/ figure n°6.The high school category is also more willing to provide support
to developing countries on average between 1 to 2.5 times likely to support international aid than “primary
educated” individuals. Finally, individuals with secondary level are more or less as likely to provide aid as primary
educated individuals.
Furthermore; an interesting aspect to notice is that the different trends seem to converge around 1-1.5 for
all the categories: secondary, high-school, higher education. This means that education has an impact, but this
tends to be harmonized over time; this can be due to the fact that over the past decades news have become more
and more accessible with the television for instance. Therefore, it is easier to access national and international
news in 2019 compared to the 1980s. Since the support for international aid depends on individuals‟ knowledge
about the situation in foreign countries; those results may illustrate a decrease in the “knowledge gap” among
educational categories.
Finally, we observe that overall, the willingness to support international aid tends to decrease over time.
Indeed, the likelihood to provide aid decreased significantly for all the categories; from 2.4 in 1983 for the high
school to 1.8 in 2019; 1.6 for high-school to 1.2 in 2019 and from 1.5 in 1994 for secondary to 1 in 2019. Despite
further research are needed on those results however they can be evaluated in two different ways. The first one is
that individuals tend to be less and less altruistic over time. The other possible explanation consists in assessing
that the rise in the amount of money provided to developing countries led to a decrease of interest by the
European citizens to support them, they could consider that the Union has already done enough.
According to the results, it seems that the educational level has a great impact on individuals‟ support to
international aid. Indeed, higher educated individuals are likelier to support international aid than less educated
individuals, therefore the hypothesis that higher educated individuals are more inclined to support foreign aid is
verified; despite the fact that the results tend to converge in the last years.
Another variable we tested is the political orientation of the interviewed and its impact on individuals‟
generosity. This parameter is crucial considering that the international aid provided to developing countries is a
political decisions. Our results are in line with the existing literature review that right parties tend to be more
frugal then left-wing parties -Christopher T. Dawes, Magnus Johannesson, et al (2012). indeed, the results provide
evidence that left-wing individuals tend to be more generous then right-wing individuals.
As you can see in figure n°7, there is a clear trend in accordance with the political parties. Particularly, the
“middle left” category is more willing to provide support compared to the “right parties” individuals. Indeed, in
2002 the right-wing individuals were about 0.4 times likely to support international aid compared to the left-wing
individuals.

30 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
Notice that right-wing individuals tend to be more sensitive to macroeconomic hit; particularly, we can
observe that after the 2008 crisis they were as supportive as left-wing parties to international aid. We can also
notice a small increase in their support with the migrant crisis in 2015. We observe that centrist individuals seem
to be quite sensitive to macroeconomic events, indeed with the 2008 financial crisis they became as supportive of
foreign aid as the left-wing individuals and this is also clear with the migrant crisis, where their likelihood to
support international comes from 0.8 in 2014 to a little bit more than 1 in 2016.
Finally, we didn‟t notice any significant changes in the EU citizen‟s support for international aid over
time. Indeed we can see that individuals -according to their political orientation - were as supportive of
international aid in 2019 as there were in 1983. Overall, we observe that individuals belonging to the right and
middle-right category are less supportive of the international aid compared to the left and middle-left
Regarding the area of living, we observe that from 1983 to 1994 individuals living in small-town tend to
be likelier to provide international support. We can observe in the figure n°8 the blue line is over the red one; then
from 1994 to 2002, we can observe the opposite trend; where individuals living in an urban area tend to be more
willing to provide support compared to individuals living in a rural area - 1.3 times likelier in 1994. Then from
2002 according to our results individuals living in smaller areas became more supportive of international aid, with
the highest probability in 2016 with an odds ratio equal to 1.2. There is no clear trend within the different
categories in this variable. Furthermore, the results are very close to 1 which means that there are no significant
differences in the willingness to support international aid between urban and rural areas. Moreover, the variable
did not provide significant results which means that the impact of this variable in individuals‟ generosity is not
determinant. For all of those reasons, is not possible to accept the hypothesis formulated that individuals living
in big cities are likelier to provide funds than individuals living in a small area.
Regarding the job occupations, we set the hypothesis that individuals in high-skilled job occupations are
likelier to provide aid than individuals who are in lower positions. According to our results, there are three
distinctive trends; on the one hand we have the managers and the students who are likelier to support
international aid and on the other hand we have the professionals, white-collars, house persons, business
professionals. Finally, the last category is composed of manual workers, retired and unemployed- see figure n°10.
We observe that the first category is highly supportive of international aid, they are on average 1.5 times
likelier to support this kind of policy compared to the self-employed; while the second job category is as
supportive of international aid as the self-employed -add ratio around 1. Finally, the last job category is the less
supportive. This is confirmed by the results, in fact, most of the time the odds ratios are below one for those job
occupations.
According to those results, it seems that the job occupation has a significant impact on the individual‟s
willingness to support international aid which is in line with Hamill, Lodge, and Blake‟s (1985) work. Indeed, our
findings show three different trends according to individuals working position where the more supportive
individuals correspond to the more qualified/high-skilled jobs and the category less supportive correspond to the
individuals with low-skilled occupations.
We can point out that students‟ willingness to support international aid reaches the maximum with the
migrant crisis. Considering that students who are educated have a good knowledge of the international news this
increasing their willingness to provide support can be easily connected to their knowledge of other countries‟
needs. On the other hand, we notice that professionals and white collars will to support International aid tended
to be impacted in a greater extent by the 2008 crisis. In fact; before the crisis, they were as generous as self-
employed individuals; with the crisis, we can observe a tendency where they become less supportive of
international aid, on average 0.5 times less than the benchmark. This result is in line with Chong and Gradstein‟s
(2006) work, stating that the willingness to support international aid evolved with respect to individuals‟
conditions.
Finally, regarding the country category, we observe that British-EU and southern EU countries are the
most willing to support aid, while France, continental countries, and Scandinavian countries are less willing to
prove aid.
In Figure n° 11 there are two distinct trends, the first one includes South countries, British-EU and
Scandinavian countries. The other one includes France, Continental countries, Eastern-countries. It clearly
appears that the first category of countries is more supportive of international aid. 2004, Southern countries were
6 times more willing to provide financial support than the other countries, while the same year continental
countries were twice less supportive of international aid. However, another country category; continental countries
is showing more reticence to support developing and third countries.

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 31
We can also analyze the results over time; indeed, those findings seems to be confirmed until the 2008
financial crisis when all the countries seem to converge. From 2009 we do not observe differentiated trends in the
countries willing to support international aid within all the countries odd ratios converging in between 1 and 2.
Considering these results, we will accept our hypothesis that EU citizens coming from southern countries
are more supportive of international aid than other countries.
In conclusion, the results provide a deeper understanding of the determinant of European citizen‟s
support for international aid. The model provided significant results and five out seven hypotheses have been
confirmed by the data. The study provides evidence that the gender, education, political orientation, job
occupation and country of residence are determinant in EU citizens willingness to support international aid.
Furthermore, the results reveals a correlation between the amount-quality of information individuals get
regarding the global news and particularly third and developing countries and their support for international aid.
Therefore, individuals need more and reliable information. Indeed, the study reveals that more educated
individuals and students, as well as highly-qualified individuals, tend to be more willing to provide financial
support for international aid and this without any link with the political party they belong to, nor the area they live
in. This category of individuals also corresponds to the individuals who are the most informed about international
news.
We‟ve also given evidence that age does not influence individuals‟ decisions to support or not
international aid; this is really important for the policymaker. Indeed, when they will inform the individuals about
the situation in developing and third countries, they will have to do it in a uniform way among all the ages
categories. However, age such as some other aspects of the analysis need further improvement of the model.
Particularly, it might be needed a pooled analysis to analyze in-depth the between and within impacts of the
analysis and/or there might needed more robust test analysis.
Conclusion
This study aims try to shed some lights on the determinants of EU citizens‟ support for international aid.
To do this, we worked on 21 Eurobarometer surveys. We assessed the European citizens‟ generosity over 36 years
and according to seven parameters: gender, age, education level, political orientation, job occupation, area of
living, and the country of origin.
This study provides good and significant results. In fact, among the seven hypothesis we formulated
initially five of them have been accepted. We observe that the results do not vary significantly with the variables:
for instance, highly educated individuals were more inclined to provide international aid 36 years ago and they still
are the most supportive of it in 2019. These same trends can be observed over the years and, this in all the
variables that were analysed. This is an important issue, which will be discussed later on in the recommendation
part.
Some useful recommendations for further researches to get a better picture of the context, it would be
worth taking into account some external determinants such as GDP, income per capita, and migration flows in
the EU. Another interesting aspect that may be taken into consideration for future research is the birth rate in the
European countries. In fact, some existing work displays that having children may positively impact individuals‟
generosityPratto et al., theory (1997). Finally, it would be recommendable to go towards a pooled analysis in order
to obtain more accurate results.
According to the literature review in the additional information provided in this study, some useful
recommendations may be given to policy makers, decision makers and opinion makers on Development
Education.
The first thing that became obvious with this study is that the more the individuals are informed about
the situation in developing and third-world countries, the likelier they are to provide international aid. Andreas
Fuchs, Axel Dreher, and Peter Nunnenkamp (2012) show that the countries willing to support foreign aid depend
on their perception of the needs of the receiving country. To that extent, there might be a need for more
transparency from the organization and policy-makers regarding the use of taxpayer money for the developing
countries‟ needs and how the European funds are allocated to those countries. Therefore, EU citizens might be
more willing to provide aid. Indeed, we highlighted that better educated and individuals with higher incomes -
who have better access to knowledge - tend to be more inclined to provide international aid than less educated
and low-income individuals. Additionally, it has been shown that, in general, citizens appreciate knowing what is
done with the public money. When they have a better idea of the government and institutions‟ actions, they are
more truthful. To that extent, we propose that the competent organisation increases the flow of information to
targeted groups of individuals. For instance, about International Aid, mi ght be: why? what? how? how much? To

32 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
which countries, which target groups and at which aim. More transparency would increase EU citizens‟ trust in
international and European organizations. Additionally, with more information about the situation in developing
and third world countries, they should be more supportive of international and humanitarian aid.
Then the question is how should we increase the awareness of international and European actions in the
world? Based on the existing literature, it seems that less-educated individuals get informed through the TV thus
increasing information campaigns-advocacy on TV should help reaching the targeted individuals.
Another aspect that might be exploited is to show to far-right-oriented individuals that the EU may
benefit from supporting those countries from the social and economic point of view. Furthermore, it seems that
the decision to support development aid by the EU-Nordic member States citizens is a rational decision -based on
country indicators- Alberto Alesina, David Dollar (1998). Therefore,a campaign of information or advocacy
should differ across the union according to the cultural differences.
Overall, this study displays the need to increase the altruistic vision across the EU, eventually, this aspect
could become part of the European Identity.
References
Christopher T. Dawes, Magnus Johannesson, et al “Generosity and Political Preferences”, Recherche institute
of Industrial Economics 2012 IFN Working Paper No. 941, 2012.
Andreas Fuchs a, Axel Dreher b and Peter Nunnenkamp, (2012), “Determinants of Donor Generosity: A Survey
of the Aid Budget Literature”; Kiel Working Paper No. 1789| August 2012.
ALESINA, Alberto et DOLLAR, David. Who gives foreign aid to whom and why?. Journal of economic growth, 2000,
vol. 5, no 1, p. 33-63.
Dbk.gesis.org. n.d. Datenbestandskatalog - Gruppenbeschreibung. [online] Available at:
<https://dbk.gesis.org/dbksearch/gdesc2.asp?no=0008&search=&search2=&db=e&tab=0&notabs=&
nf=1&af=&ll=10> [Accessed 17 July 2020]
Fuchs, Andreas & Dreher, Axel &Nunnenkamp, Peter, 2014. "Determinants of Donor Generosity: A Survey of
the Aid Budget Literature," World Development, Elsevier, vol. 56(C), pages 172-199.
Jeffery I. Round,MatthewOdedokun (2004), “Aid effort and its determinants”,International Review of Economics &
FinanceVolume 13, Issue 3, 2004, Pages 293-309.
BERTOLI, Simone, CORNIA, G., et MANARESI, Francesco. Aid effort and its determinants: A comparison of
the Italian performance with other OECD donors (Dipartimento di ScienzeEconomiche Working Paper
N. 11/2008). University of Florence, Italy. Find this resource, 2008.
THÉRIEN, Jean-Philippe et NOEL, Alain. Political parties and foreign aid. American political science review, 2000, p.
151-162.
Phillips, K., 2013. The History Of Foreign Aid. [online] ABC Radio National. Available at:
<https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/rearvision/the-history-of-foreign-aid/5162100>
[Accessed 17 July 2020]
Papademetriou, T., 2011. Regulation Of Foreign Aid: European Union | Law Library Of Congress. [online] Loc.gov.
Available at: <https://www.loc.gov/law/help/foreign-aid/eu.php> [Accessed 17 July 2020]
United Nations. n.d. United Nations | Peace, Dignity And Equality <BR> On A Healthy Planet. [online] Available at:
<https://www.un.org/en/> [Accessed 17 July 2020]
LU, Kelan et BREUNING, Marijke. Gender and generosity: does women's representation affect development
cooperation?. Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2014, vol. 2, no 3, p. 313-330.
DAWES, Christopher T., JOHANNESSON, Magnus, LINDQVIST, Erik, et al. Generosity and political
preferences. 2012.
FUCHS, Andreas, DREHER, Axel, et NUNNENKAMP, Peter. Determinants of donor generosity: A survey of
the aid budget literature. World Development, 2014, vol. 56, p. 172-199.
KASSER, Tim. Frugality, generosity, and materialism in children and adolescents. In : What do children need to
flourish?. Springer, Boston, MA, 2005. p. 357-373.
PAXTON, Pamela et KNACK, Stephen. Individual and country-level factors affecting support for foreign aid.
International Political Science Review, 2012, vol. 33, no 2, p. 171-192.
GRADSTEIN, Mark, CHONG, Alberto E., et al.Who's Afraid of Foreign Aid?: The Donors' Perspective. Inter-American
Development Bank, 2011.
MOSLEY, Paul. The political economy of foreign aid: A model of the market for a public good. Economic
Development and Cultural Change, 1985, vol. 33, no 2, p. 373-393.
OLSEN-TELLES, Erin. Foreign Aid Voting in Congress: Does Gender Matter. In : Annual Conference of the
Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL (April 11-14). 2013.

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 33
BOLTON, Gary E. et KATOK, Elena. An experimental test for gender differences in beneficent behavior.
Economics Letters, 1995, vol. 48, no 3-4, p. 287-292.
JERIT, Jennifer, BARABAS, Jason, et BOLSEN, Toby. Citizens, knowledge, and the information environment.
American Journal of Political Science, 2006, vol. 50, no 2, p. 266-282.
BRAÑAS-GARZA, Pablo, CARDENAS, Juan-Camilo, et ROSSI, Máximo. Gender, education and reciprocal
generosity: Evidence from 1,500 experiment subjects. Available at SSRN 1473962, 2009.
MACOURS, Karen et SWINNEN, Johan FM. Rural–urban poverty differences in transition countries. World
Development, 2008, vol. 36, no 11, p. 2170-2187.
BAINBRIDGE, William L. et LASLEY, Thomas J. Demographics, diversity, and K-12 accountability: The
challenge of closing the achievement gap. Education and Urban Society, 2002, vol. 34, no 4, p. 422-437.
SHUCKSMITH, Mark, CAMERON, Stuart, MERRIDEW, Tanya, et al. Urban–rural differences in quality of life
across the European Union. RegionalStudies, 2009, vol. 43, no 10, p. 1275-1289.
Annex:
Figure n° 1: Presentation of the surveys

34 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
Figure n°2: Illustration of the variables specifications
Figure n° 3: Table of the age category for the regression
Data on the dependent variable percentage
Data on age, qualification and countries are needed.

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 35
Figure n°4: of the willingness to provide international support according to the gender.
Figure n° 5: Evaluation of the generosity according to the age variable
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
Gender
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
1.6
1.8
Age
Age 2
Age 3
Age 4
Age5
Age 6
Benchmark

36 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
Figure n°6: results of the education level
Figure n°7 : political parties influence on individuals support to international aid
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
4.5
5
Education Attainment
Secondary
High school
Higher education
Benchmark
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
1.6
Political parties
Middle Left
Center
Middle Right
Right
Benchmark
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
Area
Small/middle town
Large town
Benchmark

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 37
Figure n°8 : Results of the model regarding the area variable
Figure n° 9 : job categories per skill level.
Figure n° 10: Results of the model regarding the job occupation variable.
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
Job Occupation
Professional
Business
Manual workers
White collar
Manager
Retired
House personne
Student
Unemployed
Benchmark

38 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
Figure n°11: Results of the regression regarding the countries variable
Annex n°1: Gender repartition, we need as well as the percentage values
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Country
BritishEU
Contcountry
Scandinvian
Southcountry
Easterncountry
France
Secountry

Mathilde Fouere and Paolo Sospiro 39
Annex n°2: Repartition according to the education level
Annex n°3: Question regarding the political orientation
Annex n°4: Frequency of political orientation in the different surveys

40 Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy, Volume 8, Number 2, December 2020
Annex n°5: Summary of the expected results